If I were younger, I should not be sending you a letter, but should myself take ship and converse with you there; but inasmuch as it so happens that the fruitful period of my life and that of your own affairs have not coincided—since I am already spent with years, and with you it is the high time for action—I shall try to disclose to you my views about the situation as well as I can in the circumstances. [2]

I know, to be sure, that when men essay to give advice, it is far preferable that they should come in person rather than send a letter, not only because it is easier to discuss the same matters face to face than to give their views by letter, nor yet because all men give greater credence to the spoken rather than to the written word, since they listen to the former as to practical advice and to the latter as to an artistic composition1; [3] but also, in addition to these reasons, in personal converse, if anything that is said is either not understood or not believed, the one who is presenting the arguments, being present, can come to the rescue in either case; but when written missives are used and any such misconception arises, there is no one to correct it,2 for since the writer is not at hand, the defender is lacking. Nevertheless, since you are to be the judge in this matter, I have great hope that I shall prove to be saying something of value, as I think you will disregard all the difficulties just mentioned and will direct your attention to the matters themselves. [4]

And yet, certain persons who have been admitted to your presence have attempted to frighten me, saying that while you honor flatterers, you despise those who offer you advice. If I had believed their words, I should have remained quiet; but as it is, no one could persuade me that it is possible that a man should so surpass others in both judgement and action, unless he has become a learner, a listener, and a discoverer, and has drawn to himself and collected from every possible source those means which will enable him to exercise his own intellectual ability. [5]

It was for these reasons, then, that I have been moved to write you. I intend to speak to you about important matters, matters about which no living person may more fittingly hear than you. And do not think that I am earnestly urging you in this way that you may become a listener to a rhetorical composition; for I am not, as it happens, in a mood to seek glory through rhetorical show-pieces, nor am I unaware that you on your part are sated with such offerings. [6] Furthermore, one thing is evident to all, that while our public festivals offer fitting occasions to those who want to make an oratorical display （for there, in the presence of the greatest numbers, they may spread the fame of their eloquence abroad）, yet those who wish to bring some serious thing to pass should address the man who is likely most promptly to accomplish in deed that which the word has proposed.3 [7] No, if I were offering advice to some particular state, I should address its leading men, but since I have determined to give counsel looking to the salvation of all Hellenes, to whom could I more appropriately address myself than to him who is the foremost of our race4 and the possessor of the greatest power?5 [8] In truth, it will be seen that not inopportunely I make mention of these matters. For when the Lacedaemonians were in power, it was not easy for you to take upon yourself the responsibility for the affairs in our region, nor to oppose the Lacedaemonians and at the same time fight the Carthaginians. But now, when the Lacedaemonians are in such a plight that they are content if they can remain in possession of their own land, and when our city would gladly join with you as ally in any struggle that you should care to make in behalf of the welfare of Greece, how could there befall a more favorable opportunity than that which now presents itself to you? [9]

Do not think it strange6 that I, who am not an orator who moves public assemblies, nor a leader of armies, nor otherwise a man of power, am undertaking so difficult an affair and am attempting two of the most serious things—to speak on behalf of Greece and at the same time to give counsel to you. For at the beginning of my career I stood aloof from participation in public affairs （the reasons for this would be tedious to relate）,7 but of that culture which contemns the petty things and attempts to achieve the great things I should not be found to be entirely destitute. [10] Consequently, it would not be surprising if I should be better able to see something to our advantage than those whose public life has been but guesswork, though they have acquired great renown. And so, without further delay, but from what will presently be said, I shall make it clear whether I really am worth listening to. . .

1 In connection with this, Isoc. 5.25-26 should be read.

2 Cf. Plat. Phaedrus 275e

3 Cf. Isoc. 5.12-13, for the same sentiment.

4 This statement seems to indicate that the spirit of universal Hellenism was growing.

5 But in Isoc. 5.65, Isocrates, in scathing language, disparages Dionysius.

6 For these sentiments see Isoc. 5.81, where Isocrates specifically refers to this letter.

7 Isocrates states that a weak voice and a lack of assurance prevented him from entering upon a public career. These abilities are frequently mentioned by the writer, e.g., Isoc. 12.9-10; Isoc. Letter 8.7 （οὔτε γὰρ φωνὴν ἔσχον ἱκανὴν οὔτε τόλμαν）; Isoc. 5.81; cf. General Introd., Vol. I, p. xix.

I know that all men are accustomed to be more grateful to those who praise them than to those who give them counsel,1 especially if one offers his advice unbidden. And if I had not on a former occasion2 given you with most kindly intent such counsel as I believed would lead to a course of action worthy of one in your position, perhaps even now I should not be undertaking to declare my view concerning what I has happened to you. [2] But since I then did decide to concern myself your affairs, in the interests of my own state and of the other Greeks as well, I should be ashamed if, when comparatively unimportant things were the issue, I am known to have offered you advice, yet now I should have nothing to say concerning more urgent matters, particularly since I realize that in the former case your reputation alone was at stake, whereas at present it is your personal safety, which you have been thought to esteem too lightly by all who heard the abusive reproaches directed against you. [3] In truth there is no one who has not condemned you as being more reckless in assuming risks than is becoming to a king, and as caring more for men's praise of your courage than for the general welfare. For it is equally disgraceful, when your enemies threaten on every side, not to prove yourself superior to all the rest, and, when no urgent need has arisen, to hurl yourself into combats of such a kind that, if you succeeded, you would have accomplished nothing of importance, but if you lost your life, you would have destroyed all your present good fortune.3 [4] Not every death in war must be regarded as honorable; on the contrary, although when death is incurred for fatherland, for parents, and for children it is worthy of praise,4 yet when it brings harm to all of these and tarnishes the brilliance of past successes, it should be thought disgraceful and should be avoided as being the cause of great discredit. [5] I think that you would profitably imitate the fashion in which our city-states conduct the business of warfare. They all are accustomed, when they send forth an army, to take measures to secure the safety of the government and of the authority which is to decide what is to be done in the emergency. In consequence, if a single mischance befalls, their power is not also wholly destroyed; on the contrary, they can sustain many misfortunes and again recover their strength. [6] This principle you too should take into consideration, and consider no blessing more important than your safety, in order that you may not only duly make use of the victories which may be yours but also may rectify the mischances that may befall you. You might observe that the Lacedaemonians also are extremely solicitous for the safety of their kings,5 and appoint the most distinguished of the citizens as their bodyguards, and that for them it is a greater disgrace to suffer the kings to meet death than to throw away their shields. [7] And surely you are not unaware of what happened to Xerxes when he wished to enslave the Greeks and to Cyrus when he laid claim to the kingdom. Thus Xerxes, although he had suffered defeats and calamities of such magnitude the like of which have never been known to befall other kings, because he preserved his life, not only retained his throne and handed it over to his children, but also so administered Asia that it was no less formidable to the Greeks than before. [8] Cyrus, however, after he had conquered all the military might of the king, would have gained mastery of the throne had it not been for his rashness,6 which caused him not only to forfeit that mighty empire, but brought his followers into extreme danger. And I could mention very many men who, becoming commanders of great armies, because they were slain before they need have died, brought destruction at the same time upon countless numbers of their followers. [9]

Bearing these examples in mind, you should not honor that courage which accompanies heedless folly and unseasonable ambition, nor, when so many hazards which are inherent in monarchy are at hand, should you devise for yourself still others that bring no glory and belong to the common soldier; nor should you vie with those who wish to escape from an unhappy existence or who rashly incur danger in the hope of a higher wage; [10] nor should you desire such glory as many, both Greeks and barbarians, obtain, but rather that exalted renown which you alone of living men could win. Nor should you be enamored of such virtues as even ignoble men share, but only of those of which no base person may partake; [11] nor wage inglorious and difficult wars when honorable and easy ones are possible, nor those which will cause grief and anxiety to your closest friends and arouse great hope in your enemies, as even now you have done. Nay, as to the barbarians with whom you are now waging war, it will suffice you to gain the mastery over them only so far as to secure the safety of your own territory, but the king who is now called Great you will attempt to overthrow, that you may both enhance your own renown and may point out to the Greek world who the enemy is against whom they should wage war.7 [12]

I should have greatly preferred to send you this letter before your campaign in order that, had you heeded my advice, you might not have incurred so great danger, or if you had rejected it, I should not now seem to be advising that same caution which has already, because of the wound you received, been approved by all; but, instead, your misfortune would be bearing witness to the truth of what I had said about the matter. [13]

Although I have much more to say, because of the nature of the subject, I will cease; for I think that you and the ablest8 of your companions will readily add as much as you wish to what I have said. Besides, I fear my advice may be inopportune; for even now I have unawares gradually drifted beyond9 the due proportions of a letter and run into a lengthy discourse. [14]

Nevertheless, although this is the case, I must not omit discussion of the affairs of the city of Athens; on the contrary, I must try to urge you to cultivate friendly relations and intimacy with her. For I think there are many who report to you and tell you not only the most disparaging of the things said of you among us, but also add their own inventions; but it is not reasonable for you to pay any attention to these persons. [15] For you would in fact be acting inconsistently if you should find fault with our people for lending a ready ear to your calumniators, but yourself should be found giving credence to those who practise this art and should not perceive that the more easily influenced by nobodies such persons declare our city to be, the better suited to your ends they prove it. For if those who are powerless to be of any service to Athens can accomplish by words alone what they wish, surely it is right to expect that you, who are able in very deed to confer upon her the greatest benefits, would not fail to gain from us anything whatever. [16]

To the bitter accusers of our city I think I should place in contrast those who say that the very opposite is true, that is, those who assert that she has done no wrong at all, whether great or small. For my part, I would not make any such claim; for I should be ashamed if, while men in general do not regard even the gods as blameless, I should dare to affirm that our city had never transgressed at all.10 [17] Nevertheless, this I can say of Athens—that you could not find a city more useful to all the Greeks and to your enterprises; and to this fact you should give your special attention. For not only as your ally would she bring about many advantages to you, but even if she merely was believed to be on friendly terms with you. [18] For you might then more easily keep in subjection those who are now under your sway, if they should have no refuge, and of the barbarians you could more quickly conquer any you should wish. Yet is there any reason why you should not eagerly grasp at a relationship of goodwill such that you will hold securely not only your present dominion, but also without risk acquire another great one? [19] I marvel that so many who maintain great forces hire mercenary armies and expend so much money on them, although they know that such help has been the cause of greater injury than of salvation to those who relied upon them, and have made no effort to gain the friendship of a city which possesses such power that it has ere now often saved every Hellenic state and indeed all Greece.11 [20] Consider, too, that to many you appear to have been well advised because your treatment of the Thessalians12 has been just and advantageous to them, although they are a people not easy to handle, but high-spirited and seditious. You should, therefore, endeavor to show yourself equally prudent towards us also, knowing as you do that, while the Thessalians have the territory next to you, it is we who are next to you in strength and influence, and that is what you should seek in every way to win for yourself. [21] For it is a much greater glory to capture the goodwill of cities than their walls13; for achievements like the latter not only engender ill-will, but men attribute the credit for them to your armies; yet if you are able to win friendships and goodwill, all will praise the wisdom shown by you. [22]

You may well believe me in what I have said concerning Athens; for you will find that I have not been accustomed to flatter her in my discourses; on the contrary, more than anyone else I have censured her14; nor am I highly esteemed by the masses or by those who form their opinions offhand, but, like yourself, I am misunderstood and disliked by them. But we are dissimilar in this, that they are thus disposed toward you because of your power and prosperity, but toward me because I lay claim to a wisdom greater than their own, and they see that more people wish to converse with me than with themselves. [23] I could wish that it were equally easy for us both to dispel the prejudice in which we are held by these; but as it is, you will put an end to it without difficulty if you wish, but I must be content with the standing I now have because of my old age and for many other reasons. [24]

I know not what more I need to say, except this only—that it will be a fine thing for you to entrust your royal power and your existing prosperity into the keeping of the goodwill of the Hellenic race.

1 Cf. Isoc. Letter 9.6.

2 A reference to the orator's discourse To Philip.

3 The many wounds suffered in battle by Philip are vividly related by Dem. 18.67.

4 The sentiment is a commonplace in early Greek elegiac poetry; cf. the fragments of the verse of Callinus and Tyrtaeus.

5 For this example see Isoc. 8.143 and Isoc. 5.80.

6 Cf. Isoc. 5.90.

7 The Persians are, of course, meant.

8 Cf. Isoc. 5.19 for the same expression.

9 The same nautical figure is found in Isoc. 7.18 and Isoc. 15.268.

10 This statement is repeated in Isoc. 12.64, where Isocrates says of it, “as I have already said in another place.”

11 Cf. Isoc. 5.129, where three examples are given—Marathon, Salamis, and Cnidus.

12 Cf. Isoc. 5.20.

13 For this sentiment cf. Isoc. 5.68.

14 For example, in his Isoc. 8.13-14, and in other sections of that discourse.

I have discussed with Antipater1 the course which is expedient for our city and for you, at sufficient length, I am convinced; but I wished to write to you also regarding the action which I think should be taken after the conclusion of peace, and while this advice is similar to that in my discourse,2 it is, however, expressed much more concisely. [2]

At that time, you recall, I counselled you that, after you had reconciled our city with Sparta, Thebes, and Argos, you should bring all the Greeks into concord, as I was of opinion that if you should persuade the principal cities to be favorably inclined to such a course, the others also would quickly follow. At that time, however, the state of affairs was different, and now it has come to pass that the need of persuasion no longer exists; for on account of the battle3 which has taken place, all are compelled to be prudent and to desire that which they surmise you wish to do and to say, namely, that they must desist from the madness and the spirit of aggrandizement, which they were wont to display in their relations with each other, and must carry the war into Asia. [3] Many inquire of me whether I advised you to make the expedition against the barbarians or whether it was your idea and I concurred. I reply that I do not know for certain, since before then I had not been acquainted with you, but that I supposed that you had reached a decision in this matter and that I in my speech had fallen, with your desires. On hearing this, all entreated me to encourage you and to exhort you to hold fast to this same resolution, since they believe that no achievement could be more glorious, more useful to the Greeks, or more timely than this will be. [4]

If I possessed the same vigor which I formerly had and were not utterly spent with years,4 I should not be speaking with you by letter, but in your presence should myself be spurring and summoning you to undertake these tasks. But even as it is, I do exhort you, as best I can, not to put these matters aside until you bring them to a successful conclusion. To have an insatiate desire for anything else in the world is ignoble—for moderation is generally esteemed—but to set the heart upon a glory that is great and honorable, and never to be satiated with it, befits those men who have far excelled all others.5 And that is true of you. [5] Be assured that a glory unsurpassable and worthy of the deeds you have done in the past will be yours when you shall compel the barbarians—all but those who have fought on your side—to be serfs of the Greeks, and when you shall force the king who is now called Great to do whatever you command. For then will naught be left for you except to become a god.6 And to accomplish all this from your present status is much easier for you than it was for you to advance to the power and renown you now possess from the kingship which you had in the beginning.7 [6]

I am grateful to my old age for this reason alone, because it has prolonged my life to this moment, so that the dreams of my youth, which I attempted to commit to writing both in my Panegyricus8 and in the discourse which was sent to you, I am now seeing in part already coming to fulfillment through your achievements and in part I have hopes of their future realization.9

1 Antipater, to whom Letter 4 is addressed, trusted minister of Philip, had been the Macedonian envoy to Athens for the Peace of Philocrates （346 B.C.） and was again in Athens in connection with peace preliminaries after Chaeronea.

2 To Philip, written in 346 B.C.

3 The battle of Chaeronea, autumn of 338 B.C., where the Athenian army was crushed by the phalanxes of Macedon.

4 Isocrates was 98 years of age at this time and died soon after writing this letter.

5 Cf. Isoc. 5.135.

6 For this extravagant statement cf. To Philip 113-114 and 151.

7 The same statement is found in To Philip 115.

8 The Panegyricus was published in 380 B.C. Isocrates was then 56 years of age, but had begun is composition many years before.

9 See General Introd., Vol. I, p. x.

Although it is dangerous for us here in Athens to send a letter to Macedonia, not only now when we are at war with you,1 but even in time of peace, nevertheless I have decided to write to you concerning Diodotus,2 as I think it only right to esteem highly all those who have been my pupils and who have shown themselves worthy disciples, and not the least among them this man both because of his devotion to me and of the general probity of his character. [2] I wish that if possible I might have been the means of his introduction to you; since, however, he has already met you through the kindness of others, it remains for me to give my testimony concerning him and to strengthen the acquaintance which he already has with you. For although many men of various countries have been my pupils3 and some of these are of great repute, and while of all the others some have proved to be distinguished for eloquence alone, and others in intellect and in practical affairs, and still others have indeed been men of sobriety of life and cultivated tastes, but for general usefulness in the practical affairs of life utterly devoid of natural ability, [3] yet Diodotus has been endowed with a nature so well balanced that in all the attributes I have named he is quite perfect. All this I should not dare to say of him if I did not possess the most precise knowledge of him gained by experience, and if I were not anticipating that you would gain the same, [4] partly through your own association with him and partly from the testimony of his acquaintances, of whom there is no one who would not agree, unless he be exceedingly envious, that Diodotus is inferior to none in eloquence and counsel, and that he is very honest, temperate, and self-controlled in respect to money; nay more, to spend the day with and to live with he is a most charming and agreeable4 companion. In addition to these good qualities he possesses frankness in the highest degree, not that outspokenness which is objectionable, but that which would rightly be regarded as the surest indication of devotion to his friends. [5] This is the sort of frankness which princes, if they have worthy and fitting greatness of soul, honor as being useful, while those whose natural gifts are weaker than the powers they possess take such frankness ill, as if it forced them to act in some degree contrary to their desires—ignorant as they are that those who dare to speak out most fearlessly in opposition to measures in which expediency is the issue are the very persons who can provide them with more power than others to accomplish what they wish. [6] For it stands to reason that it is because of those who always and by choice speak to please that not only monarchies cannot endure—since monarchies are liable to numerous inevitable dangers—but even constitutional governments as well, though they enjoy greater security: whereas it is owing to those who speak with absolute frankness in favor of what is best that many things are preserved even of those which seemed doomed to destruction. For these reasons it is indeed fitting that in the courts of all monarches those who declare the truth should be held in greater esteem than those who, though they aim to gratify in all they say, yet say naught that merits gratitude; in fact, however, the former find less favor with some princes. [7] This experience Diodotus has met with in his relations with some of the potentates of Asia, to whom he had often been of service, not only in offering counsel, but also in venturing upon dangerous deeds; because of his frankness of speech in matters involving their best interests he has been both deprived of honors he had at home and cheated of many hopes elsewhere, and the flattery of men of no consequence had greater weight than his own good services. [8] That, then, is the reason why Diodotus, although from time to time he entertained the thought of presenting himself to you, hesitated to do so, not because he believed that all his superiors were alike, but because the difficulties which he had experienced with these rulers caused him to be rather faint-hearted with reference also to the hopes he placed in you. That feeling was, I fancy, like that of some persons who have been at sea, who when they have once experienced a tempest, no longer with confidence embark upon a voyage, even though they know that one may often meet with a fair sailing. Nevertheless, now that he has met you, he is taking the right course. [9] For I reason that this will be to his advantage, chiefly conjecturing so on the strength of that kindliness which you have been supposed among foreigners to possess; and partly believing you are not unaware that the most agreeable and profitable of all things is to win by one's kind deeds friends who are at the same time both loyal and useful, and to befriend men of such character that on their account many others also will be grateful to you. For all men of discrimination praise and honor those who are on intimate terms with superior men just as much as if they themselves were deriving profit from the services rendered. [10] But I think that Diodotus himself will best induce you to take an interest in him. His son also I have advised to espouse your cause and by putting himself in your hands as a pupil, to try to advance himself. When I gave him this advice he declared that while he craved your friendship, yet he felt toward that very much as he does toward the athletic contests in which crowns are awarded to the victors; [11] victory in them he would gladly win, but to enter the lists to gain them he would not dare, because he had not acquired the strength that would deserve the crowns. Similarly, while he longed to obtain the honors it is yours to bestow, yet he did not expect to attain them; for he is appalled not only by his own inexperience but also by the splendor of your position; furthermore, he believes that his poor body, not being sound but somewhat defective, will impede him in many activities. [12] He will do, however, whatever he thinks expedient; and do you, I beg, whether he resides with you or remains inactive in that region, have a care for everything else which he may chance to need and especially for the personal safety of himself and of his father, considering them to be, as it were, a sacred trust committed to you by my old age, which might fittingly receive much consideration, and by the reputation I possess （if this, to be sure, is worthy of any interest） and by the goodwill which I have never ceased to have for you. [13] And do not be surprised either if the letter I have written is too long, or if in it I have expressed myself in a somewhat too officious way and after the fashion of an old man; for everything else I have neglected and have had thought for this one thing alone—to show my zeal on behalf of men who are my friends and who have become very dear to me.

1 War between Athens and Macedon had recommenced in 340 B.C.

2 This Diodotus is otherwise unknown.

3 For Isocrates' pupils, who became famous, see General Introd., Vol. I, p. xxix, L.C.L. Some of these were the orators Isaeus, Lycurgus, and Hypereides; the historians Ephorus and Theopompus; the philosopher Speusippus; and the statesman and general Timotheus; in Isoc. 15.93-94, Isocrates himself gives a list of his first students.

4 λιγυρός in this sense is unusual; it usually refers to the voice.

Since I am writing to your father I thought I should be acting in a strange manner if, when you are in the same region as he, I should fail either to address you or to send you a greeting, or to write you something calculated to convince any reader that I am now not out of my mind through old age1 and that I do not babble like a fool, but that, on the contrary, the share of intelligence that still is left to me is not unworthy of the ability which as a younger man I possessed. [2]

I hear everyone say of you that you are a friend of mankind, a friend of Athens, and a friend of learning, not foolishly, but in sensible fashion. For they say that the Athenians whom you admit to your presence are not those men who have neglected their higher interests2 and have a lust for base things, but those rather whose constant companionship would not cause you regret and with whom association and partnership would not result in harm or injury to you—just such men, indeed, as should be chosen as associates by the wise. [3] As regards systems of philosophy, they say that while you do not indeed reject eristic,3 but hold that it is valuable in private discussions, you regard it nevertheless as unsuitable for either those who are leaders of the people or for monarchs; for it is not expedient or becoming that those who regard themselves as superior to all others should themselves dispute with their fellow-citizens or suffer anyone else to contradict them. [4]

But this branch of learning, I am told, you are not content with, but you choose rather the training which rhetoric gives, which is of use in the practical affairs of everyday life and aids us when we deliberate concerning public affairs. By means of this study you will come to know how at the present time to form reasonably sound opinions about the future, how not ineptly to instruct your subject peoples what each should do, how to form correct judgements about the right and the just and their opposites and, besides, to reward and chastise each class as it deserves. [5]

You act wisely, therefore, in devoting yourself to these studies; for you give hope to your father and to all the world that if, as you grow older, you hold fast to this course, you will as far surpass your fellow-men in wisdom as your father has surpassed all mankind.4

1 In his later years Isocrates frequently refers to his advanced age. At this time （342 B.C.） he was perhaps 94 years of age.

2 i.e., philosophical studies, in the broad sense.

3 For eristic, “disputation tor its own sake,” see Isoc. 10.6, with note.

4 For Isocrates' views on Education, with numerous references to his writings, see Norlin's General Introd. （Isocrates, Vol. I, pp. xxiii ff., L.C.L.）.

One of our envoys who were sent to you has brought me word that you, summoning him apart from the others, asked whether I could be persuaded to go abroad and reside with you. And I for the sake of my friendship with Jason and Polyalces would gladly come to you; for I think such an association would benefit us all. [2] Many things hinder me, however, especially my inability to travel and that it is unseemly that men of my age should dwell in a foreign land; next, because all who heard of my residence abroad would justly despise me if, having chosen to pass my former life in tranquillity, I should undertake in old age to spend my life abroad, when it would be reasonable for me, even if I had been accustomed to live somewhere else, now to hasten home, since the end of my life is now so near at hand. [3] Moreover, I have fears for Athens, since the truth must be told; for I see that alliances made with her are soon dissolved. So, if anything of that kind should happen between Athens and you, even if I could escape the ensuing accusations and dangers, which would be difficult, yet I should be ashamed if I should be thought by any either to be neglectful of you on account of my city, or on your account to be indifferent to the interests of Athens. For in the absence of a common ground of interest I do not see how I could please both sides. Such, then, are the reasons why I cannot do as I wish. [4]

But I do not think that I should write to you about my own affairs only and be indifferent to yours; on the contrary, just as I would have done had I come to you, I will now try to discuss these same matters to the best of my ability. And pray do not entertain any such notion as that I have written this letter, not on account of your friendship, but for the purpose of making a rhetorical display. For I have not become so demented as not to know that I could not write anything better than my previously published discourses, being now so far past my prime, and that if I produce anything much inferior in merit, I should find my present reputation grievously impaired. [5] Besides, if I were intent upon producing a composition for display instead of having your interest at heart, I should not have chosen of all available subjects that one which is difficult to treat passably well, but I should have found other themes, much nobler and more logical. But the truth is that never at any time have I prided myself on the compositions of the former kind, but rather upon the latter, which most people have disregarded, nor have I undertaken my present theme with that intention, [6] but because I see that your troubles are many and serious and wish to give you my own opinion concerning them. And I think that for the giving of counsel I am in my prime—for men of my age are trained by experience, which enables them to perceive more clearly than the younger men the best course of action—but to speak upon any proposed subject with grace, elegance, and finish is no longer to be expected at my age1; indeed, I shall be content if I discuss these matters in a not altogether negligent fashion. [7]

Do not be surprised if I am found saying something which you have heard before; for one statement I may perhaps chance upon unwittingly, another I may consciously employ, if it is pertinent to the discussion. Certainly I should be foolish if, although I see others using my thoughts, I alone should refrain from employing what I have previously said.2 [8] This is the reason, then, for these introductory words, that the very first precept I shall present is one of those most often repeated. I am accustomed, that is, to tell the students in my school of rhetoric3 that the first question to be considered is—what is the object to be accomplished by the discourse as a whole and by its parts? And when we have discovered this and the matter has been accurately determined, I say that we must seek the rhetorical elements whereby that which we have set out to do may be elaborated and fulfilled. And this procedure I prescribe with reference to discourse, yet it is a principle applicable not only to all other matters, but also to your own affairs. [9] For nothing can be intelligently accomplished unless first, with full forethought, you reason and deliberate how you ought to direct your own future, what mode of life you should choose, what kind of repute you should set your heart upon, and which kind of honors you should be contented with—those freely granted by your fellow-citizens or those wrung from them against their will; and when these principles have been determined, then and only then should your daily actions be considered, in order that they may be in conformity with the original plan. [10] If in this way you seriously search and study, you will take mental aim, as at a mark, at what is expedient for you, and will be the more likely to hit it. And if you have no such plan, but attempt to act in casual fashion, inevitably you will go astray in your purposes and fail in many undertakings. [11]

Perhaps some one of those who choose to live planlessly may attempt to disparage such reasoning and ask that I give my advice forthwith with regard to what has just been said. Hence I must not shrink from declaring my honest opinion about it. To me the life of a private citizen seems preferable and better than that of a king, and I regard the honors received under constitutional governments as more gratifying than those under monarchies.4 It is of these honors I shall endeavor to speak. [12] And yet I am not unaware that I shall have many adversaries, especially among those who are in your circle, because these persons especially, I think, urge you to despotic power; for they do not examine from all sides the real nature of the question, but in many ways deceive themselves. For it is the powers, the profits, and the pleasures that they see in royalty and expect to enjoy them, whereas they fail to observe the disturbances, the fears, and the misfortunes which befall rulers and their friends. Instead they suffer from the same delusion as do men who set their hands to the most disgraceful and lawless deeds. [13] These in fact are not ignorant of the wickedness of their acts, but hope to extract all the profit therein and yet to be exempt from all the dangers and ills which inhere in such acts, and to manage their affairs in such fashion as to keep the perils at a distance and the benefits within easy reach. [14] As for those who have this conception of the matter, I envy them their easy-going philosophy, but I myself should be ashamed if, while offering counsel to others, I should be negligent of their interests and look to my own advantage instead of putting myself altogether beyond the reach of both the personal benefits and all other considerations and advising the best course of action.

Being aware, therefore, that I hold this conviction, I beg you to give me your attention. . . . [Then followed in the letter the practical advice of Isocrates to the future rulers of Thessaly, presumably setting forth the advantages of a government under a constitution, i.e., a limited monarchy.]

1 Cf. Isoc. 5.10.

2 For this apology see Isoc. 15.74 and Isoc. 5.93-94 （with Norlin's note）.

3 Literally “philosophy”; but for the meaning of “philosophy” in Isocrates see the General Introd. to Vol. I, pp. xxvi ff., of Isocrates （L.C.L.）.

4 Isocrates was a firm believer in democracy, but often complains that the Athens of his later life has grievous faults; see General lntrol., Vol. I, p. xxxviii.

Of the friendly relations which exist between your family and me I think you have heard from many sources, and I congratulate you as I receive word, first that you are making use of the princely power you now possess in better and wiser fashion than your father,1 and also, that you choose rather to win good repute than to amass great wealth. In making this your purpose you give no slight indication of virtue, but the very greatest; so that, if you are faithful to your present reputation, you will not lack those who will praise both your wisdom and this choice. [2] I think that the reports which have been noised abroad about your father will also contribute a great deal of credibility to the general opinion of your good judgement and superiority to all others; for most men are wont to praise and honor, not so much the sons of fathers who are of good repute, as those born of harsh and cruel fathers, provided that they show themselves to be similar in no respect to their parents. For any boon which comes to men contrary to reason always gives them greater pleasure than those which duly come to pass in accordance with their expectation. [3]

Bearing this in mind, you should search and study in what fashion, with the aid of whom, and by employing what counsellors you are to repair your city's misfortunes, to spur your citizens on to their labors and to temperate conduct, and to cause them to live more happily and more confidently than in the past; for this is the duty of good and wise kings. [4] Some, disdaining these obligations, look to nothing else save how they may themselves lead lives of the greatest licentiousness and may mistreat and pillage by taxation the best and wealthiest and most sagacious of their subjects, being ill aware that wise men who hold that high office should not, at the cost of injury to all the rest, provide pleasures for themselves, but rather should by their own watchful care make their subjects happier2; [5] nor should they, while being harshly and cruelly disposed toward all, yet be careless of their own safety; on the contrary, their conduct of affairs should be so gentle and so in accordance with the law that no one will venture to plot against them; yet they should rigorously guard their persons as if everybody wished to kill them. For if they should adopt this policy, they would themselves be free from danger and at the same time be highly esteemed by all; blessings greater than these it would be difficult to discover. [6] I have been thinking, as I write, how happily everything has fallen out for you. The wealth which could only have been acquired forcibly and despotically and at the cost of much hatred, has been left to you by your father, but to use it honorably and for the good of mankind has devolved upon you3; and to this task you should devote yourself with great diligence. [7]

These, then, are my views; but this is the application: If your heart is set upon money and greater power and dangers too, through which these possessions are acquired, you must summon other advisers; but if you already have enough of these and wish virtue, fair reputation, and the goodwill of your subjects in general, you should heed my words and emulate those rulers who govern their states well and should endeavor to surpass them. [8]

I hear that Cleommis, who in Methymna holds this royal power, is noble and wise in all his actions, and that so far from putting any of his subjects to death, or exiling them, or confiscating their property, or injuring them in any other respect, he provides great security for his fellow-citizens, and restores the exiles, returning to those who come back their lost possessions, [9] and in each case recompenses the purchasers the price they had paid. In addition, he gives arms to all the citizens, thinking that none will try to revolt from him; but even if any should dare it, he believes that his death after having shown such generosity to the citizens would be preferable to continued existence after becoming the author of the greatest evils to his city. [10]

I should have discussed these matters with you at greater length, and perhaps also in a more attractive style, were I not under the stern necessity of writing the letter in haste. As it is, I will counsel you at a later time if my old age does not prevent; for the present I will speak concerning our personal relations. Autocrator, the bearer of this letter, is my friend; [11] we have been interested in the same pursuits and I have often profited by his skill, and, finally, I have advised him about his visit to you. For all those reasons I would have you use him well and in a manner profitable to us both, and that it may become evident that his needs are being realized in some measure through my efforts. [12] And do not marvel that I am so ready to write to you, though I never made any request of your father Clearchus. For almost all who have sailed hither from your court say that you resemble my best pupils. But as for Clearchus when he visited us, all who met him agreed that he was at that time the most liberal, kindly, and humane of the members of my school; but when he gained his power he seemed to change in disposition so greatly that all who had previously known him marvelled. [13] For these reasons I was estranged from him; but you I esteem and I should highly value your friendly disposition toward myself. And you yourself will soon make it clear if you reciprocate my regard; for you will be considerate of Autocrator, and send me a letter renewing our former friendship and hospitality. Farewell; if you wish anything from here, write.

1 The rule of Clearchus （tyrant of Heracleia on the Euxine）, father of Timotheus, had been extremely cruel.

2 Cf. Isoc. 8.91 for the same sentiment.

3 Cf. Isoc. 9.25 for a somewhat similar passage.

The sons of Aphareus,1 my grandsons, who were instructed in music by Agenor,2 have asked me to write to you and beg that, since you have restored some of the other exiles, you will also allow Agenor, his father, and his brothers to return home. When I told them that I feared I should appear ridiculous and meddlesome in seeking so great a favor from men with whom I have never before spoken or been acquainted, they, upon hearing my reply, were all the more insistent. [2] And when they could obtain nothing of what they hoped, they clearly showed to all that they were displeased and sorely disappointed. So when I saw that they were unduly distressed I finally promised to write the letter and send it to you. That I may not justly seem foolish and irksome I make this explanation. [3]

I think you have been well advised both in becoming reconciled to your fellow-citizens and, while trying to reduce the number of exiles, in increasing that of the participants in public life and also in imitating Athens3 in handling the sedition. You are especially deserving of praise because you are restoring their property to the exiles who return; for thus you show and make clear to all that you had expelled them, not because you coveted the property of others, but because you feared for the welfare of the city. [4] Nevertheless, even if you had adopted none of the measures, and had received back no one of the exiles, the restoration of these individuals is to your advantage, I think; for it is disgraceful that while your city is universally acknowledged to be most devoted to music and the most notable artists in that field have been born among you,4 yet he who is the foremost authority of living men in that branch of culture is an exile from such a city; and that while all other Greeks confer citizenship upon men who are distinguished in any of the noble pursuits, even though they are foreigners, yet you suffer those who are both famous among the other Greeks and share in your own racial origin to live abroad in exile. [5] I marvel that so many cities judge those who excel in the athletic contests to be worthy of greater rewards than those who, by painstaking thought and endeavor, discover some useful thing,5 and that they do not see at a glance that while the faculties of strength and speed naturally perish with the body, yet the arts and sciences abide for eternity, giving benefit to those who cultivate them. [6] Intelligent men, therefore, bearing in mind these considerations, should esteem most highly, first those who administer well and justly the affairs of their own city, and, second, those who are able to contribute to its honor and glory; for all the world uses such men as examples and all their fellow-citizens are judged to be of like excellence. [7]

But perhaps someone may object, saying that those who wish to obtain a favor should not merely praise the thing, but should also show that they themselves would be justly entitled to that for which they petition. But here is the situation. It is true that I have abstained from political activity and from practising oratory: for my voice was inadequate and I lacked assurance.6 I have not been altogether useless, however, and without repute; on the contrary, you will find that I have been the counsellor and coadjutor of those who have chosen to speak well of you and of our other allies, and that I have myself composed more discourses on behalf of the freedom and independence of the Greeks7 than all those together who have worn smooth the floor of our platforms. [8] For this you would justly be grateful to me in the highest degree; for you constantly and earnestly desire such a settled policy. And I think that, if Conon and Timotheus were still alive, and Diophantus8 had returned from Asia, they would have supported me most enthusiastically, since they would wish that I might obtain all I request. On this topic I do not know what more I need say; for there is no one among you so young or so forgetful as not to know the benefactions of those great men. [9]

But I think that you would arrive at the best decision as to this matter if you should consider who your petitioner is and for what men the favor is asked. For you will find that I have had the most intimate relations with those who have been the authors of the greatest benefits to both you and the other allies, and that while those for whom I intercede are men of such character as to give no offence to their elders and to those in governmental authority, to the younger men they furnish agreeable and useful occupation that befits those of their age. [10]

Do not wonder that I have written this letter with considerable warmth and at some length; for I desire to accomplish two things: not only to do our children a favor, but also to make it clear to them that even if they do not become orators in the Assembly or generals, but merely imitate my manner of life, they will not lead neglected lives among the Greeks. One thing more—if it should seem best to you to grant any of these requests, let Agenor and his brothers understand that it is owing in some measure to me that they are obtaining what they desire.

1 Aphareus, son of the sophist Hippias and the son-in-law and adoptive son of Isocrates, was a tragic poet of some distinction.

2 Agenor and his school were well known as musicians before Aristoxenus.

3 A reference to the moderation of the Athenian democracy in 4O3 B.C.

4 e.g., Terpander, Alcaeus, and Sappho.

5 For this same complaint see Isoc. 4.1-2, note, and Isoc. 15.250.

6 See Isoc. Letter 1.9 （with note）.

7 See General Introd., Vol. I, p. xxxii, L.C.L., for the sympathies of Isocrates, which embraced all Hellas.

8 To The Rulers Of The Mytilenaeans

Since I know, Archidamus,1 that many persons are eager to sing the praises of you, your father, and your family, I have chosen to leave to them that topic, since it would be a very easy one to treat. I myself, however, intend to exhort you to feats of generalship and military campaigns which are in no respect similar to those which are impending now, but, on the contrary, are such as will make you the author of great benefits, not only to your own state, but also to all the Greek world. [2] This is the choice of subject I have made, although I am not unaware which of the two discourses is the easier to deal with; nay, I know perfectly well that to discover actions which are noble, great, and advantageous is difficult and given to few men, whereas to praise your virtues I should have found an easy task. For there would have been no need of deriving from my own resources all that was to be said about them, but in your own past achievements I should have found topics for treatment so many and of such a kind that the eulogies pronounced upon other men would not have rivalled in the slightest degree the praise that I should have lavished upon you. [3] For how could anyone have surpassed in nobility of birth the descendants of Heracles2 and Zeus—and all men know that to your family alone confessedly belongs this honor—or in valor the founders of the Dorian cities in the Peloponnese who occupied that land, or in the multitude of the perilous deeds and the trophies erected as a result of your leadership and rule? [4] Who would lack material if he wished to recount in full the tale of the courage of your entire state, and of its moderation, and its constitution established by your ancestors? How long a story would be needed to tell of your father's wisdom, of his handling of affairs in adversity, and of that battle in Sparta3 in which you, leading a few against many, exposed yourself to danger, and, surpassing all, proved to be the author of your city's salvation—a deed than which no man could point to one more glorious! [5] For neither capture of cities nor slaughter of a multitude of the enemy is so great and so sublime as the saving of one's fatherland from perils so dire—and no ordinary fatherland, but one so greatly distinguished for its valor. Any man who should relate these achievements, not in polished style, but simply, and without stylistic embellishment, merely telling the tale of them and speaking in random fashion, could not fail to win renown. [6]

Now I might have spoken passably about even these matters, since I knew, in the first place, that it is easier to treat copiously in cursory fashion occurrences of the past than intelligently to discuss the future and, in the second place, that all men are more grateful to those who praise them than to those who advise them4—for the former they approve as being well—disposed, but the latter, [7] if the advice comes unbidden, they look upon as officious—nevertheless, although I was already fully aware of all these considerations, I have refrained from topics which would surely be flattering and now I propose to speak of such matters as no one else would dare to discuss, because I believe that those who make pretensions to fairness and practical wisdom should choose, not the easiest subjects, but the most arduous, nor yet those which are the sweetest to the ears of the listeners, but such as will avail to benefit, not only their own states, but also all the other Greeks. And such is the subject, in fact, to which I have fixed my attention at the present time. [8]

I marvel also at those men who have ability in action or in speech that it has never occurred to them seriously to take to heart the conditions which affect all Greeks alike, or even to feel pity for the evil plight of Hellas, so shameful and dreadful, no part of which now remains that is not teeming full of war, uprisings, slaughter, and evils innumerable.5 The greatest share of these ills is the lot of the dwellers along the seaboard of Asia, whom by the treaty6 we have delivered one and all into the hands, not only of the barbarians, but also of those Greeks who, though they share our speech, yet adhere to the ways of the barbarians. [9] These renegades, if we had any sense, we should not be permitting to come together into bands or, led by any chance leaders, to form armed contingents, composed of roving forces more numerous and powerful than are the troops of our own citizen forces. These armies do damage to only a small part of the domain of the king of Persia, but every Hellenic city they enter they utterly destroy, killing some, driving others into exile, and robbing still others of their possessions7; [10] furthermore, they treat with indignity children and women, and not only dishonor the most beautiful women, but from the others they strip off the clothing which they wear on their persons, so that those who even when fully clothed were not to be seen by strangers, are beheld naked by many men; and some women, clad in rags, are seen wandering in destitution from lack of the bare necessities of life.8 [11]

With regard to this unhappy situation, which has now obtained for a long time, not one of the cities which lays claim to the leadership of the Hellenes has shown indignation, nor has any of its leading men been wroth, except your father. For Agesilaus alone of all whom we know unceasingly to the end longed to liberate the Greeks and to wage war against the barbarians. Nevertheless, even he erred in one respect. [12] And do not be surprised if I, in my communication to you, mention matters in which his judgement was at fault; for I am accustomed always to speak with the utmost frankness and I should prefer to be disliked for having justly censured than to win favor through having given unmerited praise. [13] My view, then, is as follows: Agesilaus, who had won distinction in all other fields, and had shown himself to be in the highest degree self-controlled, just, and statesmanlike, conceived two strong desires, each of them taken by itself seeming admirable, but being incompatible and incapable of achievement at the same time. For he wished not only to wage war on the Persian king but also to restore to their respective cities his friends who were in exile and to establish them as masters of affairs.9 [14] The result, therefore, of his exertions on behalf of his friends was that the Greeks were involved in misfortunes and in fighting, and on account of the confusion which prevailed here had not the leisure nor yet the strength to wage war against the barbarians. So, in consequence of the conditions which were at that time not recognized, it is easy to perceive that men of good counsel should not wage war against the king of Persia until someone shall have first reconciled the Greeks with each other and have made us cease from our madness and contentiousness. On these topics I have spoken before and now I intend to discuss them. [15]

And yet certain persons who, although they have no share at all in learning, yet profess to be able to teach everybody else, and although they dare to find fault with my efforts, yet are eager to imitate them, will perhaps call it madness for me to concern myself with the misfortunes of Greece, as if Greece would be either better or worse off as a result of words of mine! Justly, however, would all men condemn these persons as guilty of great cowardice and meanness of spirit, for while they make pretence to serious intellectual interests, they pride themselves on petty things and consistently show malice and envy against those who have the ability to give counsel concerning matters of the greatest importance. [16] These men, then, in their endeavor to give aid and comfort to their own weaknesses and indolence, will perhaps speak in such fashion. I for my part, however, pride myself so greatly on my ability that, even though I am now eighty years of age and altogether worn out, I think it is especially fitting to speak my mind on these matters, and also that I have been well advised in directing my appeal to you, and that it may well be that from my counsel some of the necessary measures will be taken. [17]

And I believe that if the rest of the Greek world also should be called upon to choose from all mankind both the man who by his eloquence would best be able to summon the Greeks to the expedition against the barbarians, and also the leader who would be likely most quickly to bring to fulfillment the measures recognized as expedient, they would choose no others but you and me. Yet surely we should be acting disgracefully, should we not, if we should neglect these duties in which our honor is involved, should all men regard us as worthy of them? [18] My part, it is true, is the smaller; for to declare what one thinks is usually not so very difficult. But for you it is fitting, giving attention to all that I have said, to deliberate upon the question whether you should shrink from the conduct of the affairs of Hellas—you, whose noble lineage I have a little while ago described, leader of the Lacedaemonians, addressed by the name King, and a man who enjoys the greatest renown of all the Hellenes—or, disdaining the matters you now have in hand, you should put your hand to greater undertakings. [19]

I for my part say that, disregarding everything else, you should give your attention to these two tasks—to rid the Hellenes from their wars and from all the other miseries with which they are now afflicted, and to put a stop to the insolence of the barbarians and to their possession of wealth beyond their due. That these things are practicable and expedient for you, for your city, and for all the Hellenes at large, it is now my task to explain. . . .[The conclusion is missing]

1 For Archidamus see Introduction to this letter and Isocrates' discourse Isoc. 6.

2 The Spartan kings claimed descent from Heracles, the son of Zeus and Alcmena; cf. Isoc. 4.62 and Isoc. 6.8.

3 In 362 B.C. the troops of Epaminondas, the Theban general, were routed by Archidamus with 100 hoplites; cf. Xen. Hell. 7.5.9.

4 Cf. Isoc. Letter 2.1.

5 For this same complaint see Isoc. 4.170-171.

6 The Peace of Antalcidas, 387 B.C.

7 See Introd. to Isoc. 4, Vol. I, p. 117; cf. Isoc. 4.167-168.

8 See Introd. to Isoc. 4, Vol. I, p. 117; cf. Isoc. 4.167-168.

9 This same explanation is given in Isoc. 5.87.