—How Philip, son of Amyntas, succeeded to the Macedonian throne (chaps. 1-2). —How he defeated Argaeus, pretender to the throne (chap. 3). —How, having subdued the Illyrians and the Paeonians, he acquired the empire of his fathers (chap. 4). —On the pusillanimity of Dionysius the Younger and the flight of Dion (chaps. 5-6). —The founding of Tauromenium in Sicily (chap. 7.1). —Events in Euboea and in the course of the Social War (chap. 7.2-end). —Siege of Amphipolis by Philip and its capture (chap. 8.1-2). —How Philip, having reduced to slavery the people of Pydna, developed the gold mines (chap. 8.3-end). —How Dion, having liberated the Syracusans, defeated Dionysius (chaps. 9-15). —How, after being expelled from his native land, he again got control of Syracuse (chaps 16-20). —Conclusion of the Social War (chaps. 21-22.2). —Combination of three kings against Philip (chap. 22.3). —How Philomelus the Phocian, having seized Delphi and its oracle, kindled the Sacred War (chaps. 23-25). —On the original discovery of the oracle (chap. 26). —The defeat and death of Philomelus the Phocian (chaps. 27-31). —Onomarchus' succession to the command and his preparations for war (chaps. 32-33). —How the Boeotians, having come to the assistance of Artabazus, defeated the satraps of the Great King (chap. 34.1-2). —How the Athenians, having gained the mastery of the Chersonesus, colonized it (chap. 34.3-4). —How Philip, having captured Methone, razed it (chap. 34.4-end). —How Philip, having defeated the Phocians, drove them from Thessaly (chap. 35.1). —How Onomarchus the Phocian, having defeated Philip in two battles, brought him into extreme peril (chap. 35.2). —How Onomarchus, having defeated the Boeotians, seized Coroneia (chap. 35.3). —How Onomarchus, in a pitched battle with Philip and the Thessalians in Thessaly, was defeated (chap. 35.4-5). —How Onomarchus himself was hanged and the rest of his faction were drowned in the sea as temple-robbers (chap. 35.6). —How Phayllus, having succeeded to the command, coined into money many of the silver and gold dedications at the shrine (chap. 36.1). —How, having raised the rate of pay, he gathered a multitude of mercenaries (chap. 36). —How he raised the fortunes of the Phocians when they were at their lowest ebb (chap. 37.1). —How, by corrupting the cities and their chief men with bribes, he won many allies (chap. 37.2-3). —How the tyrants of the Pheraeans, having betrayed Pherae to Philip, became allies of the Phocians (chap. 37.3). —Battle of the Phocians with the Boeotians near Orchomenus and defeat of the Phocians (chap. 37.4-5). —Other battles of the same peoples by the Cephisus and Coroneia and victory of the Boeotians (chap. 37.5-6). —How Phayllus, having made an expedition into Locris, captured many cities (chap. 38.1-5). —How Phayllus, having fallen ill of a wasting sickness, died a painful death (chap. 38.6). —How Phalaecus, having succeeded to the command, conducted the war disgracefully, and was driven into exile (chaps. 38.6-end and 59). —How the peoples of the Peloponnese broke out in civil strife (chap. 39). —How Artaxerxes, commonly called Ochus, again got possession of Egypt, Phoenicia, and Cyprus (chaps. 40-52.8). —How Philip, having won the Chalcidian cities to his side, razed their most important one (chaps. 52.9-55). —Investigation of the expenditure of the sacred monies and punishment of the pillagers (chaps. 56-57). —How those who took refuge at the shrine of Apollo, Phocians all, five hundred in number, were miraculously to the last man burned to death (chap. 58). —How the Phocian war was concluded (chaps. 59-60). —How those who had participated with the Phocians in the pillaging of the shrine were all punished by some sort of divine agency (chaps. 61-64). —The voyage of Timoleon to Sicily and his fortunes up to his death (chaps. 65-90 passim). —The siege of Perinthus and Byzantium by Philip (chaps. 74-77). —Philip's battle with the Athenians at Chaeroneia and the defeat of the Athenians (chaps. 84-88). —How the Greeks chose Philip as their generalissimo (chap. 89). —How Philip was assassinated as he was about to cross into Asia (chaps. 91-95).

In all systematic historical treatises it behooves the historian to include in his books actions of states or of kings which are complete in themselves from beginning to end; for in this manner I conceive history to be most easy to remember and most intelligible to the reader. [2] Now incomplete actions, the conclusion of which is unconnected with the beginning, interrupt the interest of the curious reader, whereas if the actions embrace a continuity of development culminating naturally, the narrative of events will achieve a well-rounded perfection. Whenever the natural pattern of events itself harmonizes with the task of the historian, from that point on he must not deviate at all from this principle.1 [3] Consequently, now that I have reached the actions of Philip son of Amyntas, I shall endeavour to include the deeds performed by this king within the compass of the present Book. For Philip was king over the Macedonians for twenty-four years, and having started from the most insignificant beginnings built up his kingdom to be the greatest of the dominions in Europe, and having taken over Macedonia when she was a slave to the Illyrians, made her mistress of many powerful tribes and states. [4] And it was by his own valour that he took over the supremacy of all Hellas with the consent of the states, which voluntarily subordinated themselves to his authority. Having subdued in war the men who had been plundering the shrine at Delphi and having brought aid to the oracle, he won a seat in the Amphictyonic Council, and because of his reverence for the gods received as his prize in the contest, after the defeat of the Phocians, the votes which had been theirs. [5] Then when he had conquered in war Illyrians, Paeonians, Thracians, Scythians, and all the peoples in the vicinity of these, he planned to overthrow the Persian kingdom, and, after transporting his armaments into Asia, was in the act of liberating the Greek cities; but, cut short by Fate in mid-career, he left armies so numerous and powerful that his son Alexander had no need to apply for allies in his attempt to overthrow the Persian supremacy.2 [6] And these deeds he accomplished, not by the favour of Fortune, but by his own valour. For King Philip excelled in shrewdness in the art of war, courage, and brilliance of personality. But, not to anticipate his achievements in my introduction, I shall proceed to the continuous thread of the narrative after first briefly retracing his early period. 3

When Callimedes was archon at Athens, the one hundred fifth celebration of the Olympian games was held at which Porus of Cyrene won the stadion race, and the Romans elected as consuls Gnaeus Genucius and Lucius Aemilius. During their term of office Philip, the son of Amyntas and father of Alexander who defeated the Persians in war, succeeded to the Macedonian throne in the following manner. [2] After Amyntas had been defeated by the Illyrians4 and forced to pay tribute to his conquerors, the Illyrians, who had taken Philip, the youngest son of Amyntas, as a hostage, placed him in the care of the Thebans.5 They in turn entrusted the lad to the father of Epameinondas and directed him both to keep careful watch over his ward and to superintend his upbringing and education. [3] Since Epameinondas had as his instructor a philosopher of the Pythagorean school,6 Philip, who was reared along with him, acquired a wide acquaintance with the Pythagorean philosophy. Inasmuch as both students showed natural ability and diligence they proved to be superior in deeds of valour. Of the two, Epameinondas underwent the most rigorous tests and battles, and invested his fatherland almost miraculously with the leadership of Hellas, while Philip, availing himself of the same initial training, achieved no less fame than Epameinondas. [4] For after the death of Amyntas, Alexander,7 the eldest of the sons of Amyntas, succeeded to the throne. But Ptolemy of Alorus8 assassinated him and succeeded to the throne and then in similar fashion Perdiccas9 disposed of him and ruled as king. But when he was defeated in a great battle by the Illyrians10 and fell in the action, Philip his brother, who had escaped from his detention as a hostage, succeeded to the kingdom,11 now in a bad way. [5] For the Macedonians had lost more than four thousand men in the battle, and the remainder, panic-stricken, had become exceedingly afraid of the Illyrian armies and had lost heart for continuing the war. [6] About the same time the Paeonians, who lived near Macedonia, began to pillage their territory, showing contempt for the Macedonians, and the Illyrians began to assemble large armies and prepare for an invasion of Macedonia, while a certain Pausanias,12 who was related to the royal line of Macedon, was planning with the aid of the Thracian king13 to join the contest for the throne of Macedon. Similarly, the Athenians too, being hostile to Philip, were endeavouring to restore Argaeus14 to the throne and had dispatched Mantias as general with three thousand hoplites and a considerable naval force.

The Macedonians because of the disaster sustained in the battle and the magnitude of the dangers pressing upon them were in the greatest perplexity. Yet even so, with such fears and dangers threatening them, Philip was not panic-stricken by the magnitude of the expected perils, but, bringing together the Macedonians in a series of assemblies and exhorting them with eloquent speeches to be men, he built up their morale, and, having improved the organization of his forces and equipped the men suitably with weapons15 of war, he held constant manoeuvres of the men under arms and competitive drills. [2] Indeed he devised the compact order and the equipment of the phalanx, imitating the close order fighting with overlapping shields of the warriors at Troy,16 and was the first to organize the Macedonian phalanx. [3] He was courteous in his intercourse with men and sought to win over the multitudes by his gifts and his promises to the fullest loyalty, and endeavoured to counteract by clever moves the crowd of impending dangers. For instance, when he observed that the Athenians were centring all their ambition upon recovering Amphipolis and for this reason were trying to bring Argaeus back to the throne, he voluntarily withdrew from the city, after first making it autonomous.17 [4] Then he sent an embassy to the Paeonians, and by corrupting some with gifts and persuading others by generous promises he made an agreement with them to maintain peace for the present. In similar fashion he prevented the return of Pausanias by winning over with gifts the king18 who was on the point of attempting his restoration. [5] Mantias, the Athenian general, who had sailed into Methone,19 stayed behind there himself but sent Argaeus with his mercenaries to Aegae.20 And Argaeus approached the city and invited the population of Aegae to welcome his return and become the founders of his own kingship. [6] When no one paid any attention to him, he turned back to Methone, but Philip, who suddenly appeared with his soldiers, engaged him in battle, slew many of his mercenaries, and released under a truce21 the rest, who had fled for refuge to a certain hill, after he had first obtained from them the exiles, whom they delivered to him.

Now Philip by his success in this first battle encouraged the Macedonians to meet the succeeding contests with greater temerity. [7] While these things were going on, the Thasians settled the place called Crenides,22 which the king afterward named Philippi for himself and made a populous settlement. [8]

Among the writers of history Theopompus of Chios23 began his history of Philip at this point and composed fifty-eight books, of which five are lost. 24

When Eucharistus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Quintus Servilius and Quintus Genucius. During their term of office Philip sent ambassadors to Athens and persuaded the assembly to make peace with him on the ground that he abandoned for all time any claim to Amphipolis.25 [2] Now that he was relieved of the war with the Athenians and had information that the king of the Paeonians, Agis, was dead, he conceived that he had the opportunity to attack the Paeonians. Accordingly, having conducted an expedition into Paeonia and defeated the barbarians in a battle, he compelled the tribe to acknowledge allegiance to the Macedonians. [3] And since the Illyrians were still left as enemies, he was ambitious to defeat them in war also. So, having quickly called an assembly and exhorted his soldiers for the war in a fitting speech, he led an expedition into the Illyrian territory, having no less than ten thousand foot-soldiers and six hundred horsemen. [4] Bardylis,26 the king of the Illyrians, having learned of the presence of the enemy, first dispatched envoys to arrange for a cessation of hostilities on the condition that both sides remained possessed of the cities which they then controlled. But when Philip said that he indeed desired peace but would not, however, concur in that proposal unless the Illyrians should withdraw from all the Macedonian cities, the envoys returned without having accomplished their purpose, and Bardylis, relying upon his previous victories and the gallant conduct of the Illyrians, came out to meet the enemy with his army; and he had ten thousand picked infantry soldiers and about five hundred cavalry. [5] When the armies approached each other and with a great outcry clashed in the battle, Philip, commanding the right wing, which consisted of the flower of the Macedonians serving under him, ordered his cavalry to ride past the ranks of the barbarians and attack them on the flank, while he himself falling on the enemy in a frontal assault began a bitter combat.27 [6] But the Illyrians, forming themselves into a square, courageously entered the fray. And at first for a long while the battle was evenly poised because of the exceeding gallantry displayed on both sides, and as many were slain and still more wounded, the fortune of battle vacillated first one way then the other, being constantly swayed by the valorous deeds of the combatants; but later as the horsemen pressed on from the flank and rear and Philip with the flower of his troops fought with true heroism, the mass of the Illyrians was compelled to take hastily to flight. [7] When the pursuit had been kept up for a considerable distance and many had been slain in their flight, Philip recalled the Macedonians with the trumpet and erecting a trophy of victory buried his own dead, while the Illyrians, having sent ambassadors and withdrawn from all the Macedonian cities, obtained peace. But more than seven thousand Illyrians were slain in this battle.

Since we have finished with the affairs of Macedonia and Illyria, we shall now turn to events of a different kind. In Sicily Dionysius the Younger, tyrant of the Syracusans, who had succeeded to the realm28 in the period preceding this but was indolent and much inferior to his father, pretended because of his lack of enterprise to be peacefully inclined and mild of disposition.29 [2] Accordingly, since he had inherited the war with the Carthaginians,30 he made peace with them and likewise pursued war listlessly for some time against the Lucanians31 and then, in the latest battles having had the advantage, he gladly brought to a close the war against them. [3] In Apulia he founded two cities because he wished to make safe for navigators the passage across the Ionian Sea; for the barbarians who dwelt along the coast were accustomed to put out in numerous pirate ships and render the whole shore along the Adriatic Sea unsafe for merchants. [4] Thereafter, having given himself over to a peaceful existence, he relieved the soldiers of their drills in warfare and though he had succeeded to the greatest of the realms in Europe, the tyranny that was said by his father to be bound fast by adamantine chains,32 yet, strange to say, he lost it all by his pusillanimity. The causes for its dissolution and the various events I shall attempt to record. 33

When Cephisodotus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Gaius Licinius and Gaius Sulpicius. During their term of office Dion, son of Hipparinus and the most distinguished of the Syracusans, escaped from Sicily34 and by his nobility of spirit set free the Syracusans and the other Sicilian Greeks in the following manner. [2] Dionysius the Elder had begotten children of two wives, of the first, who was a Locrian by birth, Dionysius, who succeeded to the tyranny, and of the second, who was the daughter of Hipparinus, a Syracusan of great renown, two sons Hipparinus and Nysaeus. [3] It chanced that the brother of the second wife was Dion, a man who had great proficiency in philosophy35 and, in the matter of courage and skill in the art of war, far surpassed the other Syracusans of his time. [4] Dion, because of his high birth and nobility of spirit, fell under suspicion with the tyrant, for he was considered powerful enough to overthrow the tyranny. So, fearing him, Dionysius decided to get him out of the way by arresting him on a charge involving the death penalty. But Dion, becoming aware of this, was at first concealed in the homes of some of his friends, and then escaped from Sicily to the Peloponnese in the company of his brother Megacles and of Heracleides who had been appointed commandant of the garrison by the tyrant. [5] When he landed at Corinth, he besought the Corinthians36 to collaborate with him in setting free the Syracusans, and he himself began to gather mercenary troops and to collect suits of armour.37 Soon many gave ear to his pleas and he gradually accumulated large supplies of armour and many mercenaries,38 then, hiring two merchantmen, he loaded on board arms and men, while he himself with these transports sailed from Zacynthus, which is near Cephallenia, to Sicily, but he left Heracleides behind to bring up later some triremes as well as merchantmen to Syracuse.

While these things were going on, Andromachus of Tauromenium,39 who was the father of Timaeus, the author of the Histories, and distinguished for his wealth and nobility of spirit, gathered together the men who had survived the razing of Naxos by Dionysius. Having settled the hill above Naxos called Tauros and remained there a considerable time, he called it Tauromenium from his “remaining on Tauros.”40 And as the city made quick progress, the inhabitants laid up great wealth, and the city, which had won considerable repute, finally in our own lifetime, after Caesar41 had expelled the inhabitants of Tauromenium from their native land, received a colony of Roman citizens. [2]

While these things were going on, the inhabitants of Euboea fell into strife among themselves, and when one party summoned the Boeotians to its assistance and the other the Athenians, war broke out over all Euboea. A good many close combats and skirmishes occurred in which sometimes the Thebans were superior and sometimes the Athenians carried off the victory. Although no important pitched battle was fought to a finish, yet when the island had been devastated by the intestinal warfare and many men had been slain on both sides, at long last admonished by the disasters, the parties came to an agreement and made peace with one another.42

Now the Boeotians returned home and remained quiet, [3] but the Athenians, who had suffered the revolt of Chios, Rhodes, and Cos and, moreover, of Byzantium, became involved in the war called the Social War which lasted three years.43 The Athenians chose Chares and Chabrias as generals and dispatched them with an army. The two generals on sailing into Chios found that allies had arrived to assist the Chians from Byzantium, Rhodes, and Cos, and also from Mausolus,44 the tyrant of Caria. They then drew up their forces and began to besiege the city both by land and by sea. Now Chares, who commanded the infantry force, advanced against the walls by land and began a struggle with the enemy who poured out on him from the city; but Chabrias, sailing up to the harbour, fought a severe naval engagement and was worsted when his ship was shattered by a ramming attack. [4] While the men on the other ships withdrew in the nick of time and saved their lives, he, choosing death with glory instead of defeat, fought on for his ship and died of his wounds.45

About the same time Philip, king of the Macedonians, who had been victorious over the Illyrians46 in a great battle and had made subject all the people who dwelt there as far as the lake called Lychnitis,47 now returned to Macedonia, having arranged a noteworthy peace with the Illyrians and won great acclaim among the Macedonians for the successes due to his valour. [2] Thereupon, finding that the people of Amphipolis48 were ill-disposed toward him and offered many pretexts for war, he entered upon a campaign against them with a considerable force. By bringing siege-engines against the walls49 and launching severe and continuous assaults, he succeeded in breaching a portion of the wall with his battering rams, whereupon, having entered the city through the breach and struck down many of his opponents, he obtained the mastery of the city and exiled those who were disaffected toward him, but treated the rest considerately.50 [3] Since this city was favourably situated with regard to Thrace and the neighbouring regions, it contributed greatly to the aggrandizement of Philip. Indeed he immediately reduced Pydna,51 and made an alliance with the Olynthians52 in the terms of which he agreed to take over for them Potidaea, a city which the Olynthians had set their hearts on possessing. [4] Since the Olynthians inhabited an important city and because of its huge population had great influence in war, their city was an object of contention for those who sought to extend their supremacy. For this reason the Athenians and Philip were rivals against one another for the alliance with the Olynthians. [5] However that may be, Philip, when he had forced Potidaea to surrender, led the Athenian garrison out of the city and, treating it considerately, sent it back to Athens—for he was particularly solicitous toward the people of Athens on account of the importance and repute of their city—but, having sold the inhabitants into slavery, he handed it over to the Olynthians, presenting them also at the same time with all the properties in the territory of Potidaea. [6] After this he went to the city of Crenides,53 and having increased its size with a large number of inhabitants, changed its name to Philippi, giving it his own name, and then, turning to the gold mines in its territory, which were very scanty and insignificant, he increased their output so much by his improvements that they could bring him a revenue of more than a thousand talents. [7] And because from these mines he had soon amassed a fortune, with the abundance of money he raised the Macedonian kingdom higher and higher to a greatly superior position, for with the gold coins which he struck, which came to be known from his name as Philippeioi,54 he organized a large force of mercenaries, and by using these coins for bribes induced many Greeks to become betrayers of their native lands. But concerning these matters the several events, when recorded, will explain everything in detail, and we shall now shift our account back to the events in the order of their occurrence. 55

When Agathocles was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Fabius and Gaius Poplius. During their term of office, Dion son of Hipparinus sailed to Sicily intending to overthrow the tyranny of Dionysius, and with slenderer resources than those of any conqueror before his time he succeeded contrary to all expectation in overthrowing the greatest realm in all Europe. [2] Who, indeed, would have believed that, putting ashore with two56 merchantmen, he could actually have overcome the despot who had at his disposal four hundred ships57 of war, infantry numbering nearly one hundred thousand, ten thousand horse, and as great a store of arms, food, and money as one in all probability possessed who had to maintain lavishly the aforesaid forces; and, apart from all we have mentioned, had a city which was the largest of the cities of Hellas, and harbours and docks and fortified citadels58 that were impregnable, and, besides, a great number of powerful allies? [3] The cause for Dion's successes was, above all others, his own nobility of spirit, his courage, and the willing support of those who were to be liberated, but still more important than all these were the pusillanimity of the tyrant and his subjects' hatred of him; for when all these characteristics merged at a single critical moment, they unexpectedly brought to a successful close deeds which were considered impossible. [4]

But we must forgo these reflections and turn to the detailed narrative of the events as they severally occurred. Dion, having sailed from Zacynthos, which lies by Cephallenia, with two merchantmen, put in at the harbour of Acragas named Minoa. This had been founded of olden time by Minos, king of the Cretans, on the occasion when, in his search for Daedalus, he had been entertained by Cocalus, king of the Sicanians,59 but in the period with which we are concerned this city was subject to the Carthaginians, and its governor, named Paralus,60 who was a friend of Dion, received him enthusiastically. [5] Dion, having unloaded from the merchantmen five thousand suits of armour, handed them over to Paralus and requested him to transport them on wagons to Syracuse, while he himself, taking along the mercenaries61 numbering a thousand, led them against Syracuse. On the march he persuaded the peoples of Acragas, Gela, and some of the Sicanians and Sicels who dwelt in the interior, also the people of Camarina, to join in the liberation of the Syracusans, and then advanced to overthrow the tyrant. [6] Since many men with their arms streamed in from all sides, soon more than twenty thousand soldiers were gathered. Likewise many also of the Greeks from Italy and of the Messenians were summoned, and all came in haste with great enthusiasm.62

When Dion was on the borders of the Syracusan territory, there came to meet him a host of men without arms both from the countryside and from the city; for Dionysius, being suspicious of the Syracusans, had disarmed many of them. [2] About this time the tyrant was sojourning in the newly founded cities63 along the Adriatic with large forces, and the commanders who had been left in charge of the garrison of Syracuse at first attempted to summon back the Syracusans from their revolt, but when the impulse of the mobs could not be checked they gave up in despair and gathered mercenaries and those who favoured the cause of the tyrant, and having filled their ranks decided to attack the insurgents. [3] Dion distributed the five thousand suits of armour64 to such of the Syracusans as were unarmed, and equipped the rest as well as he could with weapons that came to hand. Then having brought them all to a general assembly, he disclosed that he had come for the liberation of the Greeks of Sicily, and he urged them to elect as generals those men who were well qualified to effect the restoration of their independence and the dissolution of the entire tyranny. The crowd as with one voice cried out that it chose Dion and his brother Megacles65 as generals with absolute power.66 [4] Accordingly he drew up his army in line of battle immediately at the close of the assembly and advanced upon the city. Since no one disputed with him the open country, he entered fearlessly within the walls, and making his way through Achradina67 encamped in the market-place, no one daring to come out against him. [5] The whole number of the soldiers with Dion was not less than fifty thousand.68 All of these with garlands on their heads came down to the city under the leadership of Dion and Megacles and with them thirty69 Syracusans who alone of the exiles in the Peloponnese were willing to share the battles with their fellow Syracusans.

Now that all the city had put on the garb of freedom in exchange for that of slavery and that fortune had changed the sullen looks of the tyranny to festival gaiety, every house was filled with sacrificing and rejoicing, as the citizens burnt incense on their own hearths, thanked the gods for their present blessings, and offered hopeful prayers for blessings to come. The women too raised great shouts of joy for the unexpected good fortune and gathered together in throngs throughout the whole city. [2] There was no freeman, no slave, no stranger who did not hasten to gaze upon Dion, and all applauded the man's valour in terms too exalted for a mere mortal.70 And they had good reason for such feelings because of the magnitude and unexpected nature of the change; for after having experienced fifty years71 of slavery and forgotten the meaning of freedom through the lapse of time, they were suddenly released from their misfortune by the valour of a single man. [3]

Dionysius himself at this time chanced to be sojourning near Caulonia72 in Italy, and he sent for Philistus73 his general, who was cruising the Adriatic, to come with his fleet and ordered him to sail to Syracuse. Both men made haste to reach the same spot, but Dionysius arrived seven days after the return of Dion. [4] Immediately, then, on his arrival, desirous of outmanoeuvring the Syracusans, he sent an embassy to make peace, and gave many indications that he would surrender his power as tyrant to the people and would accept of the people's government important privileges in exchange. He requested them to dispatch envoys to him so that he might sit in conference with them and bring the war to an end.74 [5] The Syracusans, accordingly, elated with hopes, dispatched as envoys the most important of their men; but Dionysius, having placed them under guard, postponed the conference and, observing that the Syracusans because of their hope of peace were lax in the matter of garrisons and unprepared for a battle, suddenly opened the gates of the citadel on the Island,75 and issued forth with his army in battle array.

Since the Syracusans had constructed a crosswall of their own from sea to sea, the mercenaries fell upon the wall with a loud and terrifying outcry, massacred many of the garrison and, getting inside the wall, engaged in a struggle with those who were coming out to the rescue. [2] Dion, being unexpectedly tricked by the violation of the truce, came to meet the enemy with his best soldiers and joining battle wrought extensive slaughter. For when fighting took place, as if in a stadium, within the narrow interval afforded by the crosswall, a multitude of soldiers collected in a contracted space. [3] For this reason on both sides men outstanding in gallantry met in the action and since Dionysius' mercenaries, by the size of the promised rewards, and the Syracusans, by the hope of freedom, were wrought up to a high pitch of rivalry, at first the battle stood equally poised, as the valour of both sides in the fight was equal. Many fell, and not a few were wounded, receiving all the blows in front; for on the one hand those in the front rank courageously met death defending the rest, and those arrayed behind them covering them with their shields as they fell and holding firm in the desperate peril took the most dangerous risks to win the victory. [4] After this engagement Dion, wishing to display his valour in the battle and eager to win the victory by his own deeds, forced his way into the midst of the enemy and there in an heroic encounter slew many and having disrupted the whole battle line of the mercenaries was suddenly cut off and isolated in the crowd. Many missiles hurled at him fell upon his shield and helmet, but he escaped these owing to the protection of his armour, but receiving a wound on his right arm he was borne down by the weight of the blow and barely escaped capture by the enemy. [5] The Syracusans, fearing for their general's safety, dashed into the mercenaries in heavy formation and rescued the distressed Dion from his perils, then overpowering the enemy, forced them to flee. Since likewise in the other part of the wall the Syracusans had the superiority, the tyrant's mercenaries were chased in a body inside the gates of the Island. The Syracusans, who had now won victory in a significant battle and had securely recovered their freedom, set up a trophy to signalize the tyrant's defeat.76

After this, Dionysius, who had failed and by now despaired of his tyranny, left a considerable garrison in his citadels, while he himself, having secured permission to take up his dead, eight hundred in number, gave their bodies a magnificent burial, causing them to be crowned with golden crowns and wrapped in fine purple; for he hoped by his solicitude for them to incite the survivors to fight spiritedly in defence of the tyranny; and those who had behaved gallantly he honoured with rich gifts. And he kept sending messengers to the Syracusans to confer about terms of a settlement. [2] But Dion in the matter of his embassies, by constantly offering plausible excuses, kept making postponements, and, when he had meanwhile constructed the remainder of the wall at his leisure, he then called for the embassies, having outmanoeuvred77 the enemy by encouraging their hopes of peace. When discussion arose concerning the terms of settlement, Dion replied to the ambassadors that only one settlement was possible, namely that Dionysius should resign his position as tyrant and then deign to accept certain privileges. But Dionysius, since Dion's reply had been arrogant, assembled his commanders and began to deliberate on the best means of defending himself against the Syracusans. [3] Having plenty of everything but grain and being in control of the sea, he began to pillage the countryside and, finding it difficult to provide subsistence from his foraging parties, he dispatched merchantmen and money to purchase grain. But the Syracusans, who had many ships of war and kept putting in an appearance at opportune places, made off with many of the supplies which were being brought in by the traders.

This was the situation of affairs in Syracuse.

In Greece Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, was assassinated by his own wife Thebe and her brothers Lycophron and Tisiphonus.78 The brothers at first received great acclaim as tyrannicides, but later, having changed their purpose and bribed the mercenaries, they disclosed themselves as tyrants, slew many of their opponents, and, having contrived to make their forces imposing, retained the government by force. [2] Now the faction among the Thessalians called Aleuadae, who enjoyed a far-flung reputation by reason of their noble birth, began to oppose the tyrants. But not being of sufficient strength to fight by themselves they took on Philip, the king of the Macedonians, as ally. And he, entering Thessaly, defeated the tyrants and, when he had vindicated the independence of their cities, showed himself very friendly to the Thessalians. Wherefore in the course of subsequent events not merely Philip himself but his son Alexander after him had the Thessalians always as confederates. [3]

Among historians Demophilus,79 the son of the chronicler Ephorus, who treated in his work the history of what is known as the Sacred War, which had been passed over by his father, began his account with the capture of the shrine at Delphi and the pillaging of the oracle by Philomelus the Phocian. This war lasted eleven years80 until the annihilation of those who had divided amongst themselves the sacred property. [4] And Callisthenes81 wrote the history of the events in the Hellenic world in ten books and closed with the capture of the shrine and the impious act of Philomelus the Phocian. [5] Diyllus82 the Athenian began his history with the pillaging of the shrine and wrote twenty-six books, in which he included all the events which occurred in this period both in Greece and in Sicily. 83

When Elpines was archon at Athens the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Poplius Laenas and Gnaeus Maemilius Imperiosus,84 and the one hundred sixth celebration was held of the Olympian games, at which Porus85 the Malian won the stadion race. During their term of office, in Italy there gathered in Lucania a multitude of men from every region, a mixture of every sort, but for the most part runaway slaves. These at first led a marauding life and as they habituated themselves to out-of-door life and making raids they gained practice and training in warfare; consequently, since they regularly had the upper hand with the inhabitants in their battles, they reached a state of considerably increased importance. [2] First they took by siege the city Terina86 and plundered it completely; then, having taken Hipponium, Thurii, and many other cities,87 they formed a common government and were called Bruttians from the fact that most of them were slaves, for in the local dialect runaway slaves were called “bruttians.”88

Such, then, was the origin89 of the people of the Bruttians in Italy.

In Sicily Philistus, Dionysius' general, sailed to Rhegium and transported to Syracuse the cavalry, more than five hundred in number. When he had added to these other cavalry more numerous and two thousand infantry, he made an expedition against Leontini, which had revolted from Dionysius, and having succeeded in entering the walls by night captured a portion of the city. A sharp engagement ensued, and the Syracusans came to the aid of the Leontinians, so that he was defeated and was driven out of Leontini. [2] Heracleides, who had been left behind by Dion as commander of his men-of-war, having been hindered by storms in the Peloponnese,90 was too late for Dion's return and the liberation of the Syracusans, but he now came with twenty men-of-war and fifteen hundred soldiers. Being a man of very great distinction and considered worthy of the position, he was chosen admiral by the Syracusans, and, having been assigned to the supreme command of the armed forces along with Dion, he participated in the war against Dionysius. [3] After this Philistus, who had been appointed general and had fitted out sixty triremes, fought a naval battle with the Syracusans, who had about the same number. As the fight became sharp Philistus at first was superior because of his own gallantry, but later on, when he was intercepted by the enemy, the Syracusans, encircling the ships from all sides, put forth strenuous efforts to capture the general alive, but Philistus, with apprehensions of torture after his capture, slew himself after having performed a great many very important services to the tyrants and having proved himself the most faithful of their friends to the men in power. [4] The Syracusans, after they had won the naval battle, dismembered the body of Philistus, dragged it through the whole city, and cast it forth unburied; and Dionysius, who had lost the most efficient of his friends and had no other general of repute, being himself unable to sustain the burden of the war, sent out ambassadors to Dion, first offering him the half of his power, but later consenting to place the whole of it in his hands.

But when Dion replied that it was only fair to surrender to the Syracusans the acropolis with the reservation of certain property and privileges, Dionysius was ready to surrender the citadel to the people on the condition that he took his mercenaries and his property and went abroad to Italy, and Dion counselled the Syracusans to accept his offer. But the people, persuaded by their inopportune demagogues, refused, believing that they could forcibly make the tyrant surrender by siege. [2] Thereafter Dionysius left the best of his mercenaries to guard the citadel, while he himself, putting his possessions and all his royal paraphernalia on board ship, sailed off secretly and put ashore in Italy. [3] But the Syracusans were divided into two factions, some being of the opinion that they should entrust the generalship and supreme power in the state to Heracleides because it was believed that he would never aim at tyrannical power, and the others declaring that Dion should have the supremacy over the entire government. Furthermore, large sums for wages were due to the Peloponnesian mercenaries who had liberated Syracuse and the city was short of funds, so the mercenaries, deprived of their money, banded together in excess of three thousand, and since all had been selected for meritorious conduct and because of their training in actual warfare were hardened veterans, they were far more than a match for the Syracusans in valour. [4] As for Dion, when he was asked by the mercenaries to join their revolt and to take vengeance upon the Syracusans as a common enemy, he at first refused, but later, under compulsion of the critical circumstances, he accepted the command of the mercenaries, and with them marched off to Leontini. [5] The Syracusans in a body set out to pursue the mercenaries, and, having engaged them on the way and lost many men,91 retreated. Dion, who had defeated them in a brilliant battle, harboured no grudge toward the Syracusans, for when they sent him a herald to arrange for the removal of the dead he granted them permission and set free without ransom the captives, who were numerous. For many who were on the point of being slain in their flight declared that they were on Dion's side and all for this reason escaped death.92

After this Dionysius dispatched to Syracuse as general Nypsius93 the Neapolitan, a man who excelled in valour and in sagacity of generalship; and with him he sent merchantmen laden with grain and other supplies. Nypsius then set sail from Locri and completed the voyage to Syracuse. [2] The tyrant's mercenaries, stationed on the acropolis, as their supply of grain failed at this time, were in dire distress for want of supplies, but for a time endured in good spirits their lack of food; then, when human nature succumbed to necessity and they despaired of saving their lives, they came together in an assembly at night and voted to surrender the citadel and themselves to the Syracusans at dawn. [3] Night was just drawing to a close as the mercenaries sent heralds to the Syracusans to make terms, but, as dawn was just breaking, Nypsius sailed in with his fleet and anchored off Arethusa.94 Consequently, now that the scarcity had suddenly changed into a great abundance of supplies, the general Nypsius, after disembarking his soldiers, held a joint assembly, presented arguments suitable to the occasion and won the support of the men to meet the perils in store. Now the acropolis which was already on the point of being given over to the Syracusans was unexpectedly preserved in the aforesaid manner, [4] but the Syracusans, manning all their triremes, sailed against the enemy while they were still occupied in unloading the supplies. Since the attack was unexpected and the mercenaries in the citadel could only be drawn up in confused fashion against the enemy triremes, a naval battle took place in which the Syracusans had the superiority, in fact they sank some of the ships, gained possession of others, and pursued the remnant to the shore. [5] Elated by their success they offered magnificent sacrifice to the gods in honour of the victory, and, turning to banqueting and drink, with contempt for the men they had defeated, were negligent about their guards.

Nypsius, the commander of the mercenaries, wishing to renew the battle and retrieve the defeat, with his army which had been marshalled during the night unexpectedly attacked the wall which had been constructed. And, finding that the guards through contempt and drunkenness had betaken themselves to sleep, he placed against it the ladders that had been constructed in case they were needed. [2] The bravest of the mercenaries climbed on the wall with these, slaughtered the guards, and opened the gates. As the men poured into the city, the generals of the Syracusans, becoming sober after their drunkenness, tried to bring aid, but, their efforts being hampered by the wine, some were slain and some fled. When the city had been captured and almost all the soldiers from the citadel had rushed inside the circuit-walls, since the Syracusans were panic-stricken by the suddenness and confusion of the attack, a great slaughter took place. [3] The soldiers of the tyrant numbered more than ten thousand and their lines were so well marshalled that no one was able to withstand their sheer weight, inasmuch as the din and disorder and, furthermore, the lack of a commander, impeded the Syracusans in their hour of defeat. [4] Once the market-place had come into possession of the enemy, the victors straightway attacked the residences. They carried off much property and took off as slaves many women and children and household servants besides. Where the Syracusans formed to meet them in narrow alleys and other streets, continuous engagements occurred and many were killed and not a few wounded. So they passed the night slaying one another at random in the darkness, and every quarter teemed with dead.

At daybreak the magnitude of the disaster was seen in its entirety, and the Syracusans, whose one hope of survival lay in help from Dion, sent horsemen to Leontini begging Dion not to suffer his native city to be captured by the spear point of the enemy, to forgive them the mistakes they had made, and in pity for their present misfortunes to come and retrieve his country's disaster. [2] Dion, a man noble in spirit and civilized in his judgements because of his philosophical training, did not bear a grudge against his fellow citizens, but, after winning the mercenaries over, straightway set out and, having quickly traversed the road to Syracuse, arrived at the Hexapyla.95 [3] After drawing up his soldiers at that point he advanced with all speed and encountered, fleeing from the city, children, women, and old men in excess of ten thousand. All of these as they met him besought him with tears to avenge their own misfortunes. The mercenaries from the citadel, having already obtained their objective, after plundering the houses by the market-place set them on fire and now, attacking the remaining residences, were in the act of plundering the possessions in these. [4] At this very moment Dion, rushing into the city in several places and attacking the enemy as they were busily engaged in their looting, slew all whom he met as they were lugging furnishings of various sorts off on their shoulders. And because of the unexpectedness of his appearance and the disorder and confusion, all of those who were making off with their plunder were easily overpowered. And finally, after more than four thousand had been slain, some in the houses, and others in the streets, the rest fled in a body to the citadel and closing the gates escaped the danger. [5]

Dion, having accomplished the finest of all the deeds ever performed by him, preserved the burning houses by extinguishing the flames, and, by restoring to good condition the circuit-wall, at one stroke fortified the city and by walling off the foe blocked their egress to the mainland.96 When he had cleansed the city of the dead and had erected a trophy of victory, he offered sacrifices to the gods for the deliverance of the city. [6] An assembly was summoned, and the people, as an expression of their gratitude to him, elected Dion general with absolute power and accorded him honours suited to a hero, and Dion in harmony with his former conduct generously absolved all his personal enemies of the charges outstanding against them and having reassured the populace brought them to a state of general harmony. The Syracusans with universal praises and with elaborate testimonials of approval honoured their benefactor as the one and only saviour of their native land.97

Such was the condition of affairs in Sicily.

In Greece proper, where the Chians, Rhodians, Coans, and also the Byzantians were continuing the Social War against the Athenians, both sides were making great preparations, for they wished to decide the war by a naval battle. The Athenians had previously98 sent Chares forth with sixty ships, but now, manning sixty more and placing as generals in command the most distinguished of their citizens, Iphicrates and Timotheus, they dispatched this expedition along with Chares to continue war upon their allies who had revolted. [2] The Chians, Rhodians, and Byzantians together with their allies manned one hundred ships and then sacked Imbros and Lemnos, Athenian islands, and having descended on Samos with a large contingent laid waste the countryside and besieged the city by land and by sea; and by ravaging many other islands that were subject to Athens they collected money for the needs of the war. [3] All the Athenian generals now met and planned at first to besiege the city of the Byzantians, and when later the Chians and their allies abandoned the siege of Samos and turned to assist the Byzantians, all the fleets became massed in the Hellespont. But just at the time when the naval battle was about to take place a great wind fell upon them and thwarted their plans. [4] When Chares, however, though the elements were against him, wished to fight, but Iphicrates and Timotheus opposed on account of the heavy sea, Chares, calling upon his soldiers to bear him witness, accused his colleagues of treason and wrote to the assembly about them, charging that they had purposely shirked the sea-fight.99 And the Athenians were so incensed that they indicted Iphicrates and Timotheus, fined them many talents, and removed them from the generalship.100

Chares, now that he had succeeded to the command of the whole fleet and was eager to relieve the Athenians of its expense, undertook a hazardous operation. Now Artabazus had revolted from the Persian King and with only a few soldiers was on the point of joining combat with the satraps who had more than seventy thousand. Chares with all his forces took part with Artabazus in a battle and defeated the King's army. And Artabazus, out of gratitude for his kindness, made him a present of a large sum of money, with which he was able to furnish his entire army with supplies.101 [2] The Athenians at first approved Chares' action, but later, when the King sent ambassadors and denounced Chares, they changed their minds; for word had been spread abroad that the King had promised Athens' enemies that he would join them in their war against the Athenians with three hundred ships. The assembly, accordingly, taking a cautious attitude, decided to bring to a close the war against their revolted allies; and finding that they too desired peace they easily came to terms with them.102

So the Social War, as it was called, came to such a close after lasting four years. [3]

In Macedon three kings combined against Philip,—the kings of the Thracians, Paeonians, and Illyrians. For these peoples, inasmuch as they bordered upon Macedonia, eyed with suspicion the aggrandizement of Philip; singly, however, they were not capable of sustaining a combat, each having suffered defeat in the past, but they supposed that, if they should join their forces in a war, they would easily have the better of Philip. So it was that, while they were still gathering their armies, Philip appeared before their dispositions were made, struck terror into them, and compelled them to join forces with the Macedonians.103 104

When Callistratus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Fabius and Gaius Plautius. During their term of office the Sacred War, as it was called, began and lasted nine years.105 For Philomelus the Phocian, a man of unusual audacity and lawlessness, seized the shrine in Delphi and kindled the Sacred War for reasons somewhat as follows. [2] When the Lacedaemonians had fought the Leuctrian War with the Boeotians and been defeated, the Thebans brought a serious charge against the Lacedaemonians in the Amphictyonic Council106 because of their seizure of the Cadmeia and obtained a judgement against them for a large indemnity; [3] and the Phocians for having cultivated a large portion of the consecrated territory named Cirrhaean107 were arraigned in the Council and were fined a large number of talents. When they did not discharge the assessments, the hieromnemones108 of the Amphictyons brought charges against the Phocians and demanded of the Council that if the Phocians did not pay the money to the god, they should lay under a curse the land of those who were cheating the god. Likewise they declared that the others against whom judgments had been passed should discharge their fines, the Lacedaemonians being in this category, and if they did not obey, they should incur the common hatred of the Greeks for their knavery. [4] When the Greeks all ratified the decisions of the Amphictyons and the territory of the Phocians was about to be placed under the curse, Philomelus, who had the highest reputation among the Phocians, harangued his fellow countrymen, explaining that they were unable to pay the money on account of the magnitude of the fine, and that to allow the territory to be cursed was not only cowardly but involved them in danger since it was the destruction of the means by which they all lived. [5] He endeavoured also to prove that the judgments of the Amphictyons were unjust in the highest degree, since they had inflicted huge fines for the cultivation of what was a very small parcel of land. Accordingly he advised them to treat the fines as null and void and declared that the Phocians had strong grounds for their case against the Amphictyons: for in ancient times they had held control and guardianship of the oracle. As witness he offered the most ancient and greatest of all poets, Homer who said:“ Now over Phocians Schedius ruled and e'en Epistrophus, They dwelt in Cyparissus109 and in Pytho110 land of rocks. ”Hom. Il. 2.517-519 [6] On this account he said they should enter a claim for the guardianship of the oracle on the ground that this belonged to the Phocians as an inheritance from their fathers. He promised that he would succeed with the enterprise if they would appoint him general with absolute power for the entire programme and give him complete authority.111

When the Phocians out of fear of the judgement elected him general with absolute power, Philomelus set about energetically to fulfil his promise. First he went to Sparta, where he conversed in private with Archidamus king of the Lacedaemonians, representing that the king had an equal interest in the effort to render null and void the judgments of the Amphictyons, for there existed serious and unjust pronouncements of that Council to the injury of the Lacedaemonians also. He accordingly disclosed to Archidamus that he had decided to seize Delphi and that if he succeeded in obtaining the guardianship of the shrine he would annul the decrees of the Amphictyons. [2] Although Archidamus approved of the proposal, he said he would not for the present give assistance openly, but that he would co-operate secretly in every respect, providing both money and mercenaries. Philomelus, having received from him fifteen talents and having added at least as much on his own account, hired foreign mercenaries and chose a thousand of the Phocians, whom he called peltasts. [3] Then, after he had gathered a multitude of soldiers and had seized the oracle, he slew the group of Delphians called Thracidae112 who sought to oppose him and confiscated their possessions; but, observing that the others were terror-stricken, he exhorted them to be of good cheer since no danger would befall them. [4] When news of the seizure of the shrine was noised abroad, the Locrians, who lived near by,113 straightway took the field against Philomelus. A battle took place near Delphi and the Locrians, having been defeated with the loss of many of their men, fled to their own territory, and Philomelus, being elated by his victory, hacked from the slabs the pronouncements of the Amphictyons, deleted the letters recording their judgements, [5] and personally caused the report to be circulated that he had resolved not to plunder the oracle nor had he purposed to commit any other lawless deed, but that in support of the ancestral claim to the guardianship and because of his desire to annul the unjust decrees of the Amphictyons, he was vindicating the ancestral laws of the Phocians.

The Boeotians, coming together in an assembly, voted to rally to the support of the oracle and immediately dispatched troops. While these things were going on, Philomelus threw a wall around the shrine and began to assemble a large number of mercenaries by raising the pay to half as much again, and selecting the bravest of the Phocians he enrolled them and quickly had a considerable army; for with no less than five thousand troops he took up a position in defence of Delphi, already a formidable adversary for those who wished to make war upon him. [2] Later on, having led an expedition into the territory of the Locrians and laid waste much of the enemy's land, he encamped near a river that flowed past a stronghold. Though he made assaults upon this, he was unable to take it and finally desisted from the siege, but joining battle with the Locrians he lost twenty of his men, and not being able to get possession of their bodies, he asked through a herald the privilege of taking them up. The Locrians, refusing to grant this, gave answer that amongst all the Greeks it was the general law that temple-robbers should be cast forth without burial. [3] Philomelus so resented this that he joined battle with the Locrians and, bending every effort, slew some of the enemy, and having got possession of their bodies compelled the Locrians to make an exchange of the dead. As he was master of the open country, he sacked a large portion of Locris and returned to Delphi, having given his soldiers their fill of the spoils of war. After this, since he wished to consult the oracle for the war, he compelled the Pythian priestess to mount her tripod and deliver the oracle.

Since I have mentioned the tripod, I think it not inopportune to recount the ancient story which has been handed down about it. It is said that in ancient times goats discovered the oracular shrine, on which account even to this day the Delphians use goats preferably when they consult the oracle. [2] They say that the manner of its discovery was the following. There is a chasm at this place where now is situated what is known as the “forbidden” sanctuary, and as goats had been wont to feed about this because Delphi had not as yet been settled, invariably any goat that approached the chasm and peered into it would leap about in an extraordinary fashion and utter a sound quite different from what it was formerly wont to emit. [3] The herdsman in charge of the goats marvelled at the strange phenomenon and having approached the chasm and peeped down it to discover what it was, had the same experience as the goats,114 for the goats began to act like beings possessed and the goatherd also began to foretell future events. After this as the report was bruited among the people of the vicinity concerning the experience of those who approached the chasm, an increasing number of persons visited the place and, as they all tested it because of its miraculous character, whosoever approached the spot became inspired. For these reasons the oracle came to be regarded as a marvel and to be considered the prophecy-giving shrine of Earth. [4] For some time all who wished to obtain a prophecy approached the chasm and made their prophetic replies to one another; but later, since many were leaping down into the chasm under the influence of their frenzy and all disappeared, it seemed best to the dwellers in that region, in order to eliminate the risk, to station one woman there as a single prophetess for all and to have the oracles told through her. And for her a contrivance was devised which she could safely mount, then become inspired and give prophecies to those who so desired. [5] And this contrivance has three supports and hence was called a tripod, and, I dare say, all the bronze tripods which are constructed even to this day are made in imitation of this contrivance.115 In what manner, then, the oracle was discovered and for what reasons the tripod was devised I think I have told at sufficient length. [6] It is said that in ancient times virgins delivered the oracles because virgins have their natural innocence intact and are in the same case as Artemis; for indeed virgins were alleged to be well suited to guard the secrecy of disclosures made by oracles. In more recent times, however, people say that Echecrates the Thessalian, having arrived at the shrine and beheld the virgin who uttered the oracle, became enamoured of her because of her beauty, carried her away with him and violated her; and that the Delphians because of this deplorable occurrence passed a law that in future a virgin should no longer prophesy but that an elderly woman of fifty should declare the oracles and that she should be dressed in the costume of a virgin, as a sort of reminder of the prophetess of olden times.

Such are the details of the legend regarding the discovery of the oracle; and now we shall turn to the activities of Philomelus.

When Philomelus had control of the oracle he directed the Pythia to make her prophecies from the tripod in the ancestral fashion. But when she replied that such was not the ancestral fashion, he threatened her harshly and compelled her to mount the tripod. Then when she frankly declared, referring to the superior power of the man who was resorting to violence: “It is in your power to do as you please,” he gladly accepted her utterance and declared that he had the oracle which suited him. He immediately had the oracle inscribed and set it up in full view, and made it clear to everyone that the god gave him the authority to do as he pleased. [2] Having got together an assembly and disclosed the prophecy to the multitude and urged them to be of good cheer, he turned to the business of the war. There came to him an omen as well, in the temple of Apollo, namely an eagle which, after flying over the temple of the god and swooping down to earth, preyed upon the pigeons which were maintained in the temple precincts, some of which it snatched away from the very altars. Those versed in such matters declared that the omen indicated to Philomelus and the Phocians that they would control the affairs of Delphi. [3] Elated accordingly by these events, he selected the best qualified of his friends for the embassies, and sent some to Athens, some to Lacedaemon, and some to Thebes; and he likewise sent envoys to the other most distinguished cities of the Greek world, explaining that he had seized Delphi, not with any designs upon its sacred properties but to assert a claim to the guardianship of the sanctuary; for this guardianship had been ordained in early times as belonging to the Phocians. [4] He said he would render due account of the property to all the Greeks and expressed himself as ready to report the weight and the number of the dedications to all who wished an examination. But he requested that, if any through enmity or envy were to engage in war against the Phocians, these cities should preferably join forces with him, or, if not, at least maintain peaceful relations.116 [5] When the envoys had accomplished their appointed mission, the Athenians, Lacedaemonians, and some others arranged an alliance with him and promised assistance, but the Boeotians, Locrians, and some others passed decrees to the contrary intent and renewed the war in behalf of the god upon the Phocians.

Such were the events of this year.

When Diotimus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Gaius Marcius and Gnaeus Manlius. During their term of office Philomelus, foreseeing the magnitude of the war, began to gather a multitude of mercenaries and to select for active duty those of the Phocians who were fit. [2] Although the war required additional funds, he kept his hands off the sacred dedications, but he did exact from the Delphians, who were exceptionally prosperous and wealthy, a sufficient sum of money to pay the mercenaries. Having accordingly prepared a large army, he led it into the open country and was obviously holding himself ready to join issue with any who were hostile to the Phocians. [3] And when the Locrians took the field against him a battle was fought near the cliffs called Phaedriades,117 in which Philomelus won the victory, having slain many of the enemy and taken not a few alive, while some he forced to hurl themselves over the precipices. After this battle the Phocians were elated by their success, but the Locrians, being quite dejected, sent ambassadors to Thebes asking the Boeotians to come to their support and the god's. [4] The Boeotians because of their reverence for the gods and because of the advantage they gained if the decisions of the Amphictyons were enforced, sent embassies to the Thessalians and the other Amphictyons demanding that they make war in common against the Phocians. But when the Amphictyons voted the war against the Phocians much confusion and disagreement reigned throughout the length and breadth of Greece. For some decided to stand by the god and punish the Phocians as temple-robbers, while others inclined toward giving the Phocians assistance.118

As tribes and cities were divided in their choice, the Boeotians, Locrians, Thessalians, and Perrhaebians decided to aid the shrine, and in addition the Dorians and Dolopians, likewise the Athamanians, Achaeans of Phthiotis, and the Magnesians, also the Aenianians and some others; while the Athenians,119 Lacedaemonians, and some others of the Peloponnesians fought on the side of the Phocians. [2] The Lacedaemonians co-operated most eagerly for the following reasons. In the Leuctrian War120 the Thebans, after defeating the enemy, brought suit before the Amphictyons against the Spartans, the charge being that Phoebidas the Spartan had seized the Cadmeia,121 and the Amphictyons assessed a fine of five hundred talents for the offence. Then when the Lacedaemonians had had judgement entered against them and failed to pay the fine during the period set by the laws, the Thebans again brought suit, this time for double damages. [3] When the Amphictyons set the judgement at a thousand talents, the Lacedaemonians, on account of the large amount of the fine, made declarations similar to those of the Phocians, saying that an unjust judgement had been rendered against them by the Amphictyons. [4] Wherefore, though their interests were now common, the Lacedaemonians hesitated to begin war by themselves on account of the adverse judgement, but thought that it was more seemly to annul the judgments of the Amphictyons through the agency of the Phocians. For these particular reasons they were very ready to fight on the side of the Phocians and they co-operated in securing for them the guardianship of the sanctuary.

When it was clear that the Boeotians would take the field with a large army against the Phocians, Philomelus decided to gather a great number of mercenaries. Since the war required ampler funds he was compelled to lay his hands122 on the sacred dedications and to plunder the oracle. By setting the base pay for the mercenaries at half as much again as was usual he quickly assembled a large number of mercenaries, since many answered the summons to the campaign on account of the size of the pay. [2] Now no men of honourable character enrolled for the campaign because of their reverence for the gods, but the worst knaves, and those who despised the gods, because of their own greed, eagerly gathered about Philomelus and quickly a strong army was formed out of those whose object it was to plunder the shrine. [3] So Philomelus, because of the magnitude of his resources, soon had prepared a considerable army. He immediately advanced into the territory of the Locrians with soldiers both foot and horse amounting to more than ten thousand. When the Locrians marshalled their forces to meet him and the Boeotians came to the support of the Locrians, a cavalry battle ensued in which the Phocians had the superiority. [4] After this the Thessalians together with the allies from neighbouring districts, having assembled to the number of six thousand, arrived in Locris and joining battle with the Phocians met with a defeat by a hill called Argolas.123 When the Boeotians put in an appearance with thirteen thousand men and the Achaeans from the Peloponnesus came to the support of the Phocians with fifteen hundred, the armies encamped over against one another, both assembled in one place.

After this the Boeotians, who had taken captive on foraging parties a good many mercenaries, brought them out in front of the city and made an announcement by heralds that the Amphictyons were punishing with death these men present who had enlisted with the temple-robbers; and immediately, making the deed follow the word, shot them all down. [2] But the mercenaries serving with the Phocians were so enraged by this that they demanded of Philomelus that he mete out the like punishment to the enemy, and then, when, bending every effort, they had taken captive many men who were straggling up and down the countryside where the enemy were, they brought them back and all these Philomelus shot. Through this punishment they forced the opposite side to give up their overweening and cruel vengeance. [3] After this, as the armies were invading another district and were making a march through heavily wooded rough regions, both vanguards suddenly became intermingled. An engagement took place and then a sharp battle in which the Boeotians, who far outnumbered the Phocians, defeated them. [4] As the flight took place through precipitous and almost impassable country124 many of the Phocians and their mercenaries were cut down. Philomelus, after he had fought courageously and had suffered many wounds, was driven into a precipitous area and there hemmed in, and since there was no exit from it and he feared the torture after capture, he hurled himself over the cliff and having thus made atonement to the gods ended his life [5] Onomarchus, his colleague in the generalship, having succeeded to the command and retreated with such of his force as survived, collected any who returned from the flight. [6]

While these things were going on, Philip, king of the Macedonians, after taking Methone125 by storm and pillaging it, razed it to the ground, and having subdued Pagasae forced it to submit. In the region of the Black Sea Leucon, the king of the Bosporus, died after ruling forty years, and Spartacus,126 his son, succeeding to the throne, reigned for five years. [7] A war took place between the Romans and Faliscans127 and nothing important or memorable was accomplished; only raids and pillaging of the territory of the Faliscans went on. In Sicily after Dion the general had been slain by some mercenaries from Zacynthos, Callippus,128 who had procured them for the assassination, succeeded him and ruled thirteen months. 129

When Thudemus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Poplius and Marcus Fabius. During their term of office, now that the Boeotians had won a victory over the Phocians and were of the opinion that the fate of Philomelus, who was chiefly responsible for the plundering of the temple and who had been punished by gods and men, would deter the rest from like villainy, they returned to their own country. [2] But the Phocians, now freed from the war, for the present returned to Delphi and there meeting with their allies in a common assembly deliberated on the war. The moderate party inclined toward the peace, but the irreligious, the hot-headed and avaricious were of the opposite opinion and were looking around to find the proper spokesman to support their lawless aims. [3] When Onomarchus arose and delivered a carefully argued speech urging them to adhere to their original purpose, he swung the sentiment of the gathering toward war, though he did so not so much with the intention of consulting the common welfare as with a view to his own interests, for he had been sentenced frequently and severely by the Amphictyons in the same manner as the rest and had not discharged the fines. Accordingly, seeing that war was more desirable for himself than peace, he quite logically urged the Phocians and their allies to adhere to the project of Philomelus. [4] Having been chosen general with supreme command, he began to collect a large number of mercenaries, and, filling the gaps in his ranks caused by the casualties and having increased his army by the large number of foreigners enrolled, he set about making great preparations of allies and of everything else that is serviceable for war.

He was greatly encouraged in this undertaking by a dream which gave intimation of great increase of power and glory. In his sleep, namely, it seemed that he was remodelling with his own hands the bronze statue130 which the Amphictyons had dedicated in the temple of Apollo, making it much taller and larger. He accordingly assumed that a sign was being given to him from the gods that there would be an increase of glory because of his services as general. But the truth turned out to be otherwise, rather the contrary was indicated because of the fact that the Amphictyons had dedicated the statue out of the fines paid by the Phocians who had acted lawlessly toward the shrine and had been fined for so doing. What was indicated was that the fine of the Phocians would take on an increase at the hands of Onomarchus; and such turned out to be the case. [2] Onomarchus, when he had been chosen general in supreme command, prepared a great supply of weapons from the bronze and iron, and having struck coinage from the silver and gold distributed it among the allied cities and chiefly gave it as bribes to the leaders of those cities. Indeed he succeeded in corrupting many of the enemy too, some of whom he persuaded to fight on his side, and others he required to maintain the peace. [3] He easily accomplished everything because of man's greed. In fact he persuaded even the Thessalians, who were held in highest esteem amongst the allies, by bribes to maintain the peace. In his dealings with the Phocians also he arrested and executed those who opposed him and confiscated their property. After invading the territory of the enemy131 he took Thronion132 by storm and reduced its inhabitants to slavery, and having intimidated the Amphissans133 by threats he forced them to submit. [4] He sacked the cities of the Dorians134 and ravaged their territory. He invaded Boeotia, captured Orchomenus, then, having attempted to reduce Chaeroneia by siege and being defeated by the Thebans, he returned to his own territory.

While these things were going on, Artabazus, who had revolted from the Persian King, continued the war against the satraps who had been dispatched by the King to take part in the war against him. At first when Chares the Athenian general was fighting with him, Artabazus resisted the satraps courageously, but when Chares135 had gone and he was left alone he induced the Thebans to send him an auxiliary force. Choosing Pammenes136 as general and giving him five thousand soldiers, they dispatched him to Asia. [2] Pammenes, by the support he gave to Artabazus and by defeating the satraps in two great battles, won great glory for himself and the Boeotians. Now it seemed an amazing thing that the Boeotians, after the Thessalians had left them in the lurch, and when the war with the Phocians was threatening them with serious dangers, should be sending armies across the sea into Asia and for the most part proving successful in the battles. [3]

While these things were going on, war broke out between the Argives and the Lacedaemonians, and in a battle that took place near the city of Orneae137 the Lacedaemonians won, and after they had taken Orneae by siege, returned to Sparta. Chares the Athenian general sailed to the Hellespont, captured Sestus, slew its adult inhabitants, and enslaved the rest. [4] And when Cersobleptes,138 son of Cotys, because of his hostility to Philip and his alliance of friendship with the Athenians, had turned over to the Athenians the cities on the Chersonese except Cardia, the assembly sent out colonists139 to these cities. Philip, perceiving that the people of Methone were permitting their city to become a base of operations for his enemies, began a siege. [5] And although for a time the people of Methone held out, later, being overpowered, they were compelled to hand the city over to the king on the terms that the citizens should leave Methone with a single garment each. Philip then razed the city and distributed its territory among the Macedonians.140 In this siege it so happened that Philip was struck in the eye by an arrow and lost the sight of that eye.

After this Philip in response to a summons from the Thessalians entered Thessaly with his army, and at first carried on a war against Lycophron, tyrant of Pherae,141 in support of the Thessalians142; but later, when Lycophron summoned an auxiliary force from his allies the Phocians, Phayllus, the brother of Onomarchus, was dispatched with seven thousand men. But Philip defeated the Phocians and drove them out of Thessaly. [2] Then Onomarchus came in haste with his entire military strength to the support of Lycophron, believing that he would dominate all Thessaly. When Philip in company with the Thessalians joined battle against the Phocians, Onomarchus with his superior numbers defeated him in two battles and slew many of the Macedonians. As for Philip, he was reduced to the uttermost perils and his soldiers were so despondent that they had deserted him, but by arousing the courage of the majority, he got them with great difficulty to obey his orders. [3] Later Philip withdrew to Macedonia, and Onomarchus, marching into Boeotia, defeated the Boeotians in battle143 and took the city of Coroneia. As for Thessaly, however, Philip had just at that time returned with his army from Macedonia144 and had taken the field against Lycophron, tyrant of Pherae. [4] Lycophron, however, since he was no match for him in strength, summoned reinforcements from his allies the Phocians, promising jointly with them to organize the government of all Thessaly. So when Onomarchus in haste came to his support with twenty thousand foot and five hundred horse, Philip, having persuaded the Thessalians to prosecute the war in common, gathered them all together, numbering more than twenty thousand foot and three thousand horse. [5] A severe battle took place and since the Thessalian cavalry were superior in numbers and valour, Philip won. Because Onomarchus had fled toward the sea and Chares the Athenian was by chance sailing by145 with many triremes, a great slaughter of the Phocians took place, for the men in their effort to escape would strip off their armour and try to swim out to the triremes, and among them was Onomarchus. [6] Finally more than six thousand of the Phocians and mercenaries were slain, and among them the general himself; and no less than three thousand were taken captives. Philip hanged Onomarchus146; the rest he threw into the sea as temple-robbers.

After the death of Onomarchus his brother Phayllus succeeded to the command of the Phocians. In an attempt to retrieve the disaster, he began to gather a multitude of mercenaries, offering double the customary pay, and summoned help from his allies. He got ready also a large supply of arms and coined gold and silver money. [2]

About the same time Mausolus, the tyrant of Caria,147 died after ruling twenty-four years, and Artemisia, his sister and wife, succeeded to the throne and reigned for two years. [3] Clearchus, the tyrant of Heracleia,148 was slain during the festival of Dionysus as he went to witness the spectacle, after ruling twelve years, and his son Timotheus149 succeeded to the throne and ruled for fifteen years. [4] The Etruscans,150 continuing their war with the Romans, sacked much of the enemy territory and after marauding as far as the Tiber returned to their own country. [5] In Syracuse, civil strife having broken out between the friends of Dion and Callippus,151 Dion's friends were defeated, fled to Leontini, and, after a short time, when Hipparinus son of Dionysius152 had put ashore at Syracuse with troops, Callippus was defeated and driven from the city, and Hipparinus, having recovered his father's realm, ruled for two years. 153

When Aristodemus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Gaius Sulpicius and Marcus Valerius, and the one hundred seventh celebration of the Olympian games was held, in which Micrinas of Tarentum won the stadion race. During their term of office Phayllus, the general of the Phocians after the death and defeat of his brother, effected another revival of the affairs of the Phocians, then at a low ebb on account of the defeat and slaughter of their soldiers. [2] For since he had an inexhaustible supply of money he gathered a large body of mercenaries, and persuaded not a few allies to co-operate in renewing the war. In fact, by making lavish use of his abundance of money he not only procured many individuals as enthusiastic helpers, but also lured the most renowned cities into joining his enterprise. [3] The Lacedaemonians, for example, sent him a thousand soldiers, the Achaeans two thousand, the Athenians five thousand foot and four hundred horse with Nausicles as their general. The tyrants of Pherae, Lycophron and Peitholaus,154 who were destitute of allies after the death of Onomarchus, gave Pherae over to Philip, while they themselves, being protected by terms of truce, brought together their mercenaries to the number of two thousand, and, having fled with these to Phayllus, joined the Phocians as allies. [4] Not a few of the lesser cities as well actively supported the Phocians because of the abundance of money that had been distributed; for gold that incites man's covetousness compelled them to desert to the side which would enable them to profit from their gains. [5] Phayllus accordingly with his army carried the campaign into Boeotia, and, suffering defeat near the city of Orchomenus, lost a great number of men. Later in another battle that took place by the Cephisus River the Boeotians won again and slew over five hundred of the enemy and took no fewer than four hundred prisoners. [6] A few days later, in a battle that took place near Coroneia, the Boeotians were victorious and slew fifty of the Phocians, and took one hundred thirty prisoners.

Now that we have recounted the affairs of the Boeotians and Phocians we shall return to Philip.

Philip, after his defeat of Onomarchus155 in a noteworthy battle, put an end to the tyranny in Pherae,156 and, after restoring its freedom to the city and settling all other matters in Thessaly, advanced to Thermopylae, intending to make war on the Phocians. [2] But since the Athenians prevented him from penetrating the pass,157 he returned to Macedonia, having enlarged his kingdom not only by his achievements but also by his reverence toward the god. [3] Phayllus, having made a campaign into the Locris known as Epicnemidian, succeeded in capturing all the cities but one named Naryx, which he had taken by treachery at night but from which he was expelled again with the loss of two hundred of his men. [4] Later as he was encamped near a place called Abae,158 the Boeotians attacked the Phocians at night and slew a great number of them; then, elated by their success, they passed into Phocian territory, and, by pillaging a great portion of it, gathered a quantity of booty. [5] As they were on their way back and were assisting the city of the Narycaeans, which was under siege, Phayllus suddenly appeared, put the Boeotians to flight, and having taken the city by storm, plundered and razed it. [6] But Phayllus himself, falling sick159 of a wasting disease, after a long illness, suffering great pain as befitted his impious life, died, leaving Phalaecus, son of the Onomarchus160 who had kindled161 the Sacred War, as general of the Phocians, a stripling in years, at whose side he had placed as guardian and supporting general Mnaseas, one of his own friends. [7] After this in a night attack upon the Phocians the Boeotians slew their general Mnaseas and about two hundred of his men. A short while later in a cavalry battle which took place near Chaeroneia, Phalaecus was defeated and lost a large number of his cavalry.

While these things were going on, throughout the Peloponnese also disturbances and disorders had occurred for the following reasons. The Lacedaemonians, being at variance with the Megalopolitans, overran their country with Archidamus in command, and the Megalopolitans,162 incensed over their actions but not strong enough to fight by themselves, summoned aid from their allies. [2] Now the Argives, Sicyonians, and Messenians in full force and with all speed came to their assistance; and the Thebans dispatched four thousand foot and five hundred horse with Cephision placed in charge as general. [3] The Megalopolitans accordingly, having taken the field with their allies, encamped near the headwaters of the Alpheius River, while the Lacedaemonians were reinforced by three thousand foot-soldiers from the Phocians and one hundred fifty cavalry from Lycophron and Peitholaus, the exiled tyrants of Pherae, and, having mustered an army capable of doing battle, encamped by Mantineia. [4] Then having advanced to the Argive city of Orneae,163 they captured it before the arrival of the enemy, for it was an ally of the Megalopolitans. When the Argives took the field against them, they joined battle and defeated them and slew more than two hundred. [5] Then the Thebans appeared, and since they were in number twice as many though inferior in discipline, a stubborn battle was engaged; and as the victory hung in doubt, the Argives and their allies withdrew to their own cities, while the Lacedaemonians, after invading Arcadia and taking the city Helissus164 by storm and plundering it, returned to Sparta. [6] Some time after this the Thebans with their allies conquered the enemy near Telphusa165 and after slaying many took captive Anaxander, who was in command, along with more than sixty others. A short time later they had the advantage in two other battles and felled a considerable number of their opponents. [7] Finally, when the Lacedaemonians proved victorious in an important battle, the armies on both sides withdrew to their own cities. Then when the Lacedaemonians made an armistice with the Megalopolitans the Thebans went back to Boeotia. [8] But Phalaecus, who was lingering in Boeotia, seized Chaeroneia and when the Thebans came to its rescue, was expelled from that city. Then the Boeotians, who now with a large army invaded Phocis, sacked the greater portion of it and plundered the farms throughout the countryside; and having taken also some of the small towns and gathered an abundance of booty, they returned to Boeotia. 166

When Theellus was archon in Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Fabius and Titus Quintius. During their term of office the Thebans, growing weary of the war against the Phocians and finding themselves short of funds, sent ambassadors to the King of the Persians urging him to furnish the city with a large sum of money. [2] Artaxerxes, readily acceding to the request, made a gift to them of three hundred talents of silver.167 Between the Boeotians and the Phocians skirmishes and raids on each other's territory occurred but no actions worth mentioning took place during this year. [3]

In Asia the King of the Persians, who had in the period treated above made an expedition into Egypt with vast multitudes of soldiers and was unsuccessful, in the period with which we are now dealing again made war on the Egyptians and, after carrying out some remarkable feats by his own forceful activity, regained possession of Egypt, Phoenicia, and Cyprus.168 [4] To make clear the history of these events I shall set forth first the causes of the war by reviewing again briefly the period to which these events properly belong. We recall that, when the Egyptians revolted from the Persians in the earlier period, Artaxerxes, known as Ochus,169 himself unwarlike, remained inactive, and though he sent out armies and generals many times, failed in his attempts because of the cowardice and inexperience of the leaders. [5] And so, though regarded with contempt by the Egyptians, he was compelled to be patient because of his own inertia and peace-loving nature. But in the period now under discussion, when the Phoenicians and the kings in Cyprus had imitated the Egyptians and in contemptuous disregard of him made a move to revolt, he became enraged and decided to make war upon the insurgents. [6] So he rejected the practice of sending out generals, and adopted the plan of carrying out in person the struggles to preserve his kingdom. Wherefore, having made great provision of arms, missiles, food, and forces, he assembled three hundred thousand foot-soldiers, thirty thousand horsemen, three hundred triremes, and five hundred merchantmen and other ships to carry the supplies.

He began to make war also on the Phoenicians for the following reasons. In Phoenicia there is an important city called Tripolis, whose name is appropriate to its nature, for there are in it three cities, at a distance of a stade from one another, and the names by which these are called are the city of the Aradians, of the Sidonians, and of the Tyrians. This city enjoys the highest repute amongst the cities of Phoenicia, for there, as it happens, the Phoenicians held their common council and deliberated on matters of supreme importance. [2] Now since the King's satraps and generals dwelt in the city of the Sidonians and behaved in an outrageous and high-handed fashion toward the Sidonians in ordering things to be done, the victims of this treatment, aggrieved by their insolence, decided to revolt from the Persians. [3] Having persuaded the rest of the Phoenicians to make a bid for their independence,170 they sent ambassadors to the Egyptian king Nectanebos, who was an enemy of the Persians, and after persuading him to accept them as allies they began to make preparations for the war. [4] Inasmuch as Sidon was distinguished for its wealth and its private citizens had amassed great riches from its shipping, many triremes were quickly outfitted and a multitude of mercenaries gathered, and, besides, arms, missiles, food, and all other materials useful in war were provided with dispatch. [5] The first hostile act was the cutting down and destroying of the royal park in which the Persian Kings were wont to take their recreation; the second was the burning of the fodder for the horses which had been stored up by the satraps for the war; last of all they arrested such Persians as had committed the acts of insolence and wreaked vengeance upon them. [6] Such was the beginning of the war with the Phoenicians, and Artaxerxes, being apprised of the rash acts of the insurgents, issued threatening warnings to all the Phoenicians and in particular to the people of Sidon.

In Babylon the King, after assembling his infantry and cavalry forces, immediately assumed command of them and advanced against the Phoenicians. While he was still on the way, Belesys, the satrap of Syria, and Mazaeus, the governor of Cilicia, having joined forces, opened the war against the Phoenicians. [2] Tennes, the king of Sidon, acquired from the Egyptians four thousand Greek mercenary soldiers whose general was Mentor the Rhodian. With these and the citizen soldiery he engaged the aforementioned satraps, defeated them, and drove the enemy out of Phoenicia. [3]

While these things were going on, a war broke out in Cyprus also, the actions in which were interwoven with the war we have just mentioned. [4] For in this island were nine populous cities, and under them were ranged the small towns which were suburbs of the nine cities. Each of these cities had a king who governed the city and was subject to the King of the Persians. [5] All these kings in common agreement and in imitation of the Phoenicians revolted, and having made preparations for the war, declared their own kingdoms independent. [6] Incensed at these actions, Artaxerxes wrote to Idrieus, despot of Caria, who had just acquired his office and was a friend and ally of the Persians by inheritance from his ancestors, to collect an infantry force and a navy to carry on a war with the kings in Cyprus. [7] Idrieus, after making ready immediately forty triremes and eight thousand mercenary soldiers, sent them to Cyprus, having placed in command as their generals Phocion the Athenian and Evagoras, who had in the former period been king in the island.171 [8] So these two, having sailed to Cyprus, at once led their army against Salamis, the largest of the cities. Having set up a palisade and fortified the encampment, they began to besiege the Salaminians by land and also by sea. Since all the island had enjoyed peace for a long time and the territory was wealthy, the soldiers, who had possession of the open country, gathered much booty. [9] When word of their affluence got abroad, many soldiers from the opposite coast of Syria and Cilicia flocked over voluntarily in the hope of gain. Finally, after the army with Evagoras and Phocion had been doubled in size, the kings throughout Cyprus fell into a state of great anxiety and terror.

Such was the situation in Cyprus.

After this the King of the Persians, who had begun his journey from Babylon, marched with his army against Phoenicia.172 The ruler of Sidon, Tennes,173 who was informed of the great size of the Persian army and thought that the insurgents were incapable of fighting against it, decided to provide for his personal safety. [2] Accordingly, without the knowledge of the people of Sidon, he sent the most faithful of his own henchmen, Thettalion, to Artaxerxes with the promise that he would betray Sidon to him, would assist him in vanquishing Egypt, and would render him great service, since he was acquainted with the topography of Egypt and knew accurately the landing-places along the Nile. [3] The King on hearing from Thettalion these particulars was extremely pleased and said that he would free Tennes of the charges relative to the revolt, and he promised to give him rich rewards if he performed all that he had agreed upon. But when Thettalion added that Tennes wished him also to confirm his promise by giving his right hand, thereupon the King, flying into a rage at the thought that he was not trusted, handed Thettalion over to his attendants and gave orders to take off his head. [4] But when, as Thettalion was being led off to his punishment, he simply said: “You, O King, will do as you please, but Tennes, though he is able to achieve complete success, since you refuse the pledge, will assuredly not perform any of his promises,” the King, hearing what he said, again changed his mind and recalling the attendants directed them to release Thettalion, and then he gave him his right hand, which is the surest pledge amongst the Persians. Thettalion accordingly returned to Sidon and reported what had happened to Tennes without the knowledge of the people of Sidon.

The Persian King, accounting it a matter of great importance, in view of his former defeat,174 to overthrow Egypt, dispatched envoys to the greatest cities of Greece requesting them to join the Persians in the campaign against the Egyptians.175 Now the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians replied that they continued to observe their friendship for the Persians, but were opposed to sending troops as allies. [2] But the Thebans, choosing Lacrates as general, dispatched him with a thousand hoplites. And the Argives sent three thousand men; they did not, however, choose a general themselves, but when the King requested Nicostratus specifically as general, they concurred. [3] Now Nicostratus was good both in action and in counsel, but there was madness mingled with his intelligence; for since he excelled in bodily strength, he would imitate Heracles when on a campaign by wearing a lion's skin and carrying a club in battle. [4] Following the example of these states, the Greeks who inhabited the sea-coast of Asia Minor dispatched six thousand men, making the total number of Greeks who served as allies ten thousand. Before their arrival the Persian King, after he had traversed Syria and reached Phoenicia, encamped not far from Sidon. [5] As for the Sidonians, while the King had been slow to move, they attended assiduously to the preparation of food, armour, and missiles. Likewise they had encompassed their city with huge triple ditches and constructions of lofty walls. [6] They had also an ample number of citizen soldiers well trained in exercises and hard work and of superior bodily condition and strength. In wealth and in other resources the city far excelled the other cities of Phoenicia and, most important of all, it had more than a hundred triremes and quinqueremes.

Tennes, having confided his scheme for betrayal to Mentor176 the commander of the mercenaries from Egypt, left him to guard a portion of the city and to act in concert with his agents handling the betrayal, while he himself, with five hundred men, marched out of the city, pretending that he was going to a common meeting of the Phoenicians, and he took with him the most distinguished of the citizens, to the number of one hundred, in the role of advisers. [2] When they had come near the King he suddenly seized the hundred and delivered them to Artaxerxes. The King, welcoming him as a friend, had the hundred shot as instigators of the revolt, and when five hundred of the leading Sidonians carrying olive branches as suppliants approached him, he summoned Tennes and asked him if he was able to deliver the city to him; for he was very eager not to receive Sidon on the terms of a capitulation, since his aim was to overwhelm the Sidonians with a merciless disaster and to strike terror into the other cities by their punishment. [3] When Tennes assured him that he would deliver up the city, the King, maintaining his merciless rage, had all five hundred shot down while still holding the supplicant branches. Thereupon Tennes, approaching the mercenaries from Egypt, prevailed upon them to lead him and the King inside the walls. [4] So Sidon by this base betrayal was delivered into the power of the Persians; and the King, believing that Tennes was of no further use to him, put him to death.177 But the people of Sidon before the arrival of the King burned all their ships so that none of the townspeople should be able by sailing out secretly to gain safety for himself. But when they saw the city and the walls captured and swarming with many myriads of soldiers, they shut themselves, their children, and their women up in their houses and consumed them all in flames. [5] They say that those who were then destroyed in the fire, including the domestics, amounted to more than forty thousand. After this disaster had befallen the Sidonians and the whole178 city together with its inhabitants had been obliterated by the fire, the King sold that funeral pyre for many talents, [6] for as a result of the prosperity of the householders there was found a vast amount of silver and gold melted down by the fire. So the disasters which had overtaken Sidon had such an ending, and the rest of the cities, panic-stricken, went over to the Persians. [7]

Shortly before this time Artemisia, who had held despotic rule over Caria, passed away after ruling two years, and Idrieus,179 her brother, succeeded to the despotism and ruled seven years. [8] In Italy the Romans made an armistice with the people of Praeneste, and a treaty with the Samnites, and they put to death two hundred sixty inhabitants of Tarquinii180 at the hands of the public executioners in the Forum. [9] In Sicily Leptines and Callippus, the Syracusans then in power, took by siege Rhegium,181 which was garrisoned by the tyrant Dionysius the younger, ejected the garrison, and restored to the people of Rhegium their independence. 182

When Apollodorus was archon in Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Gaius Sulpicius. During their term of office, in Cyprus, while the people of Salamis were being besieged by Evagoras183 and Phocion, the rest of the cities all became subject to the Persians, and Pnytagoras,184 the king of Salamis, alone continued to endure the siege. [2] Now Evagoras was endeavouring to recover his ancestral rule over the Salaminians and through the help of the King of the Persians to be restored to his kingship. But later, when he had been falsely accused to Artaxerxes and the King was backing Pnytagoras, Evagoras, after having given up hope of his restoration and made his defence on the accusations brought against him, was accorded another and higher command in Asia. [3] But then when he had misgoverned his province he fled again to Cyprus and, arrested there, paid the penalty. Pnytagoras, who had made willing submission to the Persians, continued thenceforth to rule unmolested as king in Salamis. [4]

After the capture of Sidon and the arrival of his allies from Argos and Thebes and the Greek cities in Asia, the King of the Persians assembled all his army and advanced against Egypt. [5] As he came to the great marsh where are the Barathra or Pits, as they are called, he lost a portion of his army through his lack of knowledge of the region. Since we have discoursed earlier on the nature of the marsh185 and the peculiar mishaps which occur there in the first Book of our History, we shall refrain from making a second statement about it. [6] Having passed through the Barathra with his army the King came to Pelusium. This is a city at the first mouth at which the Nile debouches into the sea. Now the Persians encamped at a distance of forty stades from Pelusium, but the Greeks close to the town itself. [7] The Egyptians, since the Persians had given them plenty of time for preparation, had already fortified well all the mouths of the Nile, particularly the one near Pelusium because it was the first and the most advantageously situated. [8] Five thousand soldiers garrisoned the position, Philophron the Spartiate being the general in command. The Thebans, being eager to show themselves the best of the Greeks that were taking part in the expedition, were the first to venture, unsupported and recklessly, to make a crossing through a narrow and deep canal. [9] They had passed through it and were assaulting the walls when the garrison of Pelusium sallied forth from the city and engaged in battle with the Thebans. As the engagement proved severe because of the intense rivalry on both sides, they spent the whole of that day in the battle and were separated only by the night.

Then on the next day, as the King divided the Greek army into three contingents, each contingent had a Greek general, and stationed along beside him a Persian officer, a man preferred above the others for valour and loyalty. [2] Now the forward position was held by the Boeotians, who had as general the Theban Lacrates and as Persian officer Rhosaces. The latter was a descendant of one of the seven Persians who deposed the Magi186; he was satrap of Ionia and Lydia, and he was accompanied by a large force of cavalry and no small body of infantry composed of barbarians. [3] Next in line was the Argive contingent of which Nicostratus was general and with him as Persian colleague Aristazanes. The latter was an usher187 of the King and the most faithful of his friends after Bagoas; and assigned to him were five thousand elite soldiers and eighty triremes. [4] Of the third contingent Mentor was general, he who had betrayed Sidon, having the mercenaries that were formerly under his command; and associated with him on the expedition was Bagoas, whom the King trusted most, a man exceptionally daring and impatient of propriety; and he had the King's Greeks and an ample force of barbarians and not a few ships. [5] The King himself with the remainder of the army held himself in reserve for the whole operation.188 Such being the distribution of the army on the Persian side, the king of the Egyptians, Nectanebos, was dismayed neither by the multitude of the enemy nor by the general disposition of the Persian forces, though his numbers were far inferior. [6] In fact he had twenty thousand Greek mercenaries, about the same number of Libyans, and sixty thousand Egyptians of the caste known amongst them as “The Warriors”, and besides these an incredible number of river-boats suited for battles and engagements on the Nile. [7] The bank of the river facing Arabia had been strongly fortified by him, being a region crowded with towns and, besides, all intersected by walls and ditches. Although he had ready also all the other preparations which were adequate for the war, yet because of his own poor judgement he soon met with complete disaster.

The reason for his defeat was chiefly his lack of experience as a general and the fact that the Persians had been defeated by him in the previous expedition. [2] For he had then had as his generals men who were distinguished and superior both in valour and in sagacity in the art of war, Diophantus189 the Athenian and Lamius the Spartan, and it was because of them that he had been victorious in all respects. At this time, however, since he supposed that he himself was a competent general, he would not share the command with anyone and so, because of his inexperience, was unable to execute any of the moves that would have been useful in this war. [3] Now when he had provided the towns here and there with considerable garrisons, he maintained a strict guard there, and having in his own command thirty thousand Egyptians, five thousand Greeks, and half the Libyans, he held them in reserve to defend the most exposed approaches. Such being the disposition of the forces on both sides, Nicostratus, the general of the Argives, having as guides Egyptians whose children and wives were held as hostages by the Persians, sailed by with his fleet through a canal into a hidden district and, disembarking his men and fortifying a site for a camp, encamped there. [4] The mercenaries of the Egyptians who were keeping a strict guard in the neighbourhood, observing the presence of the enemy, straightway made a sally in number not less than seven thousand. [5] Cleinius the Coan, their commander, drew up his force in line of battle. And when those who had sailed in were drawn up opposite, a sharp battle ensued in the course of which the Greeks serving with the Persians, fighting brilliantly, slew the general Cleinius and cut down more than five thousand of the rest of the soldiers. [6] Nectanebos the Egyptian king, on hearing of the loss of his men, was terror-stricken, thinking that the rest of the Persian army also would easily cross the river. [6] Assuming that the enemy with their entire army would come to the very gates of Memphis, he decided first and foremost to take precautionary measures to protect the city. Accordingly he returned to Memphis with the army he had retained and began to prepare for the siege.

Lacrates the Theban, who was in command of the first contingent, hastened to begin the siege of Pelusium. First he diverted the stream of the canal to other directions, then when the channel had become dry he filled it with earth and brought siege engines against the city. When a large portion of the walls fell, the garrison in Pelusium quickly built others to oppose the advance and reared huge towers of wood. [2] The battle for the walls continued for several days running and at first the Greeks in Pelusium vigorously warded off the besiegers; but when they learned of the king's withdrawal to Memphis they were so terror-stricken that they sent envoys to arrange for a settlement. [3] Since Lacrates gave them pledges backed by oaths to the effect that if they surrendered Pelusium they would all be conveyed back to Greece with whatever they could carry on their backs, they delivered over the citadel. [4] After this Artaxerxes dispatched Bagoas with barbarian soldiers to take over Pelusium, and the soldiers, arriving at the place as the Greeks were issuing forth, seized upon many of the articles they were carrying out. [5] The victims of this injustice in their anger called loudly upon the gods who were guardians of their oaths, whereupon Lacrates became incensed, put the barbarians to flight, slaying a number of them, thus standing by the Greeks, the sufferers from the broken pledges. [6] But when Bagoas fled to the King and brought accusation against Lacrates, Artaxerxes decided that Bagoas' contingent had met with their just deserts and put to death the Persians who were responsible for the robbery. So it was in this fashion that Pelusium was delivered over to the Persians. [7]

Mentor, who was in command of the third contingent, captured Bubastus and many other cities and made them subject to the King by a single strategic device. For since all the cities were garrisoned by two peoples, Greeks and Egyptians, Mentor passed the word around to the soldiers that King Artaxerxes had decided to treat magnanimously those who voluntarily surrendered their cities, but to mete out the same penalty to those who were overcome by force as he had imposed on the people of Sidon; and he instructed those who guarded the gates to give free passage to any who wished to desert from the other side. [8] Accordingly, since the captured Egyptians were leaving the barracks without hindrance, the aforementioned word was quickly scattered amongst all the cities of Egypt. Immediately, therefore, the mercenaries were everywhere at variance with the natives and the cities were filled with strife; for each side was privately endeavouring to surrender its posts and nursing private hopes of gain in exchange for this favour; and this is what actually happened in the case of the city of Bubastus first.

When, namely, the forces of Mentor and Bagoas were encamped near Bubastus, the Egyptians, without the knowledge of the Greeks, sent an envoy to Bagoas offering to deliver the city if he would consent to their safety. [2] The Greeks, having knowledge of the mission, overtook the envoy and by dire threats extracted the truth, whereat they were much enraged and attacked the Egyptians, slew some, wounded others, and herded the rest into a quarter of the city. [3] The discomfited men, having notified Bagoas of what had taken place, asked him to come with all speed and receive the city from themselves. But the Greeks had been privately treating with Mentor, who gave them secret encouragement, as soon as Bagoas should enter Bubastus, to attack the barbarians. [4] Later on, when Bagoas with the Persians was entering the city without the sanction of the Greeks and a portion of his men had got inside, the Greeks suddenly closed the gates and attacked those who were inside the walls, and, having slain all the men, took Bagoas himself prisoner. [5] The latter, seeing that his hopes of safety lay in Mentor, besought him to spare his life and promised in future to do nothing without his advice. [6] Mentor, who now prevailed upon the Greeks to set Bagoas free and to arrange the surrender through himself, won credit himself for his success, but, having become responsible for Bagoas' life, he made an agreement with him for common action, and after an exchange of pledges on this matter kept the agreement faithfully till the end of his life. [7] The result of this was that these two by their co-operation in the service of the King attained later on to the greatest power of all the friends and relatives at Artaxerxes' court. In fact Mentor, having been appointed to the chief command in the coastal districts of Asia, performed great services to the King in gathering mercenaries from Greece and sending them to Artaxerxes, and in the course of his activities administering all his duties courageously and loyally. [8] As for Bagoas, after he had administered all the King's affairs in the upper satrapies,190 he rose to such power because of his partnership with Mentor that he was master of the kingdom, and Artaxerxes did nothing without his advice. And after Artaxerxes' death he designated in every case the successor to the throne and enjoyed all the functions of kingship save the title. But of these matters we shall record the details in their proper chronological sequence.

At the time under consideration, after the surrender of Bubastus, the remaining cities, terror-stricken, were delivered to the Persians by capitulation. But King Nectanebos, while still tarrying in Memphis and perceiving the trend of the cities toward betrayal, did not dare risk battles for his dominion. So giving up hope of his kingship and taking with him the greater part of his possessions, he fled into Aethiopia. [2] Artaxerxes, after taking over all Egypt and demolishing the walls of the most important cities, by plundering the shrines gathered a vast quantity of silver and gold, and he carried off the inscribed records from the ancient temples, which later on Bagoas returned to the Egyptian priests on the payment of huge sums by way of ransom. [3] Then when he had rewarded the Greeks who had accompanied him on the campaign with lavish gifts, each according to his deserts, he dismissed them to their native lands; and, having installed Pherendates as satrap of Egypt, he returned with his army to Babylon, bearing many possessions and spoils and having won great renown by his successes. 191

When Callimachus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Gaius Marcius and Publius Valerius. During their term of office Artaxerxes, seeing that Mentor the general had performed great services for him in the war against the Egyptians, advanced him over and above his other friends. [2] Esteeming him worthy of honour for his gallant actions, he gave him a hundred talents of silver and also the best of expensive decorations, and he appointed him satrap of the Asiatic coast and placed him in charge of the war against the rebels, having designated him general in supreme command. [3] And since Mentor was related192 to Artabazus and Memnon, both of whom had warred against the Persians in the preceding period193 and at the time now under consideration were fugitives from Asia residing at the court of Philip, he requested the King and prevailed upon him to dismiss the charges against them. Immediately afterwards he also summoned them both to come to his presence with all their families; [4] for there had been born to Artabazus by the sister of Mentor and Memnon eleven sons and ten daughters.194 And Mentor was so enchanted with the large number of children born to the marriage that he promoted the lads, giving them the most distinguished commands in the armed forces. [5] He made his first campaign against Hermias195 the tyrant of Atarneus, who had revolted from the King and was master of many fortresses and cities. [6] Having promised Hermias that he would prevail upon the King to dismiss the charges against him too, he met him at a conference and then, playing him false, arrested him. After getting possession of his signet-ring and writing to the cities that a reconciliation had been effected with the King through Mentor's intervention, he sealed the letters with Hermias' ring, and sent the letters and with them agents who were to take over the districts. [7] The populations of the cities, trusting the documents and being quite content to accept the peace, all surrendered their fortresses and cities. Now that Mentor through deception had quickly and without risk recovered the towns of the rebels, he won great favour with the King, who concluded that he was capable of performing the duties of general realistically. [8] Similarly with regard to the other commanders who were at odds with the Persians, whether by force or by stratagem, he soon subdued them all.

And this was the state of affairs in Asia. [9]

In Europe Philip, the Macedonian king, marched against the cities of Chalcidice, took the fortress of Zereia196 by siege and razed it. He then intimidated some of the other towns and compelled them to submit. Then coming against Pherae in Thessaly he expelled Peitholaus,197 who was in control of the city. [10] While these things were going on, there occurred in Pontus the death of Spartacus king of Pontus after a rule of five years. His brother Paerisades198 succeeded to the throne and reigned for thirty-eight years. 199

When this year had elapsed, at Athens Theophilus was archon, and at Rome Gaius Sulpicius and Gaius Quintius were elected as consuls, and the one hundred eighth celebration of the Olympian games was held at which Polycles of Cyrene won the stadion race. [2] During their term of office Philip, whose aim was to subdue the cities on the Hellespont, acquired without a battle Mecyberna200 and Torone201 by treasonable surrender, and then, having taken the field with a large army against the most important of the cities in this region, Olynthus, he first defeated the Olynthians in two battles and confined them to the defence of their walls; then in the continuous assaults that he made he lost many of his men in encounters at the walls, but finally bribed the chief officials of the Olynthians, Euthycrates and Lasthenes,202 and captured Olynthus through their treachery. [3] After plundering it and enslaving the inhabitants he sold both men and property as booty. By so doing he procured large sums for prosecuting the war and intimidated the other cities that were opposed to him. Having rewarded with appropriate gifts such soldiers as had behaved gallantly in the battle and distributed a sum of money to men of influence in the cities, he gained many tools ready to betray their countries. Indeed he was wont to declare that it was far more by the use of gold than of arms that he had enlarged his kingdom.

Since the Athenians viewed with alarm the rising power of Philip, they came to the assistance of any people203 who were attacked by the king, by sending envoys to the cities and urging them to watch over their independence and punish with death those citizens who were bent on treason, and they promised them all that they would fight as their allies, and, after publicly declaring themselves the king's enemies, engaged in an out-and-out war against Philip. [2] The man who more than any other spurred them on to take up the cause of Hellas was the orator Demosthenes, the most eloquent of the Greeks of those times. Even his city was, however, unable to restrain its citizens from their urge toward treason, such was the crop,204 as it were, of traitors that had sprung up at that time throughout Hellas. [3] Hence the anecdote that when Philip wished to take a certain city with unusually strong fortifications and one of the inhabitants remarked that it was impregnable, he asked if even gold could not scale its walls.205 [4] For he had learned from experience that what could not be subdued by force of arms could easily be vanquished by gold. So, organizing bands of traitors in the several cities by means of bribes and calling those who accepted his gold “guests” and “friends,” by his evil communications he corrupted the morals of the people.206

After the capture of Olynthus, he celebrated the Olympian festival207 to the gods in commemoration of his victory, and offered magnificent sacrifices; and he organized a great festive assembly at which he held splendid competitions and thereafter invited many of the visiting strangers to his banquets. [2] In the course of the carousals he joined in numerous conversations, presenting to many guests drinking cups208 as he proposed the toasts, awarding gifts to a considerable number, and graciously making such handsome promises to them all that he won over a large number to crave friendship with him. [3]

At one time in the course of the drinking bout, noticing Satyrus,209 the actor, with a gloomy look on his face, Philip asked him why he alone disdained to partake of the friendly courtesy he offered; and when Satyrus said that he wished to obtain a boon from him but he feared lest, if he disclosed the request he had decided upon, he should be refused, the king, exceedingly pleased, affirmed that he granted forthwith any favour he might ask. He replied that there were two virgin daughters of a friend of his who were of marriageable age among the captive women; these girls he wished to obtain, not in order to derive any profit if he were granted the gift, but to give them both a dowry and husbands and not permit them to suffer any indignity unworthy of their years. [4] Thereupon Philip gladly acceded to his request and immediately made a present of the girls to Satyrus. And by dispensing many other benefactions and gifts of every kind he reaped returns many times greater than his favour; for many who were incited by hopes of his beneficence outstripped one another in devoting themselves to Philip and in delivering their countries to him. 210

When Themistocles was archon at Athens, at Rome Gaius Cornelius and Marcus Popilius succeeded to the consular office. During their term of office the Boeotians, after sacking much of the Phocian territory about the city named Hya,211 defeated their enemies and slew about seventy of them. [2] After this the Boeotians, having come to grips near Coroneia with the Phocians, were defeated and lost many men. When the Phocians now seized several cities of considerable size in Boeotia, the Boeotians took the field and destroyed the grain in enemy territory, but were defeated on the return journey. [3] While these things were going on, Phalaecus, the general of the Phocians, who was accused of stealing many of the sacred properties, was removed from his command.212 Three generals having been chosen to replace him, Deinocrates, Callias, and Sophanes, an investigation into the sacred property took place and the Phocians called upon those who had administered it to render an accounting. The man who had been in charge of most of it was Philon. [4] Since he was unable to render a proper accounting, he was adjudged guilty, and after being tortured by the generals disclosed the names of his accomplices in the theft, while he himself, after being subjected to the utmost torments, obtained the kind of death that suited his impiety. [5] Those who had diverted the properties to their own use restored whatever balance they still possessed of the stolen property and were themselves put to death as temple-robbers. Of the generals who had been in office previously, the first to hold the office, Philomelus, had kept his hands off the dedications,213 but the second, named Onomarchus, brother of Philomelus, squandered much of the god's money, while the third, Phayllus, the brother of Onomarchus, when he became general, struck into coin a large number of the dedications in order to pay the mercenaries. [6] For he coined for currency one hundred twenty gold bricks which had been dedicated by Croesus214 king of the Lydians weighing two talents each, and three hundred sixty golden goblets weighing two minae each, and golden statues of a lion and of a woman, weighing in all thirty talents of gold, so that the sum total of gold that was coined into money, referred to the standard of silver, is found to be four thousand talents, while of the silver offerings, those dedicated by Croesus and all the others, all three generals had spent more than six thousand talents' worth, and if to these were added the gold dedications, the sum surpassed ten thousand talents. [7] Some of the historians say that the pillaged property was not less than the sums acquired by Alexander215 in the treasure chambers of the Persians. The generals on the staff of Phalaecus took steps even to dig up the temple, because some one said that there was a treasure chamber in it containing much gold and silver, and they zealously dug up the ground about the hearth and the tripod. The man who gave information about the treasure offered as witness the most famous and ancient of poets Homer, who says in a certain passage:“ Nor all the wealth beneath the stony floor that lies Where Phoebus, archer god, in rocky Pytho dwells. ”Hom. Il. 9.404-405 [8]

But as the soldiers attempted to dig about the tripod, great earthquakes occurred and roused fear in the hearts of the Phocians, and since the gods clearly indicated in advance the punishment they would visit upon the temple-robbers, the soldiers desisted from their efforts. The leader of this sacrilege, the aforementioned Philon, was promptly punished as he deserved for his crime against the god.

Although the loss of the sacred property was ascribed entirely to the Phocians, the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians, who were fighting on the side of the Phocians and received pay out of all proportion to the number of soldiers they sent out, shared in the seizure. [2] This period brought it to pass for the Athenians that they sinned against the divine powers to such an extent that, shortly before the Delphian affair,216 as Iphicrates was tarrying near Corcyra with a naval force and Dionysius the tyrant of Syracuse had shipped to Olympia and to Delphi statues cunningly wrought in gold and ivory, Iphicrates, chancing to fall in with the ships that were conveying these statues, seized them and sent word to the Athenian people inquiring what he should do with them; whereat the Athenians instructed him not to raise questions about what concerned the gods but to give his attention to seeing that his soldiers were well fed. [3] Now Iphicrates, obeying the decision of his country, sold as booty the works of art belonging to the gods. The tyrant, filled with rage at the Athenians, wrote them a letter of the following tenor:

“Dionysius to the Senate and Assembly of the Athenians: It is inappropriate to wish you to do well since you are committing sacrilege217 against the gods both on land and on sea, and, having made off with the statues which had been sent by us to be dedicated to the gods, you have turned them into coin and have committed impiety toward the greatest of the gods, Apollo, whose abode is Delphi, and Olympian Zeus.” [4]

Such now was the conduct of the Athenians toward the divine powers, and that too though they boasted that Apollo was their tutelary god and progenitor.218 And the Lacedaemonians, though they had consulted the oracle of Apollo at Delphi and through it come to possess their constitution219 which is admired of all the world, though even now they still interrogate the god on matters of supreme importance,220 had the effrontery to become partners in crime of those who pillaged the sanctuary.

In Boeotia the Phocians, who held three strongly fortified cities, Orchomenus, Coroneia, and Corsiae,221 conducted from these their campaign against the Boeotians. Being well supplied with mercenaries they pillaged the country and in their thrusts and engagements proved superior to the inhabitants of the place. [2] As a consequence the Boeotians, feeling the pinch of war and the loss of great numbers of their men, but having no financial resources, sent envoys to Philip with a request for assistance. [3] The king, pleased to see their discomfiture and disposed to humble the Boeotians' pride over Leuctra, dispatched few men, being on his guard against one thing only—lest he be thought to be indifferent to the pillaging of the oracle. [4] As the Phocians were engaged in building a fortress near the place named Abae,222 at which is a holy shrine of Apollo, the Boeotians took the field against them. Some of the Phocians straightway fled to the nearest cities and dispersed, while others took refuge in the temple of Apollo and perished to the number of five hundred. [5] Now many other divine visitations fell to the lot of the Phocians about this period, and in particular the one that I am about to relate. The men who had taken refuge in the temple supposed that their lives would be saved through the intervention of the gods, but on the contrary through some divine Providence223 they met with the punishment temple-robbers well deserve. [6] For there was a quantity of rushes about the temple, and a fire had been left behind in the tents of the men who had fled, with the result that the rushes caught fire and such a great conflagration was touched off so miraculously that the temple was consumed and the Phocians who had fled to it for refuge were burned alive. Indeed it became apparent that the gods do not extend to temple-robbers the protection generally accorded to suppliants. 224

When Archias was archon at Athens, the Romans elected Marcus Aemilius and Titus Quinctius consuls.225 During their term of office the Phocian War, after lasting for ten226 years, was terminated in the following manner. Since the Boeotians and the Phocians were utterly dejected by the length of the war, the Phocians dispatched envoys to Lacedaemon asking for reinforcements, and the Spartans sent a thousand hoplites in charge of whom as general they placed their king Archidamus. [2] Similarly the Boeotians sent an embassy to Philip proposing an alliance, and Philip, after taking over the Thessalians, entered Locris with a large army. And when he had overtaken Phalaecus, who had again been granted the generalship and had the main body of the mercenaries, Philip prepared to decide the war by a pitched battle. But Phalaecus, who was tarrying in Nicaea227 and saw that he was no match for Philip, sent ambassadors to the king to treat for an armistice. [3] An agreement was reached whereby Phalaecus with his men should depart whithersoever he wished, and he then, under terms of the truce, withdrew to the Peloponnese with his mercenaries to the number of eight thousand,228 but the Phocians, whose hopes were now completely crushed, surrendered to Philip. [4] The king, having without a battle unexpectedly terminated the Sacred War, sat in council with the Boeotians and the Thessalians. As a result he decided to call a meeting of the Amphictyonic Council and leave to it the final decision on all the issues at stake.

The members of the Council then passed a decree admitting Philip and his descendants to the Amphictyonic Council and according him two votes which formerly had been held by the Phocians,229 now defeated in war. They also voted that the three cities230 in the possession of the Phocians should have their walls removed and that the Phocians should have no participation in the shrine of Delphi or in the Council of the Amphictyons; that they should not be permitted to acquire either horses or arms until they should have repaid to the god the monies they had pillaged; that those of the Phocians who had fled and any others who had had a share in robbing the sanctuary were to be under a curse and subject to arrest wherever they might be; [2] that all the cities of the Phocians were to be razed and the men moved to villages, no one of which should have more than fifty houses, and the villages were to be not less than a stade distant from one another; that the Phocians were to possess their territory and to pay each year to the god a tribute of sixty talents until they should have paid back the sums entered in the registers at the time of the pillaging of the sanctuary. Philip, furthermore, was to hold the Pythian games together with the Boeotians and Thessalians,231 since the Corinthians had shared with the Phocians in the sacrilege committed against the god. [3] The Amphictyons and Philip were to hurl the arms of the Phocians and their mercenaries down the crags and burn what remained of them and to sell the horses. In similar tenor the Amphictyons laid down regulations for the custody of the oracle and other matters affecting due respect for the gods and the general peace and concord of the Greeks. [4] Thereafter, when Philip had helped the Amphictyons give effect to their decrees and had dealt courteously with all, he returned to Macedonia, having not merely won for himself a reputation for piety and excellent generalship, but having also made important preparations for the aggrandizement that was destined to be his. [5] For he was ambitious to be designated general of Hellas in supreme command and as such to prosecute the war against the Persians. And this was what actually came to pass. But these events we shall record severally in their proper periods; we shall now proceed with the thread of our narrative.

But first it is only right, so we think, to record the punishment which was visited by the gods upon those who had committed the outrage on the oracle. For, speaking generally, it was not merely the perpetrators of the sacrilege but all persons who had the slightest connection with the sacrilege that were hounded by the inexorable retribution sent of Heaven. [2] In fact the man who first schemed for the seizure of the shrine, Philomelus, in a crisis of the war hurled himself over a cliff,232 while his brother Onomarchus, after taking over the command of his people, now become desperate, was cut to pieces in a battle in Thessaly, along with the Phocians and mercenaries of his command, and crucified.233 [3] The third in succession and the one who coined into money most of the dedications, Phayllus,234 fell ill of a lingering disease and so was unable even to secure a quick release from his punishment. And the last of all, Phalaecus, who had gathered the remnants of the pillaged property, passed his life for a considerable length of time wandering about in great fear and danger, though it was not Heaven's intent that he should be happier than those who participated with him in the sacrilege, but that by being tortured longer and by becoming known to many for his misfortunes, his sad fate might become notorious. [4] For when he had taken flight with his mercenaries following the agreement,235 he first sojourned in the Peloponnese, supporting his men on the last remnants of the pillaging, but later he hired in Corinth some large freighters and with four light vessels prepared for the voyage to Italy and Sicily, thinking that in these regions he would either seize some city or obtain service for pay, for a war was in progress, as it chanced, between the Lucanians and the Tarentines. To his fellow passengers he said that he was making the voyage because he had been summoned by the people of Italy and Sicily.

When he had sailed out of the harbour and was on the high seas, some of the soldiers who were in the largest ship, on which Phalaecus himself was a passenger, conferred with one another because they suspected that no one had sent for them. For they could see on board no officers sent by the peoples who were soliciting aid, and the voyage in prospect was not short, but long and dangerous. [2] Accordingly, since they not only distrusted what they had been told but also feared the overseas campaign, they conspired together, above all those who had commands among the mercenary troops. Finally drawing their swords and menacing Phalaecus and the pilot they forced them to reverse their course. And when those who were sailing in the other boats also did the same, they put in again at a Peloponnesian harbour. [3] Then they gathered at the Malean promontory in Laconia and there found Cnossian envoys who had sailed in from Crete to enlist mercenaries. After these envoys had conversed with Phalaecus and the commanders and had offered rather high pay, they all sailed off with them. Having made port at Cnossus in Crete, they immediately took by storm the city called Lyctus.236 [4] But to the Lyctians, who had been expelled from their native land, there appeared a miraculous and sudden reinforcement. For at about the same time the people of Tarentum were engaged in prosecuting a war against the Lucanians and had sent to the Lacedaemonians, who were the stock of their ancestors, envoys soliciting help, whereupon the Spartans, who were willing to join them because of their relationship, quickly assembled an army and navy and as general in command of it appointed King Archidamus. But as they were about to set sail for Italy, a request came from the Lyctians to help them first. Consenting to this, the Lacedaemonians sailed to Crete, defeated the mercenaries and restored to the Lyctians their native land.

After this Archidamus sailed to Italy and joined forces with the Tarentines but lost his life fighting gallantly in battle. He was praised for his ability as general and for his conduct on the whole, though in the matter of the Phocian alliance alone he was severely criticized as the one who was chiefly responsible for the seizure of Delphi. [2] Now Archidamus was king of the Lacedaemonians for twenty-three years, and Agis his son succeeded to the throne and ruled for fifteen237 years. After the death of Archidamus his mercenaries, who had participated in plundering the shrine, were shot down by the Lucanians, whereas Phalaecus, now that he had been driven out of Lyctus, attempted to besiege Cydonia. [3] He had constructed siege engines and was bringing them up against the city when lightning descended and these structures were consumed by the divine fire, and many of the mercenaries in attempting to save the engines perished in the flames. Among them was the general Phalaecus. But some say that he offended one of the mercenaries and was slain by him. [4] The mercenaries who survived were taken into their service by Eleian exiles, were then transported to the Peloponnese, and with these exiles were engaged in war against the people of Elis.238 [5] When the Arcadians joined the Eleians in the struggle and defeated the exiles in battle, many of the mercenaries were slain and the remainder, about four thousand, were taken captive. After the Arcadians and the Eleians had divided up the prisoners, the Arcadians sold as booty all who had been apportioned to them, while the Eleians executed their portion because of the outrage committed against the oracle.

Now the participants in the sacrilege met in this fashion with their just retribution from the deity. And the most renowned cities because of their part in the outrage were later defeated in war by Antipater,239 and lost at one and the same time their leadership and their freedom. [2] The wives of the Phocian commanders who had worn the gold necklaces taken from Delphi met with punishment befitting their impiety. For one of them who had worn the chain which had belonged to Helen of Troy sank to the shameful life of a courtesan and flung her beauty before any who chose wantonly to abuse it, and another, who put on the necklace of Eriphyle,240 had her house set on fire by her eldest son in a fit of madness and was burned alive in it. Thus those who had the effrontery to flout the deity met just retribution in the manner I have described at the hands of the gods, [3] while Philip who rallied to the support of the oracle added continually to his strength from that time on and finally because of his reverence for the gods was appointed commander of all Hellas and acquired for himself the largest kingdom in Europe.

Now that we have reported in sufficient detail the events of the Sacred War, we shall return to events of a different nature.

In Sicily241 the Syracusans, who were engaged in civil strife and were forced to live as slaves under many varied tyrannies, sent ambassadors to Corinth with the request that the Corinthians should dispatch to them as general a man who would administer their city and curb the ambitions of those who aimed to become tyrants. [2] The Corinthians, concluding that it was only right to assist people who were offshoots of themselves,242 voted to send as general Timoleon, son of Timaenetus, a man of highest prestige amongst his fellow citizens for bravery and sagacity as a general and, in a word, splendidly equipped with every virtue. A peculiar coincidence befell him which contributed toward his being chosen to the generalship. [3] Timophanes, his brother, a man of outstanding wealth and effrontery amongst the Corinthians, had for some time past been clearly aiming at a tyranny and at the moment was winning the poor to his cause and laying up a store of suits of armour and parading about the market-place accompanied by a band of ruffians, not actually claiming to be tyrant but practising the arts of tyranny. [4] Timoleon, who was much averse to the rule of one man, first attempted to dissuade his brother from his overt attempt, but when the latter refused to heed and continued all the more his headstrong career, Timoleon, being unable by reasoning with him to make him mend his ways, put him to death as he was promenading in the market-place.243 [5] A scuffle ensued and a mob of citizens came surging up stirred by the surprising character and the enormity of the deed, and dissension broke out. One side claimed that as the perpetrator of a kin-murder Timoleon should receive the punishment prescribed by the laws, whereas the other party asserted just the opposite, that they should applaud him as a tyrannicide. [6] When the senate met to deliberate in the council chamber and the matter in dispute was referred to the session, Timoleon's personal enemies denounced him, while those more favourably inclined rallied to his cause and counselled letting him go free. [7] While the investigation was still unsettled there sailed into the harbour from Syracuse the ambassadors who, having made known their mission to the senate, requested them to dispatch with all speed the general they needed. [8] The session accordingly voted to send Timoleon and, in order to ensure the success of the project, they proposed a strange and amazing alternative to him. They affirmed categorically that if he ruled the Syracusans fairly, they adjudged him a tyrannicide, but if too ambitiously, a murderer of his brother.244 [9] Timoleon, not so much in fear of the threat imposed on him by the senate as because of his native virtue, administered the government in Sicily fairly and profitably. For he subdued in war the Carthaginians, restored to their original state the Greek cities which had been razed by the barbarians, and made all Sicily independent; in a word, having found Syracuse and the other Greek cities depopulated when he took them over, he made them notably populous.

These matters, however, we shall record severally below in their proper periods; now we shall return to the thread of our narrative. 245

When Eubulus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Fabius and Servius Sulpicius.246 In this year Timoleon the Corinthian, who had been chosen by his fellow-citizens to command in Syracuse, made ready for his expedition to Sicily. [2] He enrolled seven hundred mercenaries and, putting his men aboard four triremes and three fast-sailing ships, set sail from Corinth. As he coasted along he picked up three additional ships from the Leucadians and the Corcyraeans, and so with ten ships he crossed the Ionian Gulf.247 [3]

During this voyage, a peculiar and strange event happened to Timoleon. Heaven came to the support of his venture and foretold his coming fame and the glory of his achievements, for all through the night he was preceded by a torch blazing in the sky up to the moment when the squadron made harbour in Italy. [4] Now Timoleon had heard already in Corinth from the priestesses of Demeter and Persephone248 that, while they slept, the goddesses had told them that they would accompany Timoleon on his voyage to their sacred island. [5] He and his companions were, in consequence, delighted, recognizing that the goddesses were in fact giving them their support. He dedicated his best ship to them, calling it “The Sacred Ship of Demeter and Persephone.”249

Encountering no hazards, the squadron put in at Metapontum in Italy, and so, shortly after, did a Carthaginian trireme also bringing Carthaginian ambassadors. [6] Accosting Timoleon, they warned him solemnly not to start a war or even to set foot in Sicily. But the people of Rhegium were calling him and promised to join him as allies, and so Timoleon quickly put out from Metapontum hoping to outstrip the report of his coming. [7] Since the Carthaginians controlled the seas, he was afraid that they would prevent his crossing over to Sicily. He was, then, hastily completing his passage to Rhegium.

Shortly before this, the Carthaginians on their part had come to see that there would be a serious war in Sicily and began making friendly representations to the cities in the island which were their allies. Renouncing their opposition to the tyrants throughout the island, they established friendship with them, and particularly they addressed themselves to Hicetas, the most powerful of these, because he had the Syracusans under his control.250 [2] They prepared and transported to Sicily a large sea and land force of their own, and appointed Hanno to the command as general. They had one hundred and fifty battleships, fifty thousand infantry, three hundred war chariots, over two thousand extra teams of horses,251 and besides all this, armour and missiles of every description, numerous siege engines, and an enormous supply of food and other materials of war. [3]

Advancing first on Entella, they devastated the countryside and blockaded the country people inside the city. The Campanians who occupied the city were alarmed at the odds against them and appealed for help to the other cities that were hostile to the Carthaginians. Of these, none responded except the city of Galeria. These people sent them a thousand hoplites, but the Phoenicians intercepted them, overwhelmed them with a large force, and cut them all down. [4] The Campanians who dwelt in Aetna were at first also ready to send reinforcements to Entella because of kinship, but when they heard of the disaster to the troops from Galeria, they decided to make no move.

Now at the time when Dionysius was still master of Syracuse, Hicetas had taken the field against it with a large force,252 and at first constructing a stockaded camp at the Olympieium carried on war against the tyrant in the city, [2] but as the siege dragged on and provisions ran out, he started back to Leontini, for that was the city which served as his base. Dionysius set out in hot pursuit and overtook his rear, attacking it at once, [3] but Hicetas wheeled upon him, joined battle, and having slain more than three thousand of the mercenaries, put the rest to flight. Pursuing sharply and bursting into the city with the fugitives, he got possession of all Syracuse except the Island.253

Such was the situation as regards Hicetas and Dionysius. [4]

Three days after the capture of Syracuse, Timoleon put in at Rhegium and anchored off the city.254 [5] The Carthaginians promptly turned up with twenty triremes, but the people of Rhegium helped Timoleon to escape the trap. They called a general assembly in the city and staged a formal debate on the subject of a settlement. The Carthaginians expected that Timoleon would be prevailed upon to sail back to Corinth and kept a careless watch. He, however, giving no hint of an intention to slip away, remained close to the tribunal, but secretly ordered nine of his ships to put to sea immediately. [6] Then, while the Carthaginians concentrated their attention on the intentionally long-winded Rhegians, Timoleon stole away unnoticed to his remaining ship and quickly sailed out of the harbour. The Carthaginians, though outmanoeuvred, set out in pursuit, [7] but his fleet had gained a substantial lead, and as night fell it was able to reach Tauromenium before being overtaken. [8] Andromachus,255 who was the leading man of this city and had constantly favoured the Syracusan cause, welcomed the fugitives hospitably and did much to ensure their safety. [9]

Hicetas now put himself at the head of five thousand of his best soldiers and marched against the Adranitae, who were hostile to him, encamping near their city. Timoleon added to his force some soldiers from Tauromenium and marched out of that city, having all told no more than a thousand men. [10] Setting out at nightfall, he reached Adranum on the second day, and made a surprise attack on Hicetas's men while they were at dinner. Penetrating their defences he killed more than three hundred men, took about six hundred prisoners, and became master of the camp.256 [11] Capping this manoeuvre with another, he proceeded forthwith to Syracuse. Covering the distance at full speed, he fell on the city without warning, having made better time than those who were routed and fleeing.257

Such were the events that took place in this year. 258

When Lyciscus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Marcus Publius, and the one hundred and ninth Olympiad was celebrated, in which Aristolochus the Athenian won the foot-race.259 In this year the first treaty was concluded between the Romans and the Carthaginians.260 [2] In Caria, Idrieus, the ruler of the Carians, died after ruling seven years, and Ada, his sister and wife, succeeding him, ruled for four years.261 [3]

In Sicily, Timoleon took the Adranitae and the Tyndaritae into his alliance and received not a few reinforcements from them. Great confusion reigned in Syracuse, where Dionysius held the Island, Hicetas Achradina and Neapolis, and Timoleon the rest of the city, while the Carthaginians had put in to the Great Harbour with a hundred and fifty triremes and encamped with fifty thousand men on the shore.262 Timoleon and his men viewed the odds against them with dismay, but the prospect took a sudden and surprising change for the better. [4] First Marcus,263 the tyrant of Catania, came over to Timoleon with a considerable army, and then many of the outlying Syracusan forts declared for him in a move to gain their independence. On top of all this, the Corinthians manned ten ships, supplied them with money, and dispatched them to Syracuse.264 [5] Thereupon Timoleon plucked up courage but the Carthaginians took alarm and unaccountably sailed out of the harbour, returning with all their forces to their own territory.265 [6] Hicetas was left isolated, while Timoleon victoriously occupied Syracuse.266 Then he proceeded to recover Messana, which had gone over to the Carthaginians.267 [7]

Such was the state of affairs in Sicily.

In Macedonia, Philip had inherited from his father a quarrel with the Illyrians and found no means of reconciling the disagreement. He therefore invaded Illyria with a large force, devasted the countryside, captured many towns, and returned to Macedonia laden with booty.268 [8] Then he marched into Thessaly, and by expelling tyrants from the cities won over the Thessalians through gratitude. With them as his allies, he expected that the Greeks too would easily be won over also to his favour; and that is just what happened. The neighbouring Greeks straightway associated themselves with the decision of the Thessalians and became his enthusiastic allies.269 270

When Pythodotus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Gaius Plautius and Titus Manlius.271 In this year272 Timoleon frightened the tyrant Dionysius into surrendering the citadel, resigning his office and retiring under a safe-conduct to the Peloponnese, but retaining his private possessions. [2] Thus, through cowardice and meanness, he lost that celebrated tyranny which had been, as people said, bound with fetters of steel,273 and spent the remaining years of his life in poverty at Corinth, furnishing in his life and misfortune an example to all who vaunt themselves unwisely on their successes. [3] He who had possessed four hundred triremes274 arrived shortly after in Corinth in a small tub of a freighter,275 conspicuously displaying the enormity of the change in his fortunes. [4]

Timoleon took over the Island and the forts which had formerly belonged to Dionysius. He razed the citadel and the tyrant's palace on the Island, and restored the independence of the fortified towns. [5] Straightway he set to work on a new code of laws, converting the city into a democracy, and specified in exact detail the law of contracts and all such matters, paying special attention to equality.276 [6] He instituted also the annual office that is held in highest honour, which the Syracusans call the “amphipoly” of Zeus Olympius.277 To this, the first priest elected was Callimenes, the son of Alcadas, and henceforth the Syracusans continued to designate the years by these officials down to the time of my writing this history and of the change in their form of government. For when the Romans shared their citizenship with the Greeks of Sicily, the office of these priests became insignificant, after having been important for over three hundred years.278

Such was the condition of affairs in Sicily.

In Macedonia, Philip conceived a plan to win over the Greek cities in Thrace to his side, and marched into that region.279 Cersobleptes, who was the king of the Thracians, had been following a policy of reducing the Hellespontine cities bordering on his territory and of ravaging their territories. [2] With the aim of putting a stop to the barbarian attacks Philip moved against them with a large force. He overcame the Thracians in several battles and imposed on the conquered barbarians the payment of a tithe to the Macedonians, and by founding strong cities at key places made it impossible for the Thracians to commit any outrages in the future. So the Greek cities were freed from this fear and gladly joined Philip's alliance. [3]

Theopompus of Chios, the historian, in his History of Philip, included three books dealing with affairs in Sicily.280 Beginning with the tyranny of Dionysius the Elder he covered a period of fifty years, closing with the expulsion of the younger Dionysius. These three books are 41-43. 281

When Sosigenes was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Marcus Gnaeus Publius.282 In this year, Arymbas king of the Molossians died after a rule of ten years,283 leaving a son Aeacides, Pyrrhus's father, but Alexander the brother of Olympias succeeded to the throne with the backing of Philip of Macedon. [2]

In Sicily, Timoleon made an expedition against Leontini, for this was the city where Hicetas had taken refuge with a substantial army.284 He launched an assault on the part called Neapolis, but since the soldiers in the city were numerous and had an advantage in fighting from the walls, he accomplished nothing and broke off the siege. [3] Passing on to the city Engyum, which was controlled by the tyrant Leptines,285 he assailed it with repeated attacks in the hope of expelling Leptines and restoring to the city its freedom. [4] Taking advantage of his preoccupation, Hicetas led out his entire force and attempted to lay siege to Syracuse, but lost many of his men and hastily retreated back to Leontini. [5] Leptines was frightened into submission, and Timoleon shipped him off to the Peloponnese under a safe-conduct, giving the Greeks tangible evidence of the results of his programme of defeating and expelling tyrants.

The city of Apollonia has also been under Leptines. On taking it, Timoleon restored its autonomy as well as that of the city of Engyum.

Lacking funds to pay his mercenaries, he sent a thousand men with his best officers into the part of Sicily ruled by the Carthaginians.286 They pillaged a large area, and, carrying off a large amount of plunder, delivered it to Timoleon. Selling this and realizing a large sum of money, he paid his mercenaries for a long term of service. [2] He took Entella also and, after putting to death the fifteen persons who were the strongest supporters of the Carthaginians, restored the rest to independence. As his strength and military reputation grew, all the Greek cities in Sicily began to submit themselves voluntarily to him, thanks to his policy of restoring to all their autonomy. Many too of the cities of the Sicels and the Sicanians and the rest who were subject to the Carthaginians approached him through embassies in a desire to be included in his alliance. [3]

The Carthaginians recognized that their generals in Sicily were conducting the war in a spiritless manner and decided to send out new ones together with heavy reinforcements.287 Straightway they made a levy for the campaign from among their noblest citizens288 and made suitable drafts among the Libyans. Furthermore, appropriating a large sum of money, they enlisted mercenaries from among the Iberians, Celts, and Ligurians.289 They were occupied also with the construction of battleships. They assembled many freighters and manufactured other supplies in enormous quantities. 290

When Nicomachus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Gaius Marcius and Titus Manlius Torquatus.291 In this year, Phocion the Athenian defeated and expelled Cleitarchus, the tyrant of Eretria who had been installed by Philip. [2] In Caria, Pizodarus,292 the younger of the brothers, ousted Ada from her rule as dynast and held sway for five years until Alexander's crossing over into Asia.

Philip, whose fortunes were constantly on the increase, made an expedition against Perinthus, which had resisted him and inclined toward the Athenians.293 He instituted a siege and advancing engines to the city assailed the walls in relays day after day. [3] He built towers eighty cubits high, which far overtopped the towers of Perinthus, and from a superior height kept wearing down the besieged. He rocked the walls with battering rams and undermined them with saps, and cast down a long stretch of the wall. The Perinthians fought stoutly in their own defence and quickly threw up a second wall; many admirable feats were performed in the open and on the fortifications. [4] Both sides displayed great determination. The king, for his part, rained destruction with numerous and varied catapults upon the men fighting steadfastly along the battlements, while the Perinthians, although their daily losses were heavy, received reinforcements of men, missiles, and artillery from Byzantium. [5] When they had again become a match for the enemy, they took courage and resolutely bore the brunt of battle for their homeland. Still the king persevered in his determination. He divided his forces into several divisions and with frequent reliefs kept up a continuous attack on the walls both day and night. He had thirty thousand men and a store of missiles and siege engines besides other machines in plenty, and kept up a steady pressure against the besieged people.

So the siege dragged on. The numbers mounted of dead and wounded in the city and provisions were running short. The capture of the city was imminent. Fortune, however, did not neglect the safety of those in danger but brought them an unexpected deliverance. Philip's growth in power had been reported in Asia, and the Persian king, viewing this power with alarm, wrote to his satraps on the coast to give all possible assistance to the Perinthians. [2] They consequently took counsel and sent off to Perinthus a force of mercenaries, ample funds, and sufficient stocks of food, missiles, and other materials required for operations.

Similarly the people of Byzantium also sent them their best officers and soldiers. So the armies were again well matched, and as the fighting was resumed, the siege was waged with supreme determination. [3] Philip constantly battered the walls with his rams, making breaches in them, and as his catapults cleared the battlements of defenders, he would at the same moment drive through the breached walls with his soldiers in close formation and assail with scaling ladders the portions of the walls which he had cleared. Then hand-to-hand combat ensued and some were slain outright, others fell under many wounds. The rewards of victory challenged the daring of the contestants, [4] for the Macedonians hoped to have a wealthy city to sack and to be rewarded by Philip with gifts, the hope of profit steeling them against danger, while the Perinthians had before their eyes the horrors of capture and sustained with great courage the battle for their deliverance.

The natural setting of the city greatly aided the besieged Perinthians towards a decisive victory. It lies by the sea on a sort of high peninsula with an isthmus one furlong across, and its houses are packed close together and very high. [2] In their construction along the slope of the hill they overtop one another and thus give the city the general aspect of a theatre. In spite of the constant breaches in the fortifications, consequently, the Perinthians were not defeated, for they blocked up the alley-ways and utilized the lowest tier of houses each time as though it were a wall of defence. [3] When Philip with much labour and hard fighting mastered the city wall, he found that the houses afforded a stronger one, ready made by Fortune. Since, in addition, the city's every need was promptly met by supplies coming to Perinthus from Byzantium, he split his forces in two, and leaving one division under his best officers to continue the operations before Perinthus, marched himself with the other and, making a sudden attack on Byzantium, enclosed that city also in a tight siege. [4] Since their men and weapons and war equipment were all at Perinthus, the people of Byzantium found themselves seriously embarrassed.

Such was the situation at Perinthus and Byzantium.294 [5]

Ephorus of Cyme, the historian, closed his history at this point with the siege of Perinthus, having included in his work the deeds of both the Greeks and the barbarians from the time of the return of the Heracleidae. He covered a period of almost seven hundred and fifty years,295 writing thirty books and prefacing each with an introduction. [6] Diyllus296 the Athenian began the second section of his history with the close of Ephorus's and made a connected narrative of the history of Greeks and barbarians from that point to the death of Philip.297 298

When Theophrastus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Aulus Cornelius, and the one hundred and tenth Olympiad was celebrated, in which Anticles the Athenian won the foot-race.299 [2] In this year, seeing that Philip was besieging Byzantium, the Athenians voted that he had broken his treaty with them and promptly dispatched a formidable fleet to aid that city. Besides them, the Chians, Coans, Rhodians, and some others of the Greeks sent reinforcements also. [3] Philip was frightened by this joint action, broke off the siege of the two cities, and made a treaty of peace with the Athenians and the other Greeks who opposed him.300 [4]

In the west, the Carthaginians prepared great stores of war materials and transported their forces to Sicily.301 They had all told, including the forces previously on the island, more than seventy thousand infantry; cavalry, war-chariots, and extra teams of horses amounting to not less than ten thousand; two hundred battleships; and more than a thousand freighters carrying the horses, weapons, food and everything else. [5] Timoleon was not daunted, however, although he learned the size of the hostile force while he himself was reduced to a handful of soldiers. He was still at war with Hicetas, but came to terms with him and took over his troops, thus materially increasing his own army.302

He decided to commence the struggle with the Carthaginians in their own territory so as to keep intact the land of his allies while wasting that which was subject to the barbarians. [2] He assembled his mercenaries immediately, together with the Syracusans and his allies, called a general assembly, and encouraged his audience with appropriate words to face the decisive struggle. When all applauded and shouted, urging him to lead them immediately against the barbarians, he took the field with not more than twelve thousand men in all.303 [3]

He had reached the territory of Agrigentum when unexpected confusion and discord broke out in his army. One of his mercenaries named Thrasius, who had been with the Phocians when they plundered the shrine at Delphi and was remarkable for his mad recklessness, now perpetrated an act that matched his former outrages. [4] While almost all the rest who had participated in the sacrilege against the oracle had received from the deity their due punishment, as we reported a little earlier,304 he who alone had eluded divine vengeance attempted to incite the mercenaries to desert. [5] He said that Timoleon was out of his mind and was leading his men to certain destruction. The Carthaginians were six times their number and were immeasurably superior in every sort of equipment, but Timoleon was nevertheless promising that they would win, gambling with the lives of the mercenaries whom for a long time because of lack of funds he had not even been able to pay. [6] Thrasius recommended that they should return to Syracuse and demand their pay, and not follow Timoleon any further on a hopeless campaign.

The mercenaries received his speech with enthusiasm and were on the point of mutiny, but Timoleon with some difficulty quieted the disturbance by urgent pleading and the offer of gifts. Even so, a thousand men did go off with Thrasius,305 but he put off their punishment till a later time, and by writing to his friends in Syracuse to receive them kindly and to pay them their arrears he brought the unrest to an end, but also stripped the disobedient men of all credit for the victory. [2] With the rest, whose loyalty he had regained by tactful handling, he marched against the enemy who were encamped not far away. Calling an assembly of the troops, he encouraged them with an address, describing the cowardice of the Phoenicians and recalling the success of Gelon.306 [3]

Just at the moment when all as with one voice were clamouring to attack the barbarians and to begin the battle, it chanced that pack animals came carrying wild celery307 for their bedding, and Timoleon declared that he accepted the omen of his victory, for the crown at the Isthmian games is woven of this. [4] On his suggestion, the soldiers plaited crowns out of celery and with their heads wreathed advanced cheerfully in the confidence that the gods foretold their victory. And that, as a matter of fact, is how it was, [5] for unpredictably, incredible to tell, they got the better of the enemy not only through their own valour but also through the gods' specific assistance.

Timoleon deployed his forces and advanced down from a line of little hills to the river Crimisus,308 where ten thousand of the enemy had already crossed. These he shattered at the first onset, taking his own position in the centre of his line.309 [6] There was a sharp fight, but as the Greeks were superior both in bravery and in skill, there was great slaughter of the barbarians. The rest began to flee, but the main body of the Carthaginians crossed the river in the mean time and restored the situation.

As the battle was renewed, the Phoenicians were overwhelming the Greeks with their superior numbers when, suddenly, from the heavens sheets of rain broke and a storm of great hailstones, while lightning flashed and thunder roared and the wind blew in fierce gusts. All of this tempest buffeted the backs of the Greeks but struck the faces of the barbarians, so that, though Timoleon's soldiers were not much inconvenienced by the affair, the Phoenicians could not stand the force of circumstances, and as the Greeks continued to attack them, they broke into flight. [2]

As all sought the river together—horse and foot intermingled, while the chariots added to the confusion—some perished helplessly trodden under foot or pierced by the swords or lances of their comrades, while others were herded by Timoleon's cavalry into the bed of the river and were struck down from behind. [3] Many died without an enemy's stroke as the bodies piled up in the panic. There was crowding and it was difficult to keep one's feet in the stream. Worst of all, as the rain came down heavily, the river swept downstream as a raging torrent and carried the men with it, drowning them as they struggled to swim in their heavy armour. [4]

In the end, even the Carthaginians who composed the Sacred Battalion,310 twenty-five hundred in number and drawn from the ranks of those citizens who were distinguished for valour and reputation as well as for wealth, were all cut down after a gallant struggle. [5] In the other elements of their army, more than ten thousand soldiers were killed and no less than fifteen thousand were taken captive.311 Most of the chariots were destroyed in the battle but two hundred were taken. The baggage train, with the draught animals and most of the wagons, fell into the hands of the Greeks. [6] Most of the armour was lost in the river, but a thousand breastplates and more than ten thousand shields were brought to the tent of Timoleon. Of these, some were dedicated later in the temples at Syracuse, some were distributed among the allies, and some were sent home by Timoleon to Corinth with instructions to dedicate them in the temple of Poseidon.312

The battle yielded a great store of wealth also, because the Carthaginians had with them an abundance of silver and gold drinking vessels; these, as well as the rest of the personal property which was very numerous because of the wealth of the Carthaginians, Timoleon allowed the soldiers to keep as rewards for their gallantry.313 [2] For their part, the Carthaginians who escaped from the battle made their way with difficulty to safety at Lilybaeum. Such consternation and terror possessed them that they did not dare embark in their ships and sail to Libya, persuaded that they would be swallowed up by the Libyan Sea because their gods had forsaken them. [3]

In Carthage itself, when news of the extent of the disaster had come, all were crushed in spirit and took it for granted that Timoleon would come against them directly with his army. They wasted no time in recalling from exile Gisco314 the son of Hanno and appointing him general, for they thought that he best combined the qualities of boldness and military skill. [4] They voted not to risk the lives of citizens in the future but to enlist foreign mercenaries, especially Greeks315 who, they thought, would answer the call in large numbers because of the high rate of pay and the wealth of Carthage; and they sent skilled envoys to Sicily with instructions to make peace on whatever terms proved possible. 316

At the end of this year, Lysimachides became archon at Athens, and in Rome there were elected as consuls Quintus Servilius and Marcus Rutilius.317 In this year, Timoleon returned to Syracuse and promptly expelled from the city as traitors all the mercenaries who had abandoned him under the leadership of Thrasius. [2] These crossed over into Italy, and coming upon a coastal town in Bruttium, sacked it. The Bruttians, incensed, immediately marched against them with a large army, stormed the place, and shot them all down with javelins.318 Those who had abandoned Timoleon were rewarded by such misfortune for their own wickedness. [3]

Timoleon himself seized and put to death Postumius the Etruscan,319 who had been raiding sea traffic with twelve corsairs, and had put in at Syracuse as a friendly city. He received the new settlers sent out by the Corinthians kindly, to the number of five thousand. Then, when the Carthaginians sent envoys and pleaded with him urgently, he granted them peace on the terms that all the Greek cities should be free,320 that the river Lycus321 should be the boundary of their respective territories, and that the Carthaginians might not give aid to the tyrants who were at war with Syracuse. [4]

After this, he concluded his war with Hicetas and put him to death,322 and then attacked the Campanians in Aetna and wiped them out.323 Likewise he overbore Nicodemus, tyrant of Centuripae, and ousted him from that city; and putting an end to the tyranny of Apolloniades in Agyrium324 he gave Syracusan citizenship to its freed inhabitants. In a word, all of the tyrants throughout the island were uprooted and the cities were set free and taken into his alliance. [5] He made proclamation in Greece that the Syracusans would give land and houses to those who wished to come and share in their state, and many Greeks came to receive their allotments.325 Ultimately forty thousand settlers were assigned to the vacant land of Syracuse and ten thousand to that of Agyrium, because of its extent and quality. [6]

At this time, also, Timoleon revised the existing laws of Syracuse, which Diocles had composed.326 Those concerning private contracts and inheritance he allowed to remain unaltered, but he amended those concerned with public affairs in whatever way seemed advantageous to his own concept. [7] Chairman and director of this legislative programme was Cephalus the Corinthian, a man distinguished for education and intelligence. When his hands were free of this matter, Timoleon transferred the people of Leontini to Syracuse, but sent additional settlers to Camarina and enlarged the city.

So, having established peaceful conditions everywhere throughout Sicily, he caused the cities to experience a vast growth of prosperity.327 For many years, because of domestic troubles and border wars, and still more because of the numbers of tyrants who kept constantly appearing, the cities had become destitute of inhabitants and the open country had become a wilderness for lack of cultivation, producing no useful crops. But now new settlers streamed into the land in great numbers, and as a long period of peace set in, the fields were reclaimed for cultivation and bore abundant crops of all sorts. These the Siceliot Greeks sold to merchants at good prices and rapidly increased their wealth. [2]

It was by reason of the funds so acquired that many large constructions were completed in that period. There was, first, the structure in Syracuse on the Island called the “Hall of the Sixty Couches,” which surpassed all the other buildings of Sicily in size and grandeur.328 This was built by Agathocles the despot, and since, in its pretentiousness, it went beyond the temples of the gods, so it received a mark of Heaven's displeasure in being struck by lightning. Then there were the towers along the shore of the Little Harbour with their mosaic inscriptions of varicoloured stones, proclaiming the name of their founder, Agathocles. Comparable to these but a little later, in the time of Hiero the king, there was built the Olympieium in the market and the altar beside the theatre, a stade in length and proportionally high and broad.329 [3]

Among the lesser cities is to be reckoned Agyrium, but since it shared in the increase of settlers due to this agricultural prosperity, it built the finest theatre in Sicily after that of Syracuse, together with temples of the gods, a council chamber, and a market. There were also memorable towers, as well as pyramidal monuments of architectural distinction marking graves, many and great. 330

When Charondes was archon at Athens, Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Plautius succeeded to the consulship.331 In this year, Philip the king, having won most of the Greeks over to friendship with him, was ambitious to gain the uncontested leadership of Greece by terrifying the Athenians into submission.332 [2] Therefore he suddenly seized the city of Elateia, concentrated his forces there and adopted a policy of war with Athens. He expected to have no trouble in defeating them, since their reliance on the existing peace treaty333 made them unprepared for hostilities; and that is how it worked out. For after Elateia had been occupied, persons came at night to Athens reporting the occupation and stating that Philip would march immediately into Attica with his army.334 [3] Taken aback by this unexpected development, the Athenian generals summoned the trumpeters and ordered them to keep blowing the alarm signal the whole night through.

The news spread into every household and the city was tense with terror, and at dawn the whole people flocked to the theatre even before the archons had made their customary proclamation. [4] When the generals came and introduced the messenger and he had told his story, silence and terror gripped the assembly and none of the usual speakers dared propose a course of action. Again and again the herald called for someone to speak for the common safety, but no one came forward with a proposal. [5] In utter perplexity and dismay, the crowd kept their eyes on Demosthenes. Finally he came down from his seat, and bidding the people take heart gave it as his opinion that they must straightway send envoys to Thebes and invite the Boeotians to join them to make a struggle for freedom. There was no time to send envoys to their other allies335 invoking the treaties of alliance, since in two days the king could be expected to enter Attica. As his way led through Boeotia, the support of the Boeotians was their only recourse, especially since Philip was at that time the friend and ally of the Boeotians and would evidently try to take them along as he marched past to the war against Athens.

When the people accepted the proposal and the decree authorizing the embassy had been drafted by Demosthenes, they turned to the search for their most eloquent representative. Demosthenes willingly answered the call to service. He carried out the mission vigorously and returned to Athens at last having secured the adhesion of the Thebans.

Now that they had doubled their existing armed forces by the Boeotian alliance, the Athenians recovered their confidence. [2] At once they designated Chares and Lysicles as generals and sent forth their entire army under arms into Boeotia. All their youth reported eager for battle and advanced with forced marches as far as Chaeroneia in Boeotia. Impressed by the promptness of the Athenian arrival and themselves no less ready to act decisively, the Boeotians joined them with their weapons and, brigaded together, all awaited the approach of the enemy. [3] Philip's first move was to send envoys to the Boeotian League, the most eminent of whom was Pytho.336 He was celebrated for his eloquence, but judged by the Boeotians in this contest for their allegiance against Demosthenes, he surpassed all the other speakers, to be sure, but was clearly inferior to him. [4] And Demosthenes himself in his speeches parades his success against this orator as a great accomplishment, where he says:“I did not then give ground before Pytho in spite of his confidence and his torrent of words against you.”Dem. 18.136337 [5]

So Philip failed to get the support of the Boeotians, but nevertheless decided to fight both of the allies together. He waited for the last of his laggard confederates to arrive, and then marched into Boeotia. His forces came to more than thirty thousand infantry and no less than two thousand cavalry. [6] Both sides were on edge for the battle, high-spirited and eager, and were well matched in courage, but the king had the advantage in numbers and in generalship. [7] He had fought many battles of different sorts and had been victorious in most cases, so that he had a wide experience in military operations. On the Athenian side, the best of their generals were dead—Iphicrates, Chabrias, and Timotheus too—and the best of those who were left, Chares, was no better than any average soldier in the energy and discretion required of a commander.338

The armies deployed339 at dawn, and the king stationed his son Alexander, young in age but noted for his valour and swiftness of action, on one wing, placing beside him his most seasoned generals, while he himself at the head of picked men exercised the command over the other; individual units were stationed where the occasion required.340 [2] On the other side, dividing the line according to nationality, the Athenians assigned one wing to the Boeotians and kept command of the other themselves. Once joined, the battle was hotly contested for a long time and many fell on both sides, so that for a while the struggle permitted hopes of victory to both. [3]

Then Alexander, his heart set on showing his father his prowess and yielding to none in will to win, ably seconded by his men, first succeeded in rupturing the solid front of the enemy line and striking down many he bore heavily on the troops opposite him. [4] As the same success was won by his companions, gaps in the front were constantly opened. Corpses piled up, until finally Alexander forced his way through the line and put his opponents to flight. Then the king also in person advanced, well in front and not conceding credit for the victory even to Alexander; he first forced back the troops stationed before him and then by compelling them to flee became the man responsible for the victory. [5] More than a thousand Athenians fell in the battle and no less than two thousand were captured. [6] Likewise, many of the Boeotians were killed and not a few taken prisoners. After the battle Philip raised a trophy of victory, yielded the dead for burial, gave sacrifices to the gods for victory, and rewarded according to their deserts those of his men who had distinguished themselves.

The story is told that in the drinking after dinner Philip downed a large amount of unmixed wine and forming with his friends a comus in celebration of the victory paraded through the midst of his captives, jeering all the time at the misfortunes of the luckless men.341 Now Demades, the orator, who was then one of the captives, spoke out boldly342 and made a remark able to curb the king's disgusting exhibition. [2] He is said to have remarked: “O King, when Fortune has cast you in the role of Agamemnon, are you not ashamed to act the part of Thersites?” Stung by this well-aimed shaft of rebuke, Philip altered his whole demeanour completely. He cast off his garland, brushed aside the symbols of pride that marked the comus, expressed admiration for the man who dared to speak so plainly, freed him from captivity and gave him a place in his own company with every mark of honour. [3] Addressed by Demades with Attic charm, he ended by releasing all of the Athenian prisoners without ransom and, altogether abandoning the arrogance of victory, sent envoys to the people of Athens and concluded with them a treaty of friendship and alliance. With the Boeotian she concluded peace but maintained a garrison in Thebes.

After this defeat, the Athenians condemned to death the general Lysicles on the accusation of Lycurgus, the orator. Lycurgus had the highest repute of the politicians of his time, and since he had won praise for his conduct of the city's finances over a period of twelve343 years and lived in general a life renowned for rectitude, he proved to be a very stern prosecutor. [2] One can judge of his character and austerity in the passage in his accusation where he says: “You were general, Lysicles. A thousand citizens have perished and two thousand were taken captive. A trophy stands over your city's defeat, and all of Greece is enslaved. All of this happened under your leadership and command, and yet you dare to live and to look on the sun and even to intrude into the market, a living monument of our country's shame and disgrace.” [3]

There was an odd coincidence in the period under review. At the same time as the battle took place at Chaeroneia, another battle occurred in Italy on the same day and at the same hour between the people of Tarentum and the Lucanians.344 In the service of Tarentum was Archidamus, the Lacedaemonian king, and it happened that he was himself killed. [4] He had ruled the Lacedaemonians for twenty-three years; his son Agis succeeded to the throne and ruled for nine years.345 [5]

At this time, also, Timotheus the tyrant of Heracleia-Pontica died after having been in power for fifteen years. His brother Dionysius succeeded to the tyranny and ruled for thirty-two years.346 347

When Phrynichus was archon at Athens, the Romans installed as consuls Titus Manlius Torquatus and Publius Decius.348 In this year King Philip, proudly conscious of his victory at Chaeroneia and seeing that he had dashed the confidence of the leading Greek cities, conceived of the ambition to become the leader of all Greece. [2] He spread the word that he wanted to make war on the Persians in the Greeks' behalf and to punish them for the profanation of the temples,349 and this won for him the loyal support of the Greeks. He showed a kindly face to all in private and in public, and he represented to the cities that he wished to discuss with them matters of common advantage. [3] A general congress was, accordingly, convened at Corinth. He spoke about the war against Persia and by raising great expectations won the representatives over to war. The Greeks elected him the general plenipotentiary of Greece, and he began accumulating supplies for the campaign. He prescribed the number of soldiers that each city should send for the joint effort, and then returned to Macedonia.

This was the state of affairs as regards Philip.

In Sicily, Timoleon the Corinthian died; he had put in order all the affairs of the Syracusans and the other Siceliot Greeks, and had been their general for eight years.350 The Syracusans revered him greatly because of his ability and the extent of his services to them and gave him a magnificent funeral. As the body was borne out in the presence of all the people the following decree was proclaimed by that Demetrius who had the most powerful voice of all the criers of his time351: “The people of Syracuse have voted to bury this Timoleon son of Timaenetus, of Corinth, at a cost of two hundred minas, and to honour him to the end of time with musical, equestrian, and gymnastic games, because he destroyed the tyrants, defeated the barbarians, and resettled the mightiest of Greek cities, and so became the author of freedom for the Greeks of Sicily.” [2]

In this year, also, Ariobarzanes died after ruling for twenty-six years and Mithridates, succeeding him, ruled for thirty-five.352 The Romans were victorious in a battle against the Latins and Campanians in the vicinity of Suessa and annexed part of the territory of the vanquished. Manlius, the consul who had won the victory, celebrated a triumph.353 354

When Pythodorus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Quintus Publius and Tiberius Aemilius Mamercus, and the one hundred and eleventh celebration of the Olympic Games took place, in which Cleomantis of Cleitor won the foot-race.355 [2] In this year, King Philip, installed as leader by the Greeks, opened the war with Persia by sending into Asia as an advance party Attalus and Parmenion,356 assigning to them a part of his forces and ordering them to liberate the Greek cities, while he himself, wanting to enter upon the war with the gods' approval, asked the Pythia whether he would conquer the king of the Persians. She gave him the following response:“ Wreathed is the bull. All is done. There is also the one who will smite him. ”357 [3]

Now Philip found this response ambiguous but accepted it in a sense favourable to himself, namely that the oracle foretold that the Persian would be slaughtered like a sacrificial victim. Actually, however, it was not so, and it meant that Philip himself in the midst of a festival and holy sacrifices, like the bull, would be stabbed to death while decked with a garland. [4] In any event, he thought that the gods supported him and was very happy to think that Asia would be made captive under the hands of the Macedonians.

Straightway he set in motion plans for gorgeous sacrifices to the gods joined with the wedding of his daughter Cleopatra, whose mother was Olympias; he had given her in marriage to Alexander king of Epirus, Olympia's own brother.358 [5] He wanted as many Greeks as possible to take part in the festivities in honour of the gods, and so planned brilliant musical contests and lavish banquets for his friends and guests. [6] Out of all Greece he summoned his personal guest-friends and ordered the members of his court to bring along as many as they could of their acquaintances from abroad. He was determined to show himself to the Greeks as an amiable person and to respond to the honours conferred when he was appointed to the supreme command with appropriate entertainment.

So great numbers of people flocked together from all directions to the festival, and the games and the marriage were celebrated in Aegae in Macedonia. Not only did individual notables crown him with golden crowns but most of the important cities as well, and among them Athens. [2] As this award was being announced by the herald, he ended with the declaration that if anyone plotted against King Philip and fled to Athens for refuge, he would be delivered up.359 The casual phrase seemed like an omen sent by Providence to let Philip know that a plot was coming. [3] There were other like words also spoken, seemingly divinely inspired, which forecast the king's death.

At the state banquet, Philip ordered the actor Neoptolemus, matchless in the power of his voice and in his popularity, to present some well-received pieces, particularly such as bore on the Persian campaign. The artist thought that his piece would be taken as appropriate to Philip's crossing and intended to rebuke the wealth of the Persian king, great and famous as it was, (suggesting) that it could some day be overturned by fortune. Here are the words that he first sang:“ Your thoughts reach higher than the air; You dream of wide fields' cultivation.
The homes you plan surpass the homes
That men have known, but you do err,
Guiding your life afar.
But one there is who'll catch the swift,
Who goes a way obscured in gloom,
And sudden, unseen, overtakes
And robs us of our distant hopes—
Death, mortals' source of many woes.
”360 He continued with the rest of the song, all of it dealing with the same theme. [4] Philip was enchanted with the message and was completely occupied with the thought of the overthrow of the Persian king, for he remembered the Pythian oracle which bore the same meaning as the words quoted by the tragic actor. [5]

Finally the drinking was over and the start of the games set for the following day. While it was still dark, the multitude of spectators hastened into the theatre and at sunrise the parade formed. Along with lavish display of every sort, Philip included in the procession statues of the twelve gods wrought with great artistry and adorned with a dazzling show of wealth to strike awe in the beholder, and along with these was conducted a thirteenth statue, suitable for a god, that of Philip himself, so that the king exhibited himself enthroned among the twelve gods.361

Every seat in the theatre was taken when Philip appeared wearing a white cloak, and by his express orders his bodyguard held away from him and followed only at a distance, since he wanted to show publicly that he was protected by the goodwill of all the Greeks, and had no need of a guard of spearmen.362 [2] Such was the pinnacle of success that he had attained, but as the praises and congratulations of all rang in his ears, suddenly without warning the plot against the king was revealed as death struck. [3] We shall set forth the reasons for this in order that our story may be clear.

There was a Macedonian Pausanias who came of a family from the district Orestis.363 He a was bodyguard of the king and was beloved by him because of his beauty. [4] When he saw that the king was becoming enamoured of another Pausanias (a man of the same name as himself), he addressed him with abusive language, accusing him of being a hermaphrodite and prompt to accept the amorous advances of any who wished. [5] Unable to endure such an insult, the other kept silent for the time, but, after confiding to Attalus, one of his friends, what he proposed to do, he brought about his own death voluntarily and in a spectacular fashion. [6] For a few days after this, as Philip was engaged in battle with Pleurias, king of the Illyrians,364 Pausanias stepped in front of him and, receiving on his body all the blows directed at the king, so met his death. [7]

The incident was widely discussed and Attalus, who was a member of the court circle and influential with the king, invited the first Pausanias to dinner and when he had plied him till drunk with unmixed wine, handed his unconscious body over to the muleteers to abuse in drunken licentiousness. [8] So he presently recovered from his drunken stupor and, deeply resenting the outrage to his person, charged Attalus before the king with the outrage. Philip shared his anger at the barbarity of the act but did not wish to punish Attalus at that time because of their relationship, and because Attalus's services were needed urgently. [9] He was the nephew365 of the Cleopatra whom the king had just married as a new wife and he had been selected as a general of the advanced force being sent into Asia, for he was a man valiant in battle. For these reasons, the king tried to mollify the righteous anger of Pausanias at his treatment, giving him substantial presents and advancing him in honour among the bodyguards.

Pausanias, nevertheless, nursed his wrath implacably,366 and yearned to avenge himself, not only on the one who had done him wrong, but also on the one who failed to avenge him. In this design he was encouraged especially by the sophist Hermocrates.367 He was his pupil, and when he asked in the course of his instruction how one might become most famous, the sophist replied that it would be by killing the one who had accomplished most, for just as long as he was remembered, so long his slayer would be remembered also. [2] Pausanias connected this saying with his private resentment, and admitting no delay in his plans because of his grievance he determined to act under cover of the festival in the following manner. [3] He posted horses at the gates of the city and came to the entrance of the theatre carrying a Celtic dagger under his cloak. When Philip directed his attending friends to precede him into the theatre, while the guards kept their distance, he saw that the king was left alone, rushed at him, pierced him through his ribs, and stretched him out dead368; then ran for the gates and the horses which he had prepared for his flight. [4] Immediately one group of the bodyguards hurried to the body of the king while the rest poured out in pursuit of the assassin; among these last were Leonnatus and Perdiccas and Attalus.369 Having a good start, Pausanias would have mounted his horse before they could catch him had he not caught his boot in a vine and fallen. As he was scrambling to his feet, Perdiccas and the rest came up with him and killed him with their javelins.

Such was the end of Philip, who had made himself the greatest of the kings in Europe in his time, and because of the extent of his kingdom had made himself a throned companion of the twelve gods.370 He had ruled twenty-four years. [2] He is known to fame as one who with but the slenderest resources to support his claim to a throne won for himself the greatest empire in the Greek world, while the growth of his position was not due so much to his prowess in arms as to his adroitness and cordiality in diplomacy. [3] Philip himself is said to have been prouder of his grasp of strategy and his diplomatic successes than of his valour in actual battle. [4] Every member of his army shared in the successes which were won in the field but he alone got credit for victories won through negotiation.371 [5]

Now that we have come to the death of Philip, we shall conclude this book here according to our original statement.372 Beginning the next one with Alexander's accession as king we shall try to include all of his career in one book.

1 In Book 1.3 Diodorus sets forth his design for the History. Inasmuch as it is a “universal history,” the fortunes of a single man, e.g. Philip, might well be spread over a considerable compass, since the author pursues the chronological order. The fortunes of Philip have a particular advantage, in that Diodorus can deal with them compactly—he says here in a single book—and still maintain his chronological plan.

2 The events in this chapter are taken up in the later narrative where proper annotations will appear.

3 360/59 B.C.

4 This defeat occurs on two occasions according to Diodorus, at the beginning of his reign (Book 14.92.3-4) and again about 383 (Book 15.19.2). Beloch (Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.58) thinks the first mention erroneous.

5 Since Philip was born about 383 he was an infant when given to the Illyrians. Justin 7.5.1 states that he was ransomed by Alexander II and later sent by him as hostage to Thebes. Diodorus likewise has Alexander send him to Thebes (Book 15.67.4) as does Plut. Pelopidas 26.4). Modern historians, e.g. Beloch (op. cit. 3.1.182, note), Glotz (Hist. gr. 3.227), and the author of the article on Philip in P.-W. (Realencyclopädie, 19.2266) agree that Ptolemy of Alorus, paramour and later husband of Eurydice, widow of Amyntas III, was the monarch who sent Philip to Thebes, basing their account on Aeschines (Aeschin. 2.26 ff.), who places Philip at the court of Ptolemy when he succeeded Alexander II (369). Philip was probably in Thebes 368-365. His adoption of the “oblique order of battle” from Epameinondas is probably the most striking result of his sojourn in Thebes (see Wilcken, Alexander the Great, translated by G. C. Richards, 30).

6 Lysis of Tarentum (see Nepos Epaminondas 2.2). But Wesseling quotes Plut. De Genio Socratis 584b, to show that Lysis died shortly before the deliverance of Thebes. For the education of Epameinondas see Book 15.39.2. According to Plut. Pelopidas 26.5, Philip was a hostage in the house of Pammenes (see Books 15.94.2 and 16.34.1-2) and not in the house of Epameinondas' father, whose name was Polymnus (Nepos Epaminondas 1.1). Certainly Epameinondas had passed his student days when Philip was a hostage, since he had already won the battle of Leuctra.

7 See Book 15.60.3.

8 See Book 15.71.1.

9 See Book 15.77.5.

10 Bardylis was the name of their formidable king (Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.205).

11 He was only ἐπίτροπος, regent, for Perdiccas' son Amyntas III (P.-W. Realencyclopädie, 19.2266-2267). Under Perdiccas, after his return from Thebes, he had administered a district of Macedonia. (See Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.204.)

12 See Aeschin. 2.26-27. He had striven for the crown at the death of Alexander II. (See F. Geyer, Makedonien bis zur Thronsbesteigung Philipps II, Beiheft 19 der Historischen Zeitschrift, 1930, 132.)

13 Berisades (?), Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.225, note 1.

14 See Book 14.92.4 and Beloch, l.c., also p. 102. Also Geyer, op. cit. 139.

15 For the reorganization of the Macedonian army see Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.205. The addition of foot-soldiers to form the famous “Phalanx” and the provision of a long pike, sarissa, were the most important military reforms. See also Wilcken, Alexander the Great (trans.), 31-32.

16 See Hom. Il. 13.131ff.“ Spear crowded spear, Shield, helmet, man press'd helmet, man and shield; The hairy crests of their resplendent casques Kiss'd close at every nod, so wedged they stood. ”(Cowper's translation.) These lines are quoted of the phalanx by Polybius 18.28.6 and Curtius Rufus 3.2.13.

17 Amphipolis was coveted by the Athenians (who had lost it to Brasidas in the Peloponnesian War) because of its commanding position by the Strymon River, giving access to the plains of Macedonia, and its nearness to forests needed in shipbuilding and to the gold and silver mines of Mt. Pangaeus. Between this occasion when Amphipolis was declared autonomous to thwart Argaeus, who had promised to hand it over to Athens if they made him king, and Philip's capture of the town (see chap. 8.2 ff.), a secret treaty was made by which Philip promised to procure Amphipolis for Athens if he were assured of a free hand in Pydna, formerly Macedonian but then in the Athenian League. See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.225-226; Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.203-204. Compare Polyaenus 4.2.17; Justin 7.6; Dem. 23.121; Dem. 2.6 f.; and Theopompus fr. 165 (Oxford).

18 The Thracian king mentioned chap. 2.6.

19 See chap. 2.6. Methone is above Pydna near the Macedonian border.

20 Old capital of Macedonia, considerably inland.

21 Some of these were Athenians whose losses he made good and through whom he tried to arrange an alliance with Athens. See Dem. 23.121.

22 North-east of Mt. Pangaeus in Thrace. “Philippi is a city that was formerly called Datus, and before that Crenides, because there are many springs bubbling around a hill there. Philip fortified it because he considered it an excellent stronghold against the Thracians, and named it from himself, Philippi.” Appian Civil Wars 4.105, translated by White (L.C.L.). Datus was the older name found in Hdt. 9.75. Κρηνίδες is found in IG, 2（2）. 127 of the year 356/5. This seems to be the first instance of the practice, later so common, of naming cities for a king.

23 Of this work, the longest history published till then, two hundred seventeen fragments remain. Theopompus' admiration for Philip is reflected by Diodorus, who must have relied heavily on his account. For the contents of the Philippica see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.18-24.

24 359/8 B.C.

25 See note on chap. 3.3.

26 For the power of this king see chap. 2.5.

27 See chap. 8.1; Justin 7.6.7 and Frontinus Strat. 2.3.2. Beloch has a critical account of this battle, which he places near Monastir, in Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.226, note 2. He believes that the plan of battle was Parmenio's.

28 For the succession of Dionysius II see Book 15.74.5.

29 For the character of Dionysius II see Plut. Dion 7.3-4 and Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.272-273.

30 The cessation of activities against Carthage is noted in Book 15.73.4.

31 No mention is made previously of this war with the Lucanians. In Book 14.100.5 Dionysius I is said to have made an alliance with the Lucanians and his policy of supporting them against the Italiot Greeks is clearly shown in chapter 101 of that Book. This seems to be the war mentioned in Plut. Dion 16.3 and Plat. L. 3.317a. For this war see Costanzi, “De bello Lucanico quod Dionysius minor recens ab imperio composuerit,” Rivista di Filologia, 26 (1898), 450 ff.

32 This phrase is found in chap. 70.2, in Plut. Dion 7.3 and Plut. Dion 10.3, and in Aelian Varia Historia 6.12.

33 358/7 B.C.

34 According to Plut. Dion 14.5, Dion was placed on a boat by Dionysius and sent to Italy (Nepos says to Corinth, Nepos Dion 3 f.). This must have happened considerably earlier as Plat. L. 7.329c) says that it happened three months after his arrival in 367. Diodorus has evidently compressed the earlier details into this year.

35 For the association of Plato and Dion see Plat. L. 7.327a; Anth. Pal. 7.99 (L.C.L. 2.60).

36 Corinth was probably selected, not only because of its favourable location, but because it was the mother-city of Syracuse and very possibly favoured the oligarchy Dion planned to set up (see Plut. Dion 53).

37 Dion spent about ten years in Greece, 366-357 (Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.275), in close touch with the Academy. For preparations see Nepos Dion 5.

38 Diodorus says 1000 (chap. 9.5), to which if 1500 under Heracleides (chap. 16.2) are added the number 3000 is approximated (chap. 17.3 and Anaximenes De Rhetorica ad Alexandrum 8.3.1429b). For other details of the expedition see Plut. Dion 22-24. For a critical account see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.257 and note 3, followed by Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.277.

39 See chap. 68.8 and Plut. Timoleon 10.4.

40 For a different story see Book 14.59.2. Naxos (three miles from Tauromenium) was destroyed by Dionysius in 403 (Book 14.15.2) and its territory assigned to neighbouring Siculi (ibid. 3). These occupied the hill of Taurus to the north of Naxos and gave it the name Tauromenium. The Siculi in 394 warded off a surprise winter attack of Dionysius (Book 14.87-88). By the peace of 392 Dionysius regained Tauromenium, expelled the Siculi, and settled his mercenaries on the spot (Book 14.96.4). Probably this present settlement by Andromachus is to be regarded as a new foundation. See Wesseling's note on Book 14.59.

41 Since Tauromenium had been a stronghold of Sextus Pompey, Augustus, as a precautionary measure and because of its strong position commanding the coast road between Syracuse and Messene, expelled the former inhabitants to make room for new colonists. It may have been one of the Sicilian cities colonized by Augustus in Dio Cassius, 54.7.1 (21 B.C.)

42 Diodorus has placed the Euboean war wrongly in the archonship of Cephisodotus (358/7). The war lasted only thirty days according to Aeschin. 3.85 and occurred under Agathocles (357/6). Diocles was the Athenian commander (Dem. 21.174) and he was general in 357/6 (Dittenberger, Sylloge, 1（3）. 190.23 and note 9). The treaty of peace is also dated under the archonship of Agathocles (ibid. 20 = IG, 2（2）. 124). That the Social War had already begun is proved by the intentional erasure of Chabrias' (chap. 7.3) name from this inscription. He was no longer general when the treaty was signed since he had fallen at Chios. For discussion see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.258 and 3.1.238, note 2.

43 Again Diodorus is wrong in the dating of the Social War. The war opened with the attack on Chios in which Chabrias fell. For reasons given in the preceding note this must be the year 357/6. Diodorus (chap. 22.2) closes the war in the year of Elpines, 356/5, after it has lasted “four” years. Dionysius (Dion. Hal. De Lysia Iudicium 12, p. 480) placed the Social War in the years of Agathocles and Elpines (357/6 and 356/5), which seems to be the correct dating. For discussion see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.260-262.

44 Mausolus was the prime instigator of the Social War (see Dem. 15.3). Yet Byzantium, Rhodes, and Chios had joined forces previously when stirred up by Epameinondas (see Book 15.79.1).

45 See Nepos Chabrias 4; Plut. Phocion 6.1; Dem. 20.80 ff.

46 See chap. 4.

47 Western border of Macedonia by Lyncestis and Orestis.

48 See chap. 3.3 and explanatory note; also 4.1.

49 See Wilcken, Alexander, 33.

50 A good account of Philip's seizures of Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, and Crenides is found in Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.207-208. This account omits, as does Diodorus, Athens' declaration of war on Philip's retention of Amphipolis, which is attested by Isoc. 5.2; Aeschin. 2.21, 70, 72, Aeschin. 3.54; and IG, 2（2）. 127 (πόλεμος πρὸς Φίλιππον) of the year 356. For Amphipolis see also note on chap. 3.3; Theopompus fr. 43 (Oxford); Dem. 1.8; 2.6; 7.27-28; and on the exiles also Dittenberger, Sylloge, 1（3）. 194.

51 For Pydna see Dem. 20.63; Dem. 1.5.

52 For the alliance between Philip and Olynthus see Dem. 23.108; Dem. 2.14; Dem. 6.20; also Robinson, Transactions of the American Philological Association, 65 (1934), 103-122.

53 On Crenides see chap. 3.7 and note.

54 Worth about $6.25. According to Seltman, Greek Coins, 200-201, the issue of Philippi bore the name of the town ΦΙΛΙΠΠΩΝ (see Plate XLVI 7) and only after 348 began the issue of Philippeioi. See also West, “The Early Diplomacy of Philip II of Macedon Illustrated by his Coins,” Numismatic Chronicle, 3 (1923), 169 ff.

55 357/6 B.C.

56 Confirmed by Plut. Dion 25.1. The port was Heracleia Minoa, halfway between Acragas and Selinus (see below, sect. 4).

57 Confirmed by chap. 70.3; Plut. Dion 14.2; Aelian Varia Historia 6.12. Nepos Dion 5.3 gives “quingentis longis navibus.”

58 Of Ortygia and Epipolae, the work of Dionysius I. See Book 14.7.1-3, 5; and Book 14.18 for these and other constructions.

59 For this myth see Book 4.77-79. There is no mention of “founding” Minoa in chap. 79.

60 Plut. Dion 25-26.3, gives a more detailed account of Dion's voyage and his landing at Minoa. Synalus (Plut. Dion 25.5) is there the name given to the Carthaginian commander, Dion's friend. It is very possible that Carthage favoured Dion's project since it gave every indication of weakening the military power of Syracuse (see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.258).

61 These seem to be the mercenaries he had brought, not new ones (see chap. 6.5).

62 See the account in Plut. Dion 26-27 and Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.278.

63 That Dionysius was in Italy is attested by Plut. Dion 26.1 and Nepos Dion 5.4. If Plutarch is correct in placing him at Caulonia Plut. Dion 26.4) as Diodorus does in chap. 11.3, he could not have been by the Adriatic. Caulonia, on the east coast of Bruttium, was destroyed by Dionysius the Elder in 389 B.C., its inhabitants removed to Syracuse, and its territory given to the Locrians for settlement (see Book 14.106.3). In this sense it might be called a new foundation.

64 See chap. 6.5.

65 See chap. 6.4.

66 See the interpretation of this manoeuvre by Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.279.

67 See Plutarch's account in Plut. Dion 28-29. Achradina (Plut. Dion 29.1) is an extension of the city, covering the eastern part of the plateau of Epipolae.

68 See Plut. Dion 27.3, who says five thousand, which is undoubtedly too low an estimate as Diodorus' is too high. See Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.278.

69 Twenty-five is the number given by Plut. Dion 22.4.

70 ὥσπερ ἱεράν τινα καὶ θεοπρεπῆ πομπήν (Plut. Dion 28.3) and προστρεπομένων ὥσπερ θεὸν κατευχαῖς (Plut. Dion 29.1).

71 Forty-eight in Plut. Dion 28.3, 405-357 B.C.

72 See chap. 10.2 and note.

73 This is the historian (see Book 15.89.3 and 94.4) who aided Dionysius the Elder to secure his tyranny (Book 13.91.4), was driven into exile by him and presently recalled (Book 15.7.3-4).

74 See Plut. Dion 30.1-3.

75 The island of Ortygia, which is actually attached to the mainland, stretches south, leaving a narrow passage of twelve hundred yards as the mouth of the Great Harbour between itself and Plemmyrium. Ortygia had been strongly fortified by Dionysius the Elder.

76 For this battle see Plut. Dion 30.4-8.

77 Diodorus alone mentions ruses of Dion. Plutarch (Plut. Dion 31-32.1) and Polyaenus 5.2.8) note only those of Dionysius.

78 Diodorus has this event one year too late. It should be 358/7, counting eleven years from Book 15.61.2 (see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.83-84). For the story see Xen. Hell. 6.4.35 ff.; Plut. Pelopidas 35; Cicero De Officiis 2.7.25; Valerius Maximus 9.13, ext. 3. Peitholaus, the third brother, here omitted, is mentioned chap. 37.3.

79 From chap. 76.5 we learn that the work of Ephorus was in thirty books and that it closed with the capture of Perinthus. What Demophilus probably wrote was book 30, since books 28 and 29 (fr. 149-150) contained the history of the West and book 27 (fr. 148) contained the early years of Philip's reign. See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.25 and Athenaeus 6.232d.

80 Compare for the beginning and end chaps. 23.1 (355/4) and 59.1 (346/5). The Sacred War is accorded ten years by Aeschin. 2.131, Aeschin. 3.148, Paus. 9.6.4; was said to be closed in the tenth year by Duris (fr. 2); Paus. 10.3.1.

81 Of Olynthus, the nephew and pupil of Aristotle. He wrote the history of the Sacred War probably as a sequel to his Hellenica (see Book 14.117.8). Cp. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.25 and 12. He was war reporter to Alexander.

82 Much uncertainty reigns as to the number and arrangement of the books of his history. The usual reading of the editors here, 27, conflicts with 26 in Book 21.5. Beloch (op. cit. 3.2.26) believes 27 in this passage correct and 26 in Book 21.5 a scribal error. Rühl in Neue Jahrbücher für Philologie, 137 (1888), 123 ff. thinks Diyllus wrote a history in three parts, συντάξεις of 27 books, nine in each part, beginning with the Sacred War and ending with the death of Cassander.

83 356/5 B.C.

84 These names appear in Livy 7.12.1 as Marcus Popilius Laenas and Gnaeus Manlius.

85 Cp. chap. 2.1.

86 A city on the west coast of Bruttian peninsula probably founded by Croton.

87 Sybaris on the Trais is mentioned in Book 12.22.1.

88 Perhaps Oscan. Yet other legends have Brettos (Stephanus of Byzantium, Βρέττος), son of Hercules and Valentia, as eponymous hero, and still others Brettia (Justin 23.1.12), as eponymous heroine. But the term Brettios is older than the date of this passage (see Aristoph. fr. 629 Kock).

89 See Justin 23.1.3-14; Strabo 6.1.4.

90 See chap. 6.5.

91 Cp. Plut. Dion 39.3: “with the loss of a few men”.

92 Compare the narrative of chaps. 16-17 with Plut. Dion 32-39.

93 That Nypsius was from Campanian Neapolis is proved by his Oscan name (properly written Νύμψιος as on the inscription from Lacco on Ischia, IG, 14.894). See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.260, note 1.

94 A fountain on the island of Ortygia on the slope toward the Great Harbour.

95 Entrance on the north to Tycha, a populous quarter of the city.

96 The enemy, in the citadel on the Island, were prevented by the walls from crossing to the main part of the city on Achradina.

97 Compare the narrative of chaps. 18-20 with Plut. Dion 41-48.

98 See chap. 7.3-4.

99 See Nepos Timotheus 3. Menestheus, son of Iphicrates and son-in-law of Timotheus, was also associated with the command and later brought to trial. A battle was actually begun, the battle of Embata, not in the Hellespont, but near Erythrae. See Nepos, l.c.: “hinc male re gesta, compluribus amissis navibus”; Polyaenus 3.9.29; Stephanus of Byzantium, s.v. Ἔμβατον.

100 See Nepos Timotheus 3.5; Nepos Iphicrates 3.3; Isoc. 15.129; Polyaenus 3.9.29; Din. Dem. 14 and Schaefer, Demosthenes, 1（2）. 175 ff. For an interesting appraisal of these generals see chap. 85.7.

101 See chap. 34.1; Isoc. 7.8, 10, 81; Plut. Aratus 16; Papyrus frag. in Festschrift für O. Hirschfeld, 100; Schol. Demosthenes, 4.19.

102 See Dem. 15.26; Isoc. 8.16 et passim. Diodorus fails to state that Chios, Cos, and Rhodes were allowed to withdraw from the League and the independence of Byzantium was recognized. See Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.210-212.

103 See Justin 12.16.6; Plut. Alexander 3.5 and discussion in Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.231 and notes.

104 355/4 B.C.

105 Should probably read “ten” years as in chap. 59.1. See chap. 14.3 and notes. For an account of the beginnings of the Sacred War see Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.213 ff.

106 Originally the Council of the Amphictyonic League, an association which had the care of the temple and oracle of Delphi. Thebans and Thessalians with the aid of small neighbouring tribes controlled the vote in the Council.

107 The plain near Cirrha on the Corinthian Gulf consecrated to Apollo of Delphi and so not supposed to be cultivated (cp. Aeschin. 3.107-112). Other causes for fining the Phocians are given in Paus.10.2.1 and Justin 8.1, but this fine is mentioned in Paus. 10.15.1. See chap. 29.2-3.

108 Recorders or officers in charge of sacred business at meetings of the Amphictyonic Council, two from each nation.

109 Town near Delphi.

110 Homeric name for Delphi.

111 See Polyaenus 5.45.

112 Unknown. Wesseling thinks they may be the Φοίβου Δελφοὶ θέραπες, noble attendants of the shrine, cp. Eur. Ion 94.

113 Near Amphissa. The account of the battle is repeated chap. 28.3.

114 See Plut. De defectu oraculorum 42; Justin 24.6.

115 Schol. on Aristoph. Pl. 9.

116 See chap. 33.2.

117 A semicircular range of rocks on Mt. Parnassus facing south, hence “Resplendent.” Aesop is said to have been precipitated from the eastern rock Hyampeia (see Suidas, s.v. Αἴσωπος).

118 Chapters 27-28 cover much the same ground as 23-24. Diodorus, chaps. 23-40, is the principal source for the Sacred War. Short sketches appear in Paus. 10.2 and in Justin 8.1-2.

119 See Dem. 19.61.

120 Book 15.53-56.

121 See Book 15.20.2.

122 For a contrary statement see chap. 56.5.

123 Unmentioned elsewhere.

124 The decisive battle was fought at Neon (see Paus. 10.2.4). A good description of the campaign is given by Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.250, note 1, and by Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.215 ff.

125 The last city on the coast of Philip's possessions still belonging to Athens. Diodorus repeats the notice of its capture in chap. 34.4 f. For the date see Beloch, op. cit. 3.2.269 and Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.219.

126 The correct spelling is Spartocus (Σπάρτοκος) according to Latyschew, Inscr. Ant. Orae Sept. Ponti Eux. p. xviii. Diodorus is probably wrong as to the dates of these reigns. For a discussion see Beloch, op. cit. 3.2.91 ff., with whom Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.71 disagrees.

127 See Livy, 7.16.2-6.

128 Callippus was a member of Plato's Academy (cf. Athenaeus 11.508e; Diogenes Laertius 3.46; Suidas; only “an Athenian” in Plat. L. 7.333e, quoted by Plut. Dion 54) who accompanied his friend Dion to Syracuse. Claiming that Dion was substituting one tyranny for another but actually wishing to get power himself, Callippus effected his assassination. (See Beloch, op. cit. 3.1.261 and note, and Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.284 f.) Parallel accounts are Plut. Dion 54-57; Nepos Dion 8-10 (Callicrates sic).

129 353/2 B.C.

130 No mention of a “colossus” has been found. Pausanias (Paus. 10.15.1) mentions a statue of Apollo dedicated by the Amphictyons from the fines levied upon the Phocians.

131 The Locrians.

132 In Epicnemidian Locris. Alponus, Thronion, and Nicaea were posts controlling the roads to Thermopylae held by Phocians (cp. Aeschin. 2.132; Dem. 19.83).

133 In Ozolian Locris. Cp. Plut. Mulierum Virtutes 249e-f.

134 See Strabo 9.4.11.

135 See chap. 22.1-2.

136 For this campaign see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.250-251; Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.217-218; Glotz, Hist. gr. 3.268.

137 A city in Argolis. See chap. 39.4 for repetition of this event with greater detail of narrative. (Cp. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.272).

138 So spelled by Diodorus. Properly Κερσεβλέπτης (cp. Hoeck, Hermes, 26.100, note 3). King of Thrace, 360-341.

139 Cleruchs or holders of allotments of land. See IG, 2.795.

140 See Justin 7.6.13-16; Dem. 4.35; and chap. 31.6; also IG, 2（2）. 1.130.

141 See chap. 14.1.

142 See chap. 33.3 and Polyaenus 4.2.19.

143 At Hermeum, cp. Ephorus, fr. 153, and Aristot. Nic. Eth. 3.1116b.

144 On the chronology of these events see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.267-270.

145 Beloch thinks it highly improbable that Chares happened to be sailing by in the Gulf of Pagasae where this action is placed. He thinks that the Athenians sent Chares to prevent Philip from taking Pagasae but that Chares arrived too late (Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.476 and note 3). See chap. 34.3.

146 Contrary to chap. 61.2 and Paus. 10.2.5, who states that he was shot down (or “drowned,” if we read κατεποντίσθη) by his own men. If Onomarchus is the “general” referred to, as he seems to be, then Philip must have crucified his dead body. For still another account of Onomarchus' death (by drowning as he was being carried out to sea on a frightened horse) see Philo Judaeus in Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica 8.14.33.

147 See chap. 7.3.

148 See Book 15.81.5. On his death see Justin 16.5.12 to end and Memnon (FHG, 3), 1.4.

149 Memnon (FHG, 3), 2.1 and Justin, l.c., say his brother Satyrus seized the power. See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.94 ff.

150 See Livy 7.17.6 ff.

151 See chap. 31.7; Plut. Dion 58.1-3; Polyaenus 5.4.

152 This Hipparinus was son of the elder Dionysius and of Dion's sister Aristomache, hence half-brother of the younger Dionysius.

153 352/1 B.C.

154 So chap. 39.3, but Pytholaus in Plut. Pelopidas 35.3.

155 See chap. 35.4-6.

156 See chap. 37.3.

157 See Justin 8.2.8-12 and Dem. 19.84.

158 On the border of Phocis.

159 See Paus. 10.2.6 and for an alternative story Philo Judaeus in Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica 8.14.33.

160 According to Paus. 10.2.7, Phalaecus was the son of Phayllus.

161 Said of Philomelus, chap. 23.1.

162 They even sent ambassadors to Athens begging help. It was on this occasion that Demosthenes delivered his speech, “On the Megalopolitans” (q.v., Dem. 16). See also Paus. 8.27.9-10.

163 Cp. chap. 34.3.

164 For this Arcadian city see Paus. 8.3.3 (Ἑλισσών).

165 For this Arcadian city see Paus. 8.25.1-3 (Θέλπουσα).

166 351/0 B.C.

167 Beloch (Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.483, note 1) suggests that these gifts were not made to the Boeotians for their “schönen Augen,” but for help in the Egyptian expedition (cp. chap. 44.2).

168 Diodorus has misplaced the conquest of Egypt by Ochus, which occurred in the year 344 or 343. He slurs over here a previous defeat of Ochus which probably belongs to this year (351/0) and is attested by chaps. 44.1, 48.1; Dem. 15.11 f.; Isoc. 5.101. In agreement with Beloch on this point (Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.284-287) are Tarn, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.22-23 and Hall, ibid. 152-154. See Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 430-441.

169 Possibly Diodorus has Artaxerxes II (Mnemon) in mind (cp. Book 15.90 ff.), for both Demosthenes and Isocrates state that Ochus conducted in person the unsuccessful expedition.

170 Cp. Isoc. 5.102.

171 This expedition to Cyprus is placed by Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.285-287 in the year 344. Hall, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.152-153 is in agreement.

172 Cp. chap. 42.2; Trogus Prol. 10.

173 For Tennes in this chapter the MSS. consistently read Mentor.

174 See 40.3 note, and 40.4 note.

175 Cp. Isoc. 4.161; Dem. 10.34 and Didymus 8.9 ff. on the passage; Philip's Letter to Demosthenes (Dem. 12.6). See also Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.535 and Hall, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.152.

176 Cp. chap. 42.2.

177 Cp. Hall, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.153: “Tennes was cynically executed by Ochus, and Mentor with equal cynicism taken into his service,” with the doubts expressed by Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.535, note 2: “Tennes' Hinrichtung lässt es zweifelhaft erscheinen, ob er wirklich ein Verräter gewesen ist und nicht vielmehr bloss eine Kapitulation abgeschlossen hat, die dann nicht gehalten worden ist.”

178 Beloch doubts (Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.535, note 2) if the catastrophe at Sidon could have been as complete as Diodorus reports, since Sidon twelve years later (at the time of Alexander) was a large powerful city. Cp. Arrian Alexander 2.20 ff. and Curtius 4.1.15.

179 See chap. 42.6-7.

180 Cp. Livy 7.19.2-3, who gives 358 as the number executed.

181 Demolished by the Elder Dionysius but restored by the Younger according to Strabo 6.1.6.

182 350/49 B.C

183 See chap. 42.7-9.

184 Grandson of Evagoras I and son of Pnytagoras.

185 See Book 1.30.4-9 and Book 20.73.3.

186 See the famous account in Hdt. 3.76-79.

187 It was the duty of an usher to make announcements to the King, and introduce ambassadors of foreign nations and others who required an audience with the King. Only those seven who had slain the Magi were permitted to enter the royal presence ἄνευ εἰσαγγελέως (cp. Hdt. 3.84).

188 As an ἔφεδρος, the third pugilist or wrestler, who sat by to take on the winner; in this case as a reserve if the issue was at stake. Cp. chap. 48.3 ταῖς εὐκαιροτάταις τῶν εἰσβολῶν ἐφήδρευεν.

189 Cp. Isoc. L. 8.8. Diophantus was still absent from Athens at the time of this letter, 350 B.C.

190 In the interior. Bagoas was commander of the King's bodyguard. He arranged the succession by the use of poison (cp. Book 17.5.3-4) and was himself its victim.

191 349/8 B.C.

192 Artabazus was his brother-in-law, Memnon his brother (see below). (Cp. Dem. 23.157: ὁ Μέμνων καὶ ὁ Μέντωρ, οἱ κηδεσταὶ τοῦ ᾿Αρταβάζου).

193 See chaps. 22.1 and 34.2.

194 Some of their names are known (see P.-W. Realencyclopädie, s.v. “Artabazus,” 3).

195 A philosopher, eunuch, and slave of Eubulus. Aristotle, who knew him through the Academy (cp. Plat. L. 6), lived with him, and after his death married his adopted daughter Pythias. The events of this chapter concerning the arrest of Hermias certainly occurred at a later date, since Aristotle is reported (Dionysius, Epist. ad Ammaeum, ch. 5) to have spent three years at the court of Hermias after the death of Plato. Tarn gives the date of Hermias' arrest as 342 (Cambridge Ancient History, 6.23).

196 Cp. Dem. 19.266 and Philochorus fr. 132.

197 Inconsistent with chaps. 37, 38 unless Peitholaus had recovered Pherae in the meantime.

198 For his death see Book 20.22.1.

199 348/7 B.C.

200 Mecyberna was the port of Olynthus, taken by Olynthus from Athens (cp. Book 12.77.5).

201 Torone was probably subject to Olynthus (cp. Book 15.81.6).

202 Euthycrates and Lasthenes became the stock examples of fifth columnists (see Dem. 8.40; Dem. 19.265, 342; also, on Olynthus, Philochorus fr. 132; Suidas, s.v. Κάρανος; Dem. 9.56-66; and Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.228-233).

203 For instances see Philochorus, l.c.

204 See Dem. 18.61: “In all the Greek states—not in some of them but in every one of them—it chanced that there had sprung up the most abundant crop of traitorous, venal, and profligate politicians ever known within the memory of mankind.” (Vince & Vince, L.C.L.).

205 See Horace on the power of gold: “diffidit urbium Portas vir Macedo et subruit aemulos Reges muneribus” ( Horace Odes 3.16.13 ff.).

206 Cp. φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρήσθ᾽ ὁμιλίαι κακαί (Eur. fr. 1013, Menander Thais fr. 218 Kock and 1 Corinthians 15.33).

207 The Macedonian Olympia celebrated at Dium. See D. M. Robinson, TAPA (1934), 117: ἐς [τὸ] ἱερὸν τοῦ Διὸς τ[οῦ] Ὀλυμπίου, and note.

208 Cp. Dem. 19.139: καὶ τελευτῶν ἐκπώματ᾽ ἀργυρᾶ καὶ χρυσᾶ προὔπινεν αὐτοῖς.

209 This episode about Satyrus is recounted by Dem. 19.193 ff.

210 347/6 B.C.

211 A town, usually called Hyampolis, situated at the entrance to Phocis from Thessaly and Boeotia; cp. Hdt. 8.28.

212 See Paus. 10.2.7.

213 Diodorus is inconsistent regarding Philomelus. In chap. 28.2 he makes the same statement as here; in chap. 30.1 he says the opposite.

214 Cp. Hdt. 1.50 and Plut. De Pythiae Oraculis 401e. F. For a discussion of values see Boeckh, Staatshaushandlung der Athener, 1（3）. 10 (2nd edition translated by G. C. Lewis, The Political Economy of Athens, 10).

215 See Book 17.66 and 71.

216 Perhaps on the occasion mentioned in Book 15.47.7.

217 An interesting complaint in view of Aelian Var. Hist. 1.20: Διονύσιος (the Elder?) ἐξ ἁπάντων τῶν ἐν Συρακούσαις ἱερῶν ἐσύλησε τὰ χρήματα. For the probable occasion of this letter see Book 15.47.7.

218 Through Ion, son of Apollo and Creusa.

219 See Plut. Lycurgus 5.3, esp. καὶ καταινεῖν ἔφη τὸν θεὸν ἣ πολὺ κρατίστη τῶν ἄλλων ἔσται πολιτειῶν.

220 Cp. Book 14.13.3: τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους μάλιστα τοῖς μαντείοις προσέχοντας.

221 A town sometimes included in Opuntian Locris, called Κορσιά in Dem. 19.141; in Theopompus Κορσίαι, FHG, 1.310.

222 A town of Phocis near the frontiers of the Opuntian Locrians.

223 What Diodorus attributes to chance and providence, Paus. 10.35.3, lays upon the Thebans: αὐτούς τε οἱ Θηβαῖοι τοὺς ἱκέτας καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν . . . ἔδοσαν πυρί.

224 346/5 B.C.

225 Livy 7.24 gives L. Furius Camillus and Appius Claudius Crassus. The latter is named in the Fasti Consulares.

226 Cp. chaps. 14.3 and 23.1.

227 This town commanded the pass of Thermopylae.

228 Cp. Dem. 19.230, who gives the figure 10,000 foot and 1000 horse. Diodorus omits all the details of the Peace of Philocrates and the embassy leading up to it. For an account of this see Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.233 ff.

229 For the reorganization of the votes in the Amphictyonic League see P.-W. Realencyclopädie, 4.2681 ff., and Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.512, note 4; and Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.241.

230 These seem to be the three Boeotian cities in the hands of the Phocians (cp. chaps. 56.2 and 58.1). The MSS. read “in the land of the Phocians” which is inconsistent with section 2 below and other accounts (e.g. Dem. 19.325, where two of the towns mentioned, Orchomenus and Coroneia, are said to have been enslaved). (Cp. also Paus, 10.3.)

231 See Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.240 ff.

232 See chap. 31.

233 See chap. 35.

234 See chap. 38.

235 See chap. 59.3, which hardly justifies the phrase ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας.

236 An important Cretan city, neighbour of Cnossus and frequently engaged in war with Cnossus. The inhabitants of Lyctus called themselves colonists of Sparta; Aristot. Pol 1271b 28.

237 Cp. chap. 88.4, where nine years are allotted to Agis, as also in Book 17.63.4. The dates of the reigns are Archidamus III, 361-338; Agis II, 338-331. Agis fell in the battle of Megalopolis in the autumn of 331. The error of fifteen years seems to have arisen from the fact that in this passage (placed under year 346) Diodorus records the death of Archidamus (which occurred in 338) and the succession of Agis. From 346 to 331 would give fifteen years. (For a full discussion of the date of the battle of Megalopolis in relation to Alexander's march see Beloch, 3.2. Sec. 130; also Tarn, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.443-445.)

238 Cp. Dem. 19.260; Paus. 4.28.4 and Paus. 5.4.9. There seems to be no later reference in Diodorus to this war, which occurred about 343/2.

239 Presumably refers to Antipater's invasion of the Peloponnese and the defeat of Agis, cp. Book 17.63.1-3 and 73.5-6, and also to the defeat of Athens after the Lamian War, cp. Book 18.18.1-6.

240 Wife of Amphiaraus. She was bribed by a necklace given her by Polyneices to induce her husband to take part in the expedition of the Seven against Thebes. Amphiaraus met his death and she was slain in revenge by her son Alemaeon.

241 Last mentioned chap. 45.9.

242 Syracuse was a Corinthian colony founded in 734.

243 According to Plutarch the murder of Timophanes (not by Timoleon's own hand) occurred about twenty years before Timoleon's departure for Syracuse. Diodorus' account should be compared with Plutarch's and Nepos' Timoleon.

244 Plut. Timoleon 7.2 puts this in the mouth of one Telecleides speaking before the assembly (δῆμος), not the senate.

245 345/4 B.C.

246 Eubulus was archon from July 345 to June 344 B.C. Broughton (1.131) gives the consuls of 345 B.C. as M. Fabius Dorsuo and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus Rufus.

247 The narrative is continued from chap. 65. There is a parallel but often differing account of these events in Plut. Timoleon 7.1-3; 8.3, where the ten ships are itemized as seven Corinthian, one Leucadian, and two Corcyraean. This distinction between triremes and “fast-sailing ships” is artificial.

248 Plut. Timoleon 8.1.

249 Plut. Timoleon 8.1 states that this dedication was made by the Corinthians before the departure of the flotilla.

250 This anticipates the action described in chap. 68, but according to Plutarch's account (Plut. Timoleon 7.3; 9.2) Hicetas had become an ally of the Carthaginians even before Timoleon left Corinth.

251 The charioteer receipts of P. Petrie, 2.25, dated in the 21st year of Ptolemy Philadelphus (265/4 B.C.), show that it was customary for chariots to be accompanied by spare horses, trained to work in pairs. This account of Carthaginian operations is not given by Plutarch.

252 Plut. Timoleon 1.3.

253 Plut. Timoleon 9.2.

254 The same story is told by Plut. Timoleon 9.2-10.5.

255 This was the father of the historian Timaeus, who may have been tyrant of the city, although Plutarch also (Plut. Timoleon 10.4) describes his position by the same non-technical term as is used here.

256 Plut. Timoleon 12.3-5, give the same figures for Hicetas's casualties but states that Timoleon had “no more than 1200 men,” and adds that one faction in Adranum had invited him. It is possible that Timoleon's success in the surprise attack was due in part to the circumstance that Hicetas was fooled because he still regarded Timoleon as an ally (H. D. Westlake, Timoleon and his Relations with Tyrants (1952), 15 f.). Plutarch gives the road distance between Tauromenium and Adranum as three hundred and forty furlongs.

257 According to Plut. Timoleon 13.2-3, Timoleon got his first foothold in Syracuse only when Dionysius voluntarily surrendered his holdings to him.

258 344/3 B.C.

259 Lyciscus was archon at Athens from July 344 to June 343 B.C. The Olympic Games were celebrated in mid-summer of 344 B.C. M. Valerius Corvus and M. Popilius Laenas were consuls in 348 B.C. (Broughton, 1.129).

260 This treaty is mentioned also by Livy 7.27.2, and Polybius 3.24. Diodorus does not know of the earlier treaty given by Polybius 3.22 (cp. H. M. Last, Cambridge Ancient History, 7 (1928), 859 f.; A. Aymard, Revue des Etudes Anciennes, 59 (1957), 277-293).

261 Continued from chap. 45.7.

262 Plut. Timoleon 17.2, gives the same number of ships, but 60,000 men. Tyndaris was a city on the north coast of Sicily thirty miles from Tauromenium.

263 Plut. Timoleon 13.1, and elsewhere, calls him “Mamercus,” and Diodorus's name may be due to a scribal error. On the other hand, as an Italian, Mamercus may well have borne the praenomen Marcus.

264 According to Plut. Timoleon 16.1-2, the Corinthians sent 2000 hoplites and 200 cavalry to Thurii, but the force made its way to Sicily only somewhat later (Plut. Timoleon 19).

265 Plut. Timoleon 20 tells a different and more circumstantial and picturesque account of the Carthaginian withdrawal.

266 Plut. Timoleon 21.3.

267 Plut. Timoleon 20.1 places this event earlier.

268 This campaign may be the one referred to below, chap. 93.6. The narrative of Philip's activities is continued from chap. 60.

269 This operation continued earlier movements of Philip in Thessaly (chaps. 35.1; 38.1; 52.9). For Philip's relations with the tyrants of Pherae cp. H. D. Westlake, Thessaly in the Fourth Century B.C. (1935), 191-193; Marta Sordi, La Lega Tessala fino al Alessandro Magno (1958), 275-293.

270 343/2 B.C.

271 Pythodotus was archon at Athens from July 343 to June 342 B.C. C. Plautius Venno and T. Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus were the consuls of 347 B.C. (Broughton, 1.130).

272 Plut. Timoleon 13.2-5.

273 This was an oft-quoted metaphor credited to the elder Dionysius; cp. above, chap. 5.4; Plut. Dion 7.3 and Plut. Dion 10.3.

274 The same figure in chap. 9.2; Plut. Dion 14.2. Nepos Dion 5.3, mentions five hundred.

275 This term is traceable to Theopompus (Polybius 12.4a. 2; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 115, F 341), where Timaeus used ναῦς.

276 Plut. Timoleon 22.1-2; Nepos Timoleon 3.3.

277 This priesthood is not mentioned by Plutarch, and may be a personal observation of Diodorus himself.

278 This humbling of the amphipolate probably consisted in making it no longer eponymous; instead of a local priesthood, the Syracusans thereafter dated by the Roman consuls. The reference may be to the grant of jus Latii to the Sicilians by Caesar (by 44 B.C.: Cicero Ad Atticum 14.12.1), or to later grants by Augustus (A. N. Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizenship (1939), 175).

279 Continued from chap. 69. Justin's account (9.1.1) of these operations is drawn from a source hostile to Philip.

280 Similar references to literary figures are a recurring feature of Diodorus's narrative (E. Schwartz, Real-Encyclopädie, 5 (1905), 668 f.). Cp. also chap. 76.5-6 below. These are usually, although not always, historians, and we must suppose that Diodorus was familiar with their writings. To what extent they are to be taken as his specific sources is unknown. Diodorus referred to the beginning of Theopompus's Philippica above, chap. 3.8.

281 342/1 B.C.

282 Sosigenes was archon at Athens from July 342 to June 341 B.C. The consuls of 346 B.C. were M. Valerius Corvus and C. Poetelius Libo Visolus (Broughton, 1.131).

283 His accession is not mentioned by Diodorus under the year 351/0 B.C. Alexander's accession is otherwise known from Dem. 7.32.

284 Continued from chap. 70. Cp. Plut. Timoleon 24.1-2.

285 Probably the Leptines mentioned in chap. 45.9, and probably the nephew of the elder Dionysius (T. Lenschau, Real-Encyclopädie, 12 (1925), 2073).

286 Plut. Timoleon 24.4; 25.2.

287 Plut. Timoleon 25.1.

288 Plut. Timoleon 27.3.

289 Plut. Timoleon 28.6 mentions Libyans, Iberians, and Numidians.

290 341/0 B.C.

291 Nicomachus was archon at Athens from July 341 to June 340 B.C. The consuls of 344 B.C. were C. Marcius Rutilius and T. Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus (Broughton, 1.132).

292 Above, Chap. 69.2.

293 These events in Philip's career are barely noticed by Justin 9.1.25-5, and only casual references to them occur elsewhere.

294 The sieges were given under the year 340/39 B.C. by Philochorus (Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 328, T 54); they may well have extended over more than one archon year.

295 Diodorus nowhere mentions the beginning of Ephorus's history, perhaps because it began as far back as his own. In chap. 14.3 he referred to its continuation by his son Demophilus. According to Clement of Alexandria (Stromateis, 1.139.4), Ephorus reckoned 735 years between the Return of the Heracleidae and the archonship of Evaenetus, 335/4 B.C. On that basis, B. ten Brinck (Philologus, 6 (1851), 589) suggested correcting “fifty” here to “thirty”.

296 His history was referred to above, chap. 14.5.

297 That is, Philip the son of Cassander, who died in 297/6 B.C.

298 340/39 B.C.

299 Theophrastus was archon at Athens from July 340 to June 339 B.C. The Olympic Games were celebrated in mid-summer of 340 B.C. Broughton (1.132) lists the consuls of 343 B.C. as M. Valerius Corvus and A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina.

300 This account of Diodorus differs from the presumably correct one given elsewhere, going back over Philochorus to Theopompus (in Didymus: Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 115, F 292). Byzantium was assisted by Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, her old allies in the Social War, as well as by the Persians. The Athenian fleet under Chares arrived only to ensure the safe passage of the grain fleet from the Black Sea. Philip's capture of this fleet was a major factor in Athens' decision to abrogate the peace treaty; the result was war, not peace. Cp. Dem. 18.87-94; Plut. Phocion 14.

301 Continued from chap. 73. Plut. Timoleon 25.1 gives the same figures, but fails to mention the cavalry and the chariots.

302 Plutarch does not mention the support furnished Timoleon by Hicetas at this time.

303 Plut. Timoleon 25.2-3 states that there were 3000 Syracusans and 4000 mercenaries, of whom 1000 deserted before the battle; the remainder were 5000 foot and 1000 horse.

304 Chap. 58.6.

305 Plut. Timoleon 25.3-4.

306 That is, at the battle of Himera, 480 B.C. Polybius reproaches Timaeus for placing in the mouth of Timoleon derogatory remarks concerning the Carthaginians, but not advancing proof that Timoleon did not actually speak in this way (12.26a; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 566, F 31).

307 This was the apium graveolens which is also frequently called parsley. It is fragrant (cp. Olck, Real-Encyclopädie, 6 (1909), 255 f.). This anecdote was told by Timaeus (Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 566, F 118) and appears in Plut. Timoleon 26.

308 The river is variously spelled Crimesus (Plut. Timoleon 25.4) and Crimissus (Nepos Timoleon 2.4).

309 The story of the battle is told more circumstantially in Plut. Timoleon 27-29. The time was just before the summer solstice of 339 B.C. (Plut. Timoleon 27.1).

310 This unit is mentioned again by Diodorus in another connection, Book 20.10.6.

311 Plut. Timoleon 28.5-6 gives the number of dead as 10,000, including 3000 Carthaginians.

312 Plut. Timoleon 29.

313 Plut. Timoleon 30.1 states only that Timoleon allowed his mercenaries to plunder the territory of the Carthaginians (cp. chap. 73.1).

314 Plut. Timoleon 30.3.

315 Plut. Timoleon 30.3.

316 339/8 B.C.

317 Lysimachides was archon at Athens from July 339 to June 338 B.C. The consuls of 342 B.C. were Q. Servilius Ahala and C. Marcius Rutilus (Broughton, 1.133).

318 Plut. Timoleon 30.1-2. Another group of the impious mercenaries is mentioned also in 30.4.

319 This story does not appear in Plutarch.

320 “Freedom” in Greek political terminology did not exclude the possibility of an overlord, Carthage or Syracuse. Plut. Timoleon 34.1 does not mention this feature of the treaty.

321 Diodorus usually calls this river Halycus (Books 15.17.5; 23.9.5; 24.1.8).

322 Plut. Timoleon 31.2-32.1. Since Timoleon had just accepted the aid of Hicetas against the Carthaginians (chap. 77.5), this change of policy suggests some duplicity on his part (Westlake, Timoleon and his Relations with Tyrants, 15 f).

323 This is not mentioned by Plutarch.

324 This was Diodorus's own native city.

325 Plut. Timoleon 22.3-5; 23 (where the invitation was issued when Timoleon first became master of Syracuse); 35. According to the historian Athanis, quoted by Plut. Timoleon 23.4; Jacoby, Fragm. der gr. Hist. no. 562, F 2), there were 60,000 who came. Cp. further Book 19.2.8.

326 Cp. Book 13.33 and 35.

327 Nepos Timoleon 3.1-2. These observations are probably Diodorus's own, based on his personal experience and knowledge. Note the reference to his city, Agyrium, in chap. 83.3. Kokalos, 4 (1958) is devoted exclusively to articles concerned with the effect of Timoleon on Sicily.

328 This was a large banqueting hall. Cp. the tent of one hundred couches employed by Alexander the Great (Book 17.16.4).

329 These monuments are mentioned by Cicero In Verrem 2.4.53.

330 338/7 B.C.

331 Chaerondes was archon at Athens from July 338 to June 337 B.C. The consuls of 341 B.C. were L. Aemilius Mamercinus Privernas and C. Plautius Venno (Broughton, 1.134).

332 Continued from chap. 77.3. These events are briefly noted in Justin 9.3.

333 This is consistent with Diodorus's statement in chap. 77.3, that peace was concluded on the abandonment of the siege of Byzantium. Actually, the situation seems to have been just the reverse: Athens denounced the Peace of Philocrates at that time.

334 This narrative follows and must ultimately derive from Dem. 18.169-178.

335 These are listed by Dem. 18.237 as Euboea, Achaia, Corinth, Megara, Leucas, and Corcyra. Aeschin. 3.97 mentions Acarnania also.

336 The famous orator, a native of Byzantium, had long been in the service of Philip. Strabo (Strabo 9.2.37) states that the Corinthians also sent troops.

337 Dem. 18.136 refers to an earlier encounter between the two, which took place in Athens in 343 B.C.; cp. also Dem. 7.20.

338 Diodorus writes disparagingly of Chares also in Book 15.95.3. Here he has much compressed the narrative, since ten or eleven months elapsed between the occupation of Elateia and the battle of Chaeroneia.

339 According to Plut. Camillus 19.5, this was the 9th of Metageitnion, the second month of the Attic year, which began after the summer solstice; so perhaps 4th August, since a new moon was visible at Athens on 27th July.

340 Diodorus's account of the battle is vague, and much is uncertain in the reconstruction of events from scattered and partial references. It seems certain that Philip, on the Macedonian right, did not engage the Athenians until the Thebans, on the allied right, had been shattered by Alexander. Since, in his later battles, Alexander normally commanded the cavalry guard on his own right, Philip here must have occupied the traditional position of the Macedonian king. But Diodorus does not say who these “picked men” were.

341 Plut. Demosthenes 20.3 tells of Philip's revelling and reciting the beginning of the decree introduced by his rival as if it were verse: “Demosthenes, the son of Demosthenes, Paeanian, thus proposeth.” Justin 9.5.1, in constrast, speaks of Philip as bearing his victory modestly. Cp. also Plut. Moralia 715c.

342 Philostratus Vita Apollonii Tyanensis 7.2 names Diogenes of Sinope as the hero of this anecdote. Demad. 9-10 gives his own report of these events.

343 Diodorus has got ahead of himself. Lycurgus's service as finance minister belongs to the years 338/7-327/6 B.C. (Kunst, Real-Encyclopädie, 13 (1927), 2448 f.). He was, however, almost fifty years old at this time, and so a mature statesman.

344 This battle has already been mentioned, chaps. 62.4-63.1.

345 For Archidamus see chap. 63.2; for Agis, Book 17.63.2-4.

346 See chap. 36.3 and Book 20.77.1.

347 337/6 B.C.

348 Phrynichus was archon at Athens from July 337 to June 336 B.C. The consuls of 340 B.C. were T. Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus and P. Decius Mus (Broughton, 1.135).

349 Cp. Books 11.29.3 and 17.72.6. For the events at Corinth cp. Justin 9.5.1-2.

350 Continued from chap. 83.

351 Nepos Timoleon 5.4. Plut. Timoleon 39.1-3, gives the same text of the decree except at the end, where instead of mentioning freedom, he has: “he restored their laws to the Syracusans.” These threefold agones were the highest form of “heroic” honours; cp. C. Habicht, Gottmenschentum und griechische Städte (1956), p. 150.

352 This is the dynasty of Cius in Mysia which later provided the kings of Pontus. Cp. Books 15.90.3 and note; 20.111.4.

353 Livy 8.11.11 states that the battle took place “inter Sinuessam Minturnasque.” For the events see Broughton, 1.135.

354 336/5 B.C.

355 The archon's name was Pythodelus, and his term ran from July 336 to June 335 B.C. The Olympic Games were held in midsummer, 336. The consuls of 339 B.C. were Ti. Aemilius Mamercinus and Q. Publilius Philo (Broughton, 1.137).

356 Continued from chap. 89. For these events cp. Justin 9.5.8-9.

357 The oracle is cited in the same form by Paus. 8.7.6.

358 Justin 9.6.1.

359 Such protective decrees were common (cp. Dem. 23.95, the most famous being the decree of Aristocrates proposed in honour of Cersobleptes in 353 B.C.

360 Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag. （2）, Adesp. 127; Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graec. （2） 3.744-745. The ode has been thought Aeschylean. Lines 8-9 are quoted, with slight grammatical change, by Philodemus, De Morte, col. 38.12-14 (D. Bassi, Papiri Ercolanesi, 1; Milan, 1914).

361 Cp. p. 101, note 3.

362 He walked between the two Alexanders, his son and his son-in-law (Justin 9.6.3-4), and so between those who had most reason to wish his death.

363 Justin 9.6.4-8. The Orestis was a district in western Macedonia bordering on Illyria.

364 This battle can hardly be identified, in view of the many wars fought by Philip against the Illyrians. The last one mentioned by Diodorus was in chap. 69.7.

365 This is the usually stated relationship. In Book 17.2.3, Attalus is called Cleopatra's brother, but otherwise, with more probability, her uncle.

366 These events cannot be dated exactly, but they must have occurred some years before the assassination of Philip, perhaps as early as 344 B.C. (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, p. 308). Pausanias waited a long time for his revenge, and it is curious that he chose the occasion most advantageous for Alexander.

367 No sophist Hermocrates is otherwise known at this time, but it may be possible to identify this man with the grammarian of the same name who is best known to fame as the teacher of Callimachus. For the latter cp. F. Susemihl, Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur in der Alexandrinerzeit, 2 (1892), 668; O. Stählin, W. Schmid, W. von Christs Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur （6）, 2.1 (1920), 126; Funaioli, Real-Encyclopädie, 8 (1913), 887 f.

368 The date of Philip's death is discussed by K. J. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, 3.2 (1923), 59. The news had not reached Athens by the end of the civil year 337/6 B.C.; IG 2（2）. 1.240 in the tenth prytany does not know of it. On the other hand, the time must be early in the summer, for Philip was busy with preparations for an invasion of Asia Minor. A possible clue to the date is furnished by the statement of Plut. Alexander 16.2, concerning the battle of the Granicus: this would have taken place in the month Daesius, but as that was unlucky, Alexander ordered the intercalation of a second Artemisius. Since there is some evidence that the intercalary month was the last month of the regnal year, this establishes a certain presumption that Philip died and Alexander came to the throne in Daesius; and this squares well enough with the evidence of the Attic inscription. Since Alexander died in Daesius, the Oxyrhynchus chronologist was correct in crediting him with thirteen years of reign. See below on Book 17.117.5 note.

369 This is presumably the son of Andromenes, who like Leonnatus and Perdiccas was a close friend and contemporary of Alexander; probably they were his bodyguards and not Philip's (the term may be used loosely; Attalus was never one of Alexander's seven or eight bodyguards proper in Asia, and Leonnatus not until 332/1, Perdiccas not until 330; Berve, Alexanderreich, 1.27). Pausanias was from Orestis, and so were two of his slayers, while Attalus was Perdiccas's brother-in-law. It is tempting to suppose that they knew of Pausanias's plan and then killed him to silence him. U. Wilcken (SB Ak. Berlin, 1923, 151 ff.) would find in P. Oxy. 1798 evidence that Pausanias was tried and executed, but the text is fragmentary and obscure, and the theory is not, to my mind, supported by Justin 11.2.1.

370 The implication of this claim on Philip's part was that he was in some fashion the equal of the Twelve and entitled like them to worship; σύνθρονος is an equivalent to σύνναος. What precisely this meant to Philip and his contemporaries is unknown; cp. Habicht, Gottmenschentum, 14, note 3; L. Cerfaux, J. Tondriau, Le Culte des souverains dans la civilisation gréco-romaine (1956), 123-125.

371 Diodorus mentions none of the suspicion which attached to Olympias and Alexander concerning the assassination of Philip, and his judgement on Philip is more favourable than that of others. Cp. Justin 9.7-8, and for the suspicion, Plut. Alexander 9-10; Arrian. 3.6.5.

372 Stated in chap. 1.1-3.