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--- text:hellenica [2013/09/22 14:03] – fredmond
+++ text:hellenica [2014/01/15 11:57] (current) – external edit 127.0.0.1
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 The Works of Xenophon by H. G. Dakyns, Macmillan and Co., 1897.
-====== Hellenica: Xenophon ======
+====== Xenophon: Hellenica ======
 ===== BOOK I =====
@@ Line 8: / Line 8: @@
 B.C. 411. To follow the order of events (1). A few days later Thymochares arrived from Athens with a few ships, when another sea fight between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians at once took place, in which the former, under the command of Agesandridas, gained the victory.
-    (1) Lit. "after these events"; but is hard to conjecture to what
+(1) Lit. "after these events"; but is hard to conjecture to what
-    events the author refers. For the order of events and the
+events the author refers. For the order of events and the
-    connection between the closing chapter of Thuc. viii. 109, and the
+connection between the closing chapter of Thuc. viii. 109, and the
-    opening words of the "Hellenica," see introductory remarks above.
+opening words of the "Hellenica," see introductory remarks above.
-    The scene of this sea-fight is, I think, the Hellespont.
+The scene of this sea-fight is, I think, the Hellespont.
 Another short interval brings us to a morning in early winter, when Dorieus, the son of Diagoras, was entering the Hellespont with fourteen ships from Rhodes at break of day. The Athenian day-watch descrying him, signalled to the generals, and they, with twenty sail, put out to sea to attack him. Dorieus made good his escape, and, as he shook himself free of the narrows, (2) ran his triremes aground off Rhoeteum. When the Athenians had come to close quarters, the fighting commenced, and was sustained at once from ships and shore, until at length the Athenians retired to their main camp at Madytus, having achieved nothing.
-    (2) Lit. "as he opened" {os enoige}. This is still a mariner's phrase
+(2) Lit. "as he opened" {os enoige}. This is still a mariner's phrase
-    in modern Greek, if I am rightly informed.
+in modern Greek, if I am rightly informed.
 Meanwhile Mindarus, while sacrificing to Athena at Ilium, had observed the battle. He at once hastened to the sea, and getting his own triremes afloat, sailed out to pick up the ships with Dorieus. The Athenians on their side put out to meet him, and engaged him off Abydos. From early morning till the afternoon the fight was kept up close to the shore. (3) Victory and defeat hung still in even balance, when Alcibiades came sailing up with eighteen ships. Thereupon the Peloponnesians fled towards Abydos, where, however, Pharnabazus brought them timely assistance. (4) Mounted on horseback, he pushed forward into the sea as far as his horse would let him, doing battle himself, and encouraging his troopers and the infantry alike to play their parts. Then the Peloponnesians, ranging their ships in close-packed order, and drawing up their battle line in proximity to the land, kept up the fight. At length the Athenians, having captured thirty of the enemy's vessels without their crews, and having recovered those of their own which they had previously lost, set sail for Sestos. Here the fleet, with the exception of forty vessels, dispersed in different directions outside the Hellespont, to collect money; while Thrasylus, one of the generals, sailed to Athens to report what had happened, and to beg for a reinforcement of troops and ships. After the above incidents, Tissaphernes arrived in the Hellespont, and received a visit from Alcibiades, who presented him with a single ship, bringing with him tokens of friendship and gifts, whereupon Tissaphernes seized him and shut him up in Sardis, giving out that the king's orders were to go to war with the Athenians. Thirty days later Alcibiades, accompanied by Mantitheus, who had been captured in Caria, managed to procure horses and escaped by night to Clazomenae.
  (3) The original has a somewhat more poetical ring. The author uses
-    the old Attic or Ionic word {eona}. This is a mark of style, of
+the old Attic or Ionic word {eona}. This is a mark of style, of
-    which we shall have many instances. One might perhaps produce
+which we shall have many instances. One might perhaps produce
-    something of the effect here by translating: "the battle hugged
+something of the effect here by translating: "the battle hugged
-    the strand."
+the strand."
  (4) Or, "came to their aid along the shore."
@@ Line 34: / Line 34: @@
  (5) This is the common spelling, but the coins of Calchedon have the
-    letters {KALKH}, and so the name is written in the best MSS. of
+letters {KALKH}, and so the name is written in the best MSS. of
-    Herodotus, Xenophon, and other writers, by whom the place is
+Herodotus, Xenophon, and other writers, by whom the place is
-    named. See "Dict. of Greek and Roman Geog." "Chalcedon."
+named. See "Dict. of Greek and Roman Geog." "Chalcedon."
 Now a despatch from Hippocrates, Mindarus's vice-admiral, (6) had been intercepted on its way to Lacedaemon, and taken to Athens. It ran as follows (in broad Doric): (7) "Ships gone; Mindarus dead; the men starving; at our wits' end what to do."
  (6) "Epistoleus," i.e. secretary or despatch writer, is the Spartan
-    title of the officer second in command to the admiral.
+title of the officer second in command to the admiral.
  (7) Reading {'Errei ta kala} (Bergk's conjecture for {kala}) =
-    "timbers," i.e. "ships" (a Doric word). Cf. Aristoph., "Lys."
+"timbers," i.e. "ships" (a Doric word). Cf. Aristoph., "Lys."
 , {potta kala}. The despatch continues: {Mindaros apessoua}
-    (al. {apessua}), which is much more racy than the simple word
+(al. {apessua}), which is much more racy than the simple word
-    "dead." "M. is gone off." I cannot find the right English or
+"dead." "M. is gone off." I cannot find the right English or
-    "broad Scotch" equivalent. See Thirlwall, "Hist. Gr." IV. xxix. 88
+"broad Scotch" equivalent. See Thirlwall, "Hist. Gr." IV. xxix. 88
-    note.
+note.
 Pharnabazus, however, was ready to meet with encouragement the despondency which afflicted the whole Peloponnesian army and their allies. "As long as their own bodies were safe and sound, why need they take to heart the loss of a few wooden hulls? Was there not timber enough and to spare in the king's territory?" And so he presented each man with a cloak and maintenance for a couple of months, after which he armed the sailors and formed them into a coastguard for the security of his own seaboard.
@@ Line 58: / Line 58: @@
  (8) Hermocrates, the son of Hermon. We first hear of him in Thuc. iv.
 foll. as the chief agent in bringing the Sicilian States
-    together in conference at Gela B.C. 424, with a view to healing
+together in conference at Gela B.C. 424, with a view to healing
-    their differences and combining to frustrate the dangerous designs
+their differences and combining to frustrate the dangerous designs
-    of Athens. In 415 B.C., when the attack came, he was again the
+of Athens. In 415 B.C., when the attack came, he was again the
-    master spirit in rendering it abortive (Thuc. vi. 72 foll.) In 412
+master spirit in rendering it abortive (Thuc. vi. 72 foll.) In 412
-    B.C. it was he who urged the Sicilians to assist in completing the
+B.C. it was he who urged the Sicilians to assist in completing the
-    overthrow of Athens, by sending a squadron to co-operate with the
+overthrow of Athens, by sending a squadron to co-operate with the
-    Peloponnesian navy—for the relief of Miletus, etc. (Thuc. viii.
+Peloponnesian navy—for the relief of Miletus, etc. (Thuc. viii.
 , 27 foll.) At a later date, in 411 B.C., when the Peloponnesian
-    sailors were ready to mutiny, and "laid all their grievances to
+sailors were ready to mutiny, and "laid all their grievances to
-    the charge of Astyochus (the Spartan admiral), who humoured
+the charge of Astyochus (the Spartan admiral), who humoured
-    Tissaphernes for his own gain" (Thuc. viii. 83), Hermocrates took
+Tissaphernes for his own gain" (Thuc. viii. 83), Hermocrates took
-    the men's part, and so incurred the hatred of Tissaphernes.
+the men's part, and so incurred the hatred of Tissaphernes.
 With these words they called upon the men to choose other commanders, who should undertake the duties of their office, until the arrival of their successors. Thereupon the whole assembly, and more particularly the captains and masters of vessels and marines, insisted with loud cries on their continuance in command. The generals replied, "It was not for them to indulge in faction against the State, but rather it was their duty, in case any charges were forthcoming against themselves, at once to render an account." When, however, no one had any kind of accusation to prefer, they yielded to the general demand, and were content to await the arrival of their successors. The names of these were—Demarchus, the son of Epidocus; Myscon, the son of Mencrates; and Potamis, the son of Gnosis.
@@ Line 83: / Line 83: @@
  (10) The reader will recollect that we are giving in "the Deceleian"
-    period of the war, 413-404 B.C. The Spartan king was in command of
+period of the war, 413-404 B.C. The Spartan king was in command of
-    the fortress of Deceleia, only fourteen miles distant from Athens,
+the fortress of Deceleia, only fourteen miles distant from Athens,
-    and erected on a spot within sight of the city. See Thuc. vii. 19,
+and erected on a spot within sight of the city. See Thuc. vii. 19,
 , 28.
 Meanwhile Agis, as he looked out from Deceleia, and saw vessel after vessel laden with corn running down to Piraeus, declared that it was useless for his troops to go on week after week excluding the Athenians from their own land, while no one stopped the source of their corn supply by sea: the best plan would be to send Clearchus, (11) the son of Rhamphius, who was proxenos (12) of the Byzantines, to Chalcedon and Byzantium. The suggestion was approved, and with fifteen vessels duly manned from Megara, or furnished by other allies, Clearchus set out. These were troop-ships rather than swift-sailing men-of-war. Three of them, on reaching the Hellespont, were destroyed by the Athenian ships employed to keep a sharp look-out on all merchant craft in those waters. The other twelve escaped to Sestos, and thence finally reached Byzantium in safety.
  (11) Of Clearchus we shall hear more in the sequel, and in the
-    "Anabasis."
+"Anabasis."
  (12) The Proxenus answered pretty nearly to our "Consul," "Agent,"
-    "Resident"; but he differed in this respect, that he was always a
+"Resident"; but he differed in this respect, that he was always a
-    member of the foreign State. An Athenian represented Sparta at
+member of the foreign State. An Athenian represented Sparta at
-    Athens; a Laconian represented Athens at Sparta, and so forth. See
+Athens; a Laconian represented Athens at Sparta, and so forth. See
-    Liddell and Scott.
+Liddell and Scott.
 So closed the year—a year notable also for the expedition against Sicily of the Carthaginians under Hannibal with one hundred thousand men, and the capture, within three months, of the two Hellenic cities of Selinus and Himera.
@@ Line 104: / Line 104: @@
  (1) The MSS. here give a suspected passage, which may be rendered
-    thus: "The first of Olympiad 93, celebrated as the year in which
+thus: "The first of Olympiad 93, celebrated as the year in which
-    the newly-added two-horse race was won by Evagorias the Eleian,
+the newly-added two-horse race was won by Evagorias the Eleian,
-    and the stadion (200 yards foot-race) by the Cyrenaean Eubotas,
+and the stadion (200 yards foot-race) by the Cyrenaean Eubotas,
-    when Evarchippus was ephor at Sparta and Euctemon archon at
+when Evarchippus was ephor at Sparta and Euctemon archon at
-    Athens." But Ol. 93, to which these officers,and the addition of
+Athens." But Ol. 93, to which these officers,and the addition of
-    the new race at Olympia belong, is the year 408. We must therefore
+the new race at Olympia belong, is the year 408. We must therefore
-    suppose either that this passage has been accidentally inserted in
+suppose either that this passage has been accidentally inserted in
-    the wrong place by some editor or copyist, or that the author was
+the wrong place by some editor or copyist, or that the author was
-    confused in his dates. The "stadium" is the famous foot-race at
+confused in his dates. The "stadium" is the famous foot-race at
-    Olympia, 606 3/4 English feet in length, run on a course also
+Olympia, 606 3/4 English feet in length, run on a course also
-    called the "Stadion," which was exactly a stade long.
+called the "Stadion," which was exactly a stade long.
  (2) Peltasts, i.e. light infantry armed with the "pelta" or light
-    shield, instead of the heavy {aspis} of the hoplite or heavy
+shield, instead of the heavy {aspis} of the hoplite or heavy
-    infantry soldiers.
+infantry soldiers.
 On the seventeenth day after the incursion above mentioned Thrasylus sailed to Ephesus. He disembarked his troops in two divisions, his heavy infantry in the neighbourhood of Mount Coressus; his cavalry, peltasts, and marines, with the remainder of his force, near the marsh on the other side of the city. At daybreak he pushed forward both divisions. The citizens of Ephesus, on their side, were not slow to protect themselves. They had to aid them the troops brought up by Tissaphernes, as well as two detachments of Syracusans, consisting of the crews of their former twenty vessels and those of five new vessels which had opportunely arrived quite recently under Eucles, the son of Hippon, and Heracleides, the son of Aristogenes, together with two Selinuntian vessels. All these several forces first attacked the heavy infantry near Coressus; these they routed, killing about one hundred of them, and driving the remainder down into the sea. They then turned to deal with the second division on the marsh. Here, too, the Athenians were put to flight, and as many as three hundred of them perished. On this spot the Ephesians erected a trophy, and another at Coressus. The valour of the Syracusans and Selinuntians had been so conspicuous that the citizens presented many of them, both publicly and privately, with prizes for distinction in the field, besides offering the right of residence in their city with certain immunities to all who at any time might wish to live there. To the Selinuntians, indeed, as their own city had lately been destroyed, they offered full citizenship.
@@ Line 125: / Line 125: @@
  (3) Reading {apelusen}. Wolf's conjecture for the MSS. {katelousen} =
-    stoned. See Thirlwall, "Hist. Gr." IV. xxix. 93 note.
+stoned. See Thirlwall, "Hist. Gr." IV. xxix. 93 note.
 It was at this period also that the Lacedaemonians allowed their revolted helots from Malea, who had found an asylum at Coryphasium, to depart under a flag of truce. It was also about the same period that the Achaeans betrayed the colonists of Heracleia Trachinia, when they were all drawn up in battle to meet the hostile Oetaeans, whereby as many as seven hundred of them were lost, together with the governor (4) from Lacedaemon, Labotas. Thus the year came to its close—a year marked further by a revolt of the Medes from Darius, the king of Persia, followed by renewed submission to his authority.
@@ Line 134: / Line 134: @@
  (1) The MSS. here give the words, "in the ephorate of Pantacles and
-    the archonship of Antigenes, two-and-twenty years from the
+the archonship of Antigenes, two-and-twenty years from the
-    beginning of the war," but the twenty-second year of the war =
+beginning of the war," but the twenty-second year of the war =
-    B.C. 410; Antigenes archon, B.C. 407 = Ol. 93, 2; the passage must
+B.C. 410; Antigenes archon, B.C. 407 = Ol. 93, 2; the passage must
-    be regarded as a note mis-inserted by some editor or copyist (vide
+be regarded as a note mis-inserted by some editor or copyist (vide
-    supra, I. 11.)
+supra, I. 11.)
  (2) I.e. sacred place or temple of Heracles.
@@ Line 147: / Line 147: @@
  (4) According to the constitution of Lacedaemon the whole government
-    was in Dorian hands. The subject population was divided into (1)
+was in Dorian hands. The subject population was divided into (1)
-    Helots, who were State serfs. The children of Helots were at times
+Helots, who were State serfs. The children of Helots were at times
-    brought up by Spartans and called "Mothakes"; Helots who had
+brought up by Spartans and called "Mothakes"; Helots who had
-    received their liberty were called "Neodamodes" ({neodamodeis}).
+received their liberty were called "Neodamodes" ({neodamodeis}).
-    After the conquest of Messenia this class was very numerous. (2)
+After the conquest of Messenia this class was very numerous. (2)
-    Perioeci. These were the ancient Achaean inhabitants, living in
+Perioeci. These were the ancient Achaean inhabitants, living in
-    towns and villages, and managing their own affairs, paying
+towns and villages, and managing their own affairs, paying
-    tribute, and serving in the army as heavy-armed soldiers. In 458
+tribute, and serving in the army as heavy-armed soldiers. In 458
-    B.C. they were said to number thirty thousand. The Spartans
+B.C. they were said to number thirty thousand. The Spartans
-    themselves were divided, like all Dorians, into three tribes,
+themselves were divided, like all Dorians, into three tribes,
-    Hylleis, Dymanes, and Pamphyli, each of which tribes was divided
+Hylleis, Dymanes, and Pamphyli, each of which tribes was divided
-    into ten "obes," which were again divided into {oikoi} or families
+into ten "obes," which were again divided into {oikoi} or families
-    possessed of landed properties. In 458 B.C. there were said to be
+possessed of landed properties. In 458 B.C. there were said to be
-    nine thousand such families; but in course of time, through
+nine thousand such families; but in course of time, through
-    alienation of lands, deaths in war, and other causes, their
+alienation of lands, deaths in war, and other causes, their
-    numbers were much diminished; and in many cases there was a loss
+numbers were much diminished; and in many cases there was a loss
-    of status, so that in the time of Agis III., B.C. 244, we hear of
+of status, so that in the time of Agis III., B.C. 244, we hear of
-    two orders of Spartans, the {omoioi} and the {upomeiones}
+two orders of Spartans, the {omoioi} and the {upomeiones}
-    (inferiors); seven hundred Spartans (families) proper and one
+(inferiors); seven hundred Spartans (families) proper and one
-    hundred landed proprietors. See Mullers "Dorians," vol. ii. bk.
+hundred landed proprietors. See Mullers "Dorians," vol. ii. bk.
-    iii. ch. x. S. 3 (Eng. trans.); Arist. "Pol." ii. 9, 15; Plut.
+iii. ch. x. S. 3 (Eng. trans.); Arist. "Pol." ii. 9, 15; Plut.
-    ("Agis").
+("Agis").
  (5) The greek word is {epibates}, which some think was the title of an
-    inferior naval officer in the Spartan service, but there is no
+inferior naval officer in the Spartan service, but there is no
-    proof of this. Cf. Thuc. viii. 61, and Prof. Jowett's note; also
+proof of this. Cf. Thuc. viii. 61, and Prof. Jowett's note; also
-    Grote, "Hist. of Greece," viii. 27 (2d ed.)
+Grote, "Hist. of Greece," viii. 27 (2d ed.)
 As soon as everything was ready, these people opened the gates leading to the Thracian Square, as it is called, and admitted the Athenian troops with Alcibiades at their head. Helixus and Coeratadas, in complete ignorance of the plot, hastened to the Agora with the whole of the garrison, ready to confront the danger; but finding the enemy in occupation, they had nothing for it but to give themselves up. They were sent off as prisoners to Athens, where Coeratadas, in the midst of the crowd and confusion of debarkation at Piraeus, gave his guards the slip, and made his way in safety to Decelia.
@@ Line 180: / Line 180: @@
  (1) {Karanos.} Is this a Greek word, a Doric form, {karanos}, akin to
-    {kara} (cf. {karenon}) = chief? or is it not more likely a Persian
+{kara} (cf. {karenon}) = chief? or is it not more likely a Persian
-    or native word, Karanos? and might not the title be akin
+or native word, Karanos? and might not the title be akin
-    conceivably to the word {korano}, which occurs on many Indo-
+conceivably to the word {korano}, which occurs on many Indo-
-    Bactrian coins (see A. von Sallet, "Die Nachfolger Alexanders des
+Bactrian coins (see A. von Sallet, "Die Nachfolger Alexanders des
-    Grossen," p. 57, etc.)? or is {koiranos} the connecting link? The
+Grossen," p. 57, etc.)? or is {koiranos} the connecting link? The
-    words translated "that is to say, supreme lord," {to de karanon
+words translated "that is to say, supreme lord," {to de karanon
-    esti kurion}, look very like a commentator's gloss.
+esti kurion}, look very like a commentator's gloss.
 Alcibiades, whose chief desire was to return home to Athens with the troops, immediately set sail for Samos; and from that island, taking twenty of the ships, he sailed to the Ceramic Gulf of Caria, where he collected a hundred talents, and so returned to Samos.
@@ Line 197: / Line 197: @@
  (2) Gytheum, the port and arsenal of Sparta, situated near the head of
-    the Laconian Gulf (now Marathonisi).
+the Laconian Gulf (now Marathonisi).
  (3) {ta Plunteria}, or feast of washings, held on the 25th of the
-    month Thargelion, when the image of the goddess Athena was
+month Thargelion, when the image of the goddess Athena was
-    stripped in order that her clothes might be washed by the
+stripped in order that her clothes might be washed by the
-    Praxiergidae; neither assembly nor court was held on that day, and
+Praxiergidae; neither assembly nor court was held on that day, and
-    the Temple was closed.
+the Temple was closed.
 As he sailed into the harbour, two great crowds—one from the Piraeus, the other from the city (4)—flocked to meet the vessels. Wonderment, mixed with a desire to see Alcibiades, was the prevailing sentiment of the multitude. Of him they spoke: some asserting that he was the best of citizens, and that in his sole instance banishment had been ill-deserved. He had been the victim of plots, hatched in the brains of people less able than himself, however much they might excel in pestilent speech; men whose one principle of statecraft was to look to their private gains; whereas this man's policy had ever been to uphold the common weal, as much by his private means as by all the power of the State. His own choice, eight years ago, when the charge of impiety in the matter of the mysteries was still fresh, would have been to submit to trial at once. It was his personal foes, who had succeeded in postponing that undeniably just procedure; who waited till his back was turned, and then robbed him of his fatherland. Then it was that, being made the very slave of circumstance, he was driven to court the men he hated most; and at a time when his own life was in daily peril, he must see his dearest friends and fellow-citizens, nay, the very State itself, bent on a suicidal course, and yet, in the exclusion of exile, be unable to lend a helping hand. "It is not men of this stamp," they averred, "who desire changes in affairs and revolution: had he not already guaranteed to him by the Democracy a position higher than that of his equals in age, and scarcely if at all inferior to his seniors? How different was the position of his enemies. It had been the fortune of these, though they were known to be the same men they had always been, to use their lately acquired power for the destruction in the first instance of the better classes; and then, being alone left surviving, to be accepted by their fellow-citizens in the absence of better men."
  (4) Or, "collected to meet the vessels from curiosity and a desire to
-    see Alcibiades."
+see Alcibiades."
 Others, however, insisted that for all their past miseries and misfortunes Alcibiades alone was responsible: "If more trials were still in store for the State, here was the master mischief-maker ready at his post to precipitate them."
@@ Line 219: / Line 219: @@
  (6) Technically the "Boule" ({Boule}) or Senate, and "Ecclesia" or
-    Popular Assembly.
+Popular Assembly.
 He was then formally declared leader and chief of the State, with irresponsible powers, as being the sole individual capable of recovering the ancient power and prestige of Athens. Armed with this authority, his first act was to institute anew the processional march to Eleusis; for of late years, owing to the war, the Athenians had been forced to conduct the mysteries by sea. Now, at the head of the troops, he caused them to be conducted once again by land. This done, his next step was to muster an armament of one thousand five hundred heavy infantry, one hundred and fifty cavalry, and one hundred ships; and lastly, within three months of his return, he set sail for Andros, which had revolted from Athens.
@@ Line 228: / Line 228: @@
  (1) About 120,000 pounds. One Euboic or Attic talent = sixty minae =
-    six thousand drachmae = 243 pounds 15 shillings of our money.
+six thousand drachmae = 243 pounds 15 shillings of our money.
  (2) Cf. the language of Tissaphernes, Thuc. viii. 81.
@@ Line 235: / Line 235: @@
  (3) About 9 3/4 pence; a drachma (= six obols) would be very high pay
-    for a sailor—indeed, just double the usual amount. See Thuc. vi.
+for a sailor—indeed, just double the usual amount. See Thuc. vi.
 and viii. 29, and Prof. Jowett ad loc. Tissaphernes had, in the
-    winter of 412 B.C., distributed one month's pay among the
+winter of 412 B.C., distributed one month's pay among the
-    Peloponnesian ships at this high rate of a drachma a day, "as his
+Peloponnesian ships at this high rate of a drachma a day, "as his
-    envoy had promised at Lacedaemon;" but this he proposed to reduce
+envoy had promised at Lacedaemon;" but this he proposed to reduce
-    to half a drachma, "until he had asked the king's leave, promising
+to half a drachma, "until he had asked the king's leave, promising
-    that if he obtained it, he would pay the entire drachma. On the
+that if he obtained it, he would pay the entire drachma. On the
-    remonstrance, however, of Hermocrates, the Syracusan general, he
+remonstrance, however, of Hermocrates, the Syracusan general, he
-    promised to each man a payment of somewhat more than three obols."
+promised to each man a payment of somewhat more than three obols."
  (4) Nearly 122 pounds; and thirty minae a month to each ship (the crew
-    of each ship being taken at two hundred) = three obols a day to
+of each ship being taken at two hundred) = three obols a day to
-    each man. The terms of agreement to which Cyrus refers may have
+each man. The terms of agreement to which Cyrus refers may have
-    been specified in the convention mentioned above in chap. iv,
+been specified in the convention mentioned above in chap. iv,
-    which Boeotius and the rest were so proud to have obtained. But
+which Boeotius and the rest were so proud to have obtained. But
-    see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. p. 192 note (2d ed.)
+see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. p. 192 note (2d ed.)
 To this rejoinder Lysander at the moment said nothing. But after dinner, when Cyrus drank to his health, asking him "What he could do to gratify him most?" Lysander replied, "Add an obol (5) to the sailors' pay." After this the pay was raised to four instead of three obols, as it hitherto had been. Nor did the liberality of Cyrus end here; he not only paid up all arrears, but further gave a month's pay in advance, so that, if the enthusiasm of the army had been great before, it was greater than ever now. The Athenians when they heard the news were proportionately depressed, and by help of Tissaphernes despatched ambassadors to Cyrus. That prince, however, refused to receive them, nor were the prayers of Tissaphernes of any avail, however much he insisted that Cyrus should adopt the policy which he himself, on the advice of Alcibiades, had persistently acted on. This was simply not to suffer any single Hellenic state to grow strong at the expense of the rest, but to keep them all weak alike, distracted by internecine strife.
  (5) An obol = one-sixth of a drachma; the Attic obol = rather more
-    than 1 1/2 pence.
+than 1 1/2 pence.
 Lysander, now that the organisation of his navy was arranged to his satisfaction, beached his squadron of ninety vessels at Ephesus, and sat with hands folded, whilst the vessels dried and underwent repairs. Alcibiades, being informed that Thrasybulus had come south of the Hellespont and was fortifying Phocaea, sailed across to join him, leaving his own pilot Antiochus in command of the fleet, with orders not to attack Lysander's fleet. Antiochus, however, was tempted to leave Notium and sail into the harbour of Ephesus with a couple of ships, his own and another, past the prows of Lysander's squadron. The Spartan at first contented himself with launching a few of his ships, and started in pursuit of the intruder; but when the Athenians came out with other vessels to assist Antiochus, he formed his whole squadron into line of battle, and bore down upon them, whereupon the Athenians followed suit, and getting their remaining triremes under weigh at Notium, stood out to sea as fast as each vessel could clear the point. (6) Thus it befell in the engagement which ensued, that while the enemy was in due order, the Athenians came up in scattered detachments and without concert, and in the end were put to flight with the loss of fifteen ships of war. Of the crews, indeed, the majority escaped, though a certain number fell into the hands of the enemy. Then Lysander collected his vessels, and having erected a trophy on Cape Notium, sailed across to Ephesus, whilst the Athenians retired to Samos.
@@ Line 264: / Line 264: @@
  (7) This should probably be Teos, in Ionia, in spite of the MSS.
-    {'Eiona}. The place referred to cannot at any rate be the well-
+{'Eiona}. The place referred to cannot at any rate be the well-
-    known Eion at the mouth of the Strymon in Thrace.
+known Eion at the mouth of the Strymon in Thrace.
 But now the news of the late disaster at Notium had reached the Athenians at home, and in their indignation they turned upon Alcibiades, to whose negligence and lack of self-command they attributed the destruction of the ships. Accordingly they chose ten new generals—namely Conon, Diomedon, Leon, Pericles, Erasinides, Aristocrates, Archestratus, Protomachus, Thrasylus, and Aristogenes. Alcibiades, who was moreover in bad odour in the camp, sailed away with a single trireme to his private fortress in the Chersonese.
@@ Line 278: / Line 278: @@
  (1) I.e. as some think, the Erechtheion, which was built partly on the
-    site of the old temple of Athena Polias, destroyed by the
+site of the old temple of Athena Polias, destroyed by the
-    Persians. According to Dr. Dorpfeld, a quite separate building of
+Persians. According to Dr. Dorpfeld, a quite separate building of
-    the Doric order, the site of which (S. of the Erechtheion) has
+the Doric order, the site of which (S. of the Erechtheion) has
-    lately been discovered.
+lately been discovered.
  (2) The MSS. here add "in the ephorate of Pityas and the archonship of
-    Callias at Athens;" but though the date is probably correct (cf.
+Callias at Athens;" but though the date is probably correct (cf.
-    Leake, "Topography of Athens," vol. i. p. 576 foll.), the words
+Leake, "Topography of Athens," vol. i. p. 576 foll.), the words
-    are almost certainly a gloss.
+are almost certainly a gloss.
  (3) Here the MSS. add "with the twenty-fourth year of the war,"
-    probably an annotator's gloss; the correct date should be twenty-
+probably an annotator's gloss; the correct date should be twenty-
-    fifth. Pel. war 26 = B.C. 406. Pel. war 25 ended B.C. 407.
+fifth. Pel. war 26 = B.C. 406. Pel. war 25 ended B.C. 407.
  (4) Lit. on the left (or east) of Samos, looking south from Ephesus.
@@ Line 305: / Line 305: @@
  (6) Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. p. 224 (2d ed.), thinks that
-    Callicratidas did not even sell the Athenian garrison, as if the
+Callicratidas did not even sell the Athenian garrison, as if the
-    sense of the passage were: "The next day he set at liberty the
+sense of the passage were: "The next day he set at liberty the
-    free-born captives with the Athenian garrison, contenting himself
+free-born captives with the Athenian garrison, contenting himself
-    with selling the captive slaves." But I am afraid that no
+with selling the captive slaves." But I am afraid that no
-    ingenuity of stopping will extract that meaning from the Greek
+ingenuity of stopping will extract that meaning from the Greek
-    words, which are, {te d' usteraia tous men eleutherous apheke tous
+words, which are, {te d' usteraia tous men eleutherous apheke tous
-    de ton 'Athenaion phrourous kai ta andrapoda ta doula panta
+de ton 'Athenaion phrourous kai ta andrapoda ta doula panta
-    apedoto}. To spare the Athenian garrison would have been too
+apedoto}. To spare the Athenian garrison would have been too
-    extraordinary a proceeding even for Callicratidas. The idea
+extraordinary a proceeding even for Callicratidas. The idea
-    probably never entered his head. It was sufficiently noble for him
+probably never entered his head. It was sufficiently noble for him
-    to refuse to sell the Methymnaeans. See the remarks of Mr. W. L.
+to refuse to sell the Methymnaeans. See the remarks of Mr. W. L.
-    Newman, "The Pol. of Aristotle," vol. i. p. 142.
+Newman, "The Pol. of Aristotle," vol. i. p. 142.
  (7) I.e. the sea was Sparta's bride.
@@ Line 335: / Line 335: @@
  (11) Lit. "by the diekplous." Cf. Thuc. i. 49, and Arnold's note, who
-    says: "The 'diecplus' was a breaking through the enemy's line in
+says: "The 'diecplus' was a breaking through the enemy's line in
-    order by a rapid turning of the vessel to strike the enemy's ship
+order by a rapid turning of the vessel to strike the enemy's ship
-    on the side or stern, where it was most defenceless, and so to
+on the side or stern, where it was most defenceless, and so to
-    sink it." So, it seems, "the superiority of nautical skill has
+sink it." So, it seems, "the superiority of nautical skill has
-    passed," as Grote (viii. p. 234) says, "to the Peloponnesians and
+passed," as Grote (viii. p. 234) says, "to the Peloponnesians and
-    their allies." Well may the historian add, "How astonished would
+their allies." Well may the historian add, "How astonished would
-    the Athenian Admiral Phormion have been, if he could have
+the Athenian Admiral Phormion have been, if he could have
-    witnessed the fleets and the order of battle at Arginusae!" See
+witnessed the fleets and the order of battle at Arginusae!" See
-    Thuc. iv. 11.
+Thuc. iv. 11.
 The Lacedaemonians, on the contrary, trusting to their superior seamanship, were formed opposite with their ships all in single line, with the special object of manouvring so as either to break the enemy's line or to wheel round them. Callicratidas commanded the right wing in person. Before the battle the officer who acted as his pilot, the Megarian Hermon, suggested that it might be well to withdraw the fleet as the Athenian ships were far more numerous. But Callicratidas replied that Sparta would be no worse off even if he personally should perish, but to flee would be disgraceful. (12) And now the fleets approached, and for a long space the battle endured. At first the vessels were engaged in crowded masses, and later on in scattered groups. At length Callicratidas, as his vessel dashed her beak into her antagonist, was hurled off into the sea and disappeared. At the same instant Protomachus, with his division on the right, had defeated the enemy's left, and then the flight of the Peloponnesians began towards Chios, though a very considerable body of them made for Phocaea, whilst the Athenians sailed back again to Arginusae. The losses on the side of the Athenians were twenty-five ships, crews and all, with the exception of the few who contrived to reach dry land. On the Peloponnesian side, nine out of the ten Lacedaemonian ships, and more than sixty belonging to the rest of the allied squadron, were lost.
  (12) For the common reading, {oikeitai}, which is ungrammatical,
-    various conjectures have been made, e.g.
+various conjectures have been made, e.g.
-      {oikieitai} = "would be none the worse off for citizens,"
+  {oikieitai} = "would be none the worse off for citizens,"
-      {oikesetai} = "would be just as well administered without him,"
+  {oikesetai} = "would be just as well administered without him,"
-    but as the readings and their renderings are alike doubtful, I
+but as the readings and their renderings are alike doubtful, I
-    have preferred to leave the matter vague. Cf. Cicero, "De Offic."
+have preferred to leave the matter vague. Cf. Cicero, "De Offic."
-    i. 24; Plutarch, "Lac. Apophth." p. 832.
+i. 24; Plutarch, "Lac. Apophth." p. 832.
 After consultation the Athenian generals agreed that two captains of triremes, Theramenes and Thrasybulus, accompanied by some of the taxiarchs, should take forty-seven ships and sail to the assistance of the disabled fleet and of the men on board, whilst the rest of the squadron proceeded to attack the enemy's blockading squadron under Eteonicus at Mitylene. In spite of their desire to carry out this resolution, the wind and a violent storm which arose prevented them. So they set up a trophy, and took up their quarters for the night. As to Etenoicus, the details of the engagement ware faithfully reported to him by the express despatch-boat in attendance. On receipt of the news, however, he sent the despatch-boat out again the way she came, with an injunction to those on board of her to sail off quickly without exchanging a word with any one. Then on a sudden they were to return garlanded with wreaths of victory and shouting "Callicratidas has won a great sea fight, and the whole Athenian squadron is destroyed." This they did, and Eteonicus, on his side, as soon as the despatch-boat came sailing in, proceeded to offer sacrifice of thanksgiving in honour of the good news. Meanwhile he gave orders that the troops were to take their evening meal, and that the masters of the trading ships were silently to stow away their goods on board the merchant ships and make sail as fast as the favourable breeze could speed them to Chios. The ships of war were to follow suit with what speed they might. This done, he set fire to his camp, and led off the land forces to Methymna. Conon, finding the enemy had made off, and the wind had grown comparatively mild, (13) got his ships afloat, and so fell in with the Athenian squadron, which had by this time set out from Arginusae. To these he explained the proceedings of Eteonicus. The squadron put into Mitylene, and from Mitylene stood across to Chios, and thence, without effecting anything further, sailed back to Samos.
@@ Line 364: / Line 364: @@
  (1) Reading {tes diobelais}, a happy conjecture for the MSS. {tes
-    diokelias}, which is inexplicable. See Grote, "Hist. of Greece,"
+diokelias}, which is inexplicable. See Grote, "Hist. of Greece,"
-    vol. viii. p. 244 note (2d ed.)
+vol. viii. p. 244 note (2d ed.)
  (2) I.e. a legal tribunal or court of law. At Athens the free citizens
-    constitutionally sworn and impannelled sat as "dicasts"
+constitutionally sworn and impannelled sat as "dicasts"
-    ("jurymen," or rather as a bench of judges) to hear cases
+("jurymen," or rather as a bench of judges) to hear cases
-    ({dikai}). Any particular board of dicasts formed a "dicastery."
+({dikai}). Any particular board of dicasts formed a "dicastery."
 These proceedings in the law court were followed by the statement of the generals before the senate (3) touching the late victory and the magnitude of the storm. Timocrates then proposed that the other five generals should be put in custody and handed over to the public assembly. (4) Whereupon the senate committed them all to prison. Then came the meeting of the public assembly, in which others, and more particularly Theramenes, formally accused the generals. He insisted that they ought to show cause why they had not picked up the shipwrecked crews. To prove that there had been no attempt on their part to attach blame to others, he might point, as conclusive testimony, to the despatch sent by the generals themselves to the senate and the people, in which they attributed the whole disaster to the storm, and nothing else. After this the generals each in turn made a defence, which was necessarily limited to a few words, since no right of addressing the assembly at length was allowed by law. Their explanation of the occurrences was that, in order to be free to sail against the enemy themselves, they had devolved the duty of picking up the shipwrecked crews upon certain competent captains of men-of-war, who had themselves been generals in their time, to wit Theramenes and Tharysbulus, and others of like stamp. If blame could attach to any one at all with regard to the duty in question, those to whom their orders had been given were the sole persons they could hold responsible. "But," they went on to say, "we will not, because these very persons have denounced us, invent a lie, and say that Theramenes and Thrasybulus are to blame, when the truth of the matter is that the magnitude of the storm alone prevented the burial of the dead and the rescue of the living." In proof of their contention, they produced the pilots and numerous other witnesses from among those present at the engagement. By these arguments they were in a fair way to persuade the people of their innocence. Indeed many private citizens rose wishing to become bail for the accused, but it was resolved to defer decision till another meeting of the assembly. It was indeed already so late that it would have been impossible to see to count the show of hands. It was further resolved that the senate meanwhile should prepare a measure, to be introduced at the next assembly, as to the mode in which the accused should take their trial.
  (3) This is the Senate or Council of Five Hundred. One of its chief
-    duties was to prepare measures for discussion in the assembly. It
+duties was to prepare measures for discussion in the assembly. It
-    had also a certain amount of judicial power, hearing complaints
+had also a certain amount of judicial power, hearing complaints
-    and inflicting fines up to fifty drachmas. It sat daily, a
+and inflicting fines up to fifty drachmas. It sat daily, a
-    "prytany" of fifty members of each of the ten tribes in rotation
+"prytany" of fifty members of each of the ten tribes in rotation
-    holding office for a month in turn.
+holding office for a month in turn.
  (4) This is the great Public Assembly (the Ecclesia), consisting of
-    all genuine Athenian citizens of more than twenty years of age.
+all genuine Athenian citizens of more than twenty years of age.
 Then came the festival of the Aparturia, (5) with its family gatherings of fathers and kinsfolk. Accordingly the party of Theramenes procured numbers of people clad in black apparel, and close-shaven, (6) who were to go in and present themselves before the public assembly in the middle of the festival, as relatives, presumably, of the men who had perished; and they persuaded Callixenus to accuse the generals in the senate. The next step was to convoke the assembly, when the senate laid before it the proposal just passed by their body, at the instance of Callixenus, which ran as follows: "Seeing that both the parties to this case, to wit, the prosecutors of the generals on the one hand, and the accused themselves in their defence on the other, have been heard in the late meeting of the assembly; we propose that the people of Athens now record their votes, one and all, by their tribes; that a couple of voting urns be placed for the convenience of each several tribe; and the public crier in the hearing of each several tribe proclaim the mode of voting as follows: 'Let every one who finds the generals guilty of not rescuing the heroes of the late sea fight deposit his vote in urn No. 1. Let him who is of the contrary opinion deposit his vote in urn No. 2. Further, in the event of the aforesaid generals being found guilty, let death be the penalty. Let the guilty persons be delivered over to the eleven. Let their property be confiscated to the State, with the exception of one tithe, which falls to the goddess.'"
  (5) An important festival held in October at Athens, and in nearly all
-    Ionic cities. Its objects were (1) the recognition of a common
+Ionic cities. Its objects were (1) the recognition of a common
-    descent from Ion, the son of Apollo Patrous; and (2) the
+descent from Ion, the son of Apollo Patrous; and (2) the
-    maintenance of the ties of clanship. See Grote, "Hist. of Greece,"
+maintenance of the ties of clanship. See Grote, "Hist. of Greece,"
-    vol. viii. p. 260 foll. (2d ed.); Jebb, "Theophr." xviii. 5.
+vol. viii. p. 260 foll. (2d ed.); Jebb, "Theophr." xviii. 5.
  (6) I.e. in sign of mourning.
@@ Line 399: / Line 399: @@
  (7) Prytanes—the technical term for the senators of the presiding
-    tribe, who acted as presidents of the assembly. Their chairman for
+tribe, who acted as presidents of the assembly. Their chairman for
-    the day was called Epistates.
+the day was called Epistates.
  (8) For the part played by Socrates see further Xenophon's
-    "Memorabilia," I. i. 18; IV. iv. 2.
+"Memorabilia," I. i. 18; IV. iv. 2.
 "I stand here, men of Athens, partly to accuse Pericles, though he is a close and intimate connection of my own, and Diomedon, who is my friend, and partly to urge certain considerations on their behalf, but chiefly to press upon you what seems to me the best course for the State collectively. I hold them to blame in that they dissuaded their colleagues from their intention to send a despatch to the senate and this assembly, which should have informed you of the orders given to Theramenes and Thrasybulus to take forty-seven ships of war and pick up the shipwrecked crews, and of the neglect of the two officers to carry out those orders. And it follows that though the offence was committed by one or two, the responsibility must be shared by all; and in return for kindness in the past, they are in danger at present of sacrificing their lives to the machinations of these very men, and others whom I could mention. In danger, do I say, of losing their lives? No, not so, if you will suffer me to persuade you to do what is just and right; if you will only adopt such a course as shall enable you best to discover the truth and shall save you from too late repentance, when you find you have transgressed irremediably against heaven and your own selves. In what I urge there is no trap nor plot whereby you can be deceived by me or any other man; it is a straightforward course which will enable you to discover and punish the offender by whatever process you like, collectively or individually. Let them have, if not more, at any rate one whole day to make what defence they can for themselves; and trust to your own unbiased judgment to guide you to the right conclusion.
@@ Line 410: / Line 410: @@
  (9) "There was a rule in Attic judicial procedure, called the psephism
-    of Kannonus (originally adopted, we do not know when, on the
+of Kannonus (originally adopted, we do not know when, on the
-    proposition of a citizen of that name, as a psephism or decree for
+proposition of a citizen of that name, as a psephism or decree for
-    some particular case, but since generalised into common practice,
+some particular case, but since generalised into common practice,
-    and grown into great prescriptive reverence), which peremptorily
+and grown into great prescriptive reverence), which peremptorily
-    forbade any such collective trial or sentence, and directed that a
+forbade any such collective trial or sentence, and directed that a
-    separate judicial vote should in all cases be taken for or against
+separate judicial vote should in all cases be taken for or against
-    each accused party." Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. p. 266
+each accused party." Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. p. 266
-    (2d ed.)
+(2d ed.)
  (10) Reading {adikos apolountai}.
@@ Line 432: / Line 432: @@
  (12) For this matter cf. Schomann, "De Comitiis Athen." p. 161 foll.;
-    also Grote, "Hist. of Grece," vol. viii. p. 276 note (2d ed.)
+also Grote, "Hist. of Grece," vol. viii. p. 276 note (2d ed.)
 Not long after, repentance seized the Athenians, and they passed a decree authorising the public prosecution of those who had deceived the people, and the appointment of proper securities for their persons until the trial was over. Callixenus was one of those committed for trail. There were, besides Callixenus, four others against whom true bills were declared, and they were all five imprisoned by their sureties. But all subsequently effected their escape before the trial, at the time of the sedition in which Cleophon (13) was killed. Callixenus eventually came back when the party in Piraeus returned to the city, at the date of the amnesty, (14) but only to die of hunger, an object of universal detestation.
  (13) Cleophon, the well-known demagogue. For the occasion of his death
-    see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. pp. 166, 310 (2d ed.);
+see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. pp. 166, 310 (2d ed.);
-    Prof. Jebb, "Attic Orators," i. 266, ii. 288. For his character,
+Prof. Jebb, "Attic Orators," i. 266, ii. 288. For his character,
-    as popularly conceived, cf. Aristoph. "Frogs," 677.
+as popularly conceived, cf. Aristoph. "Frogs," 677.
  (14) B.C. 403.
@@ Line 453: / Line 453: @@
  (2) "At this date the war had lasted five-and-twenty years." So the
-    MSS. read. The words are probably an interpolation.
+MSS. read. The words are probably an interpolation.
 It was in this year (3) that Cyrus put Autoboesaces and Mitraeus to death. These were sons of the sister of Dariaeus (4) (the daughter of Xerxes, the father of Darius). (5) He put them to death for neglecting, when they met him, to thrust their hands into the sleeve (or "kore") which is a tribute of respect paid to the king alone. This "kore" is longer than the ordinary sleeve, so long in fact that a man with his hand inside is rendered helpless. In consequence of this act on the part of Cyrus, Hieramenes (6) and his wife urged upon Dariaeus the danger of overlooking such excessive insolence on the part of the young prince, and Dariaeus, on the plea of sickness, sent a special embassy to summon Cyrus to his bedside.
@@ Line 460: / Line 460: @@
  (4) Dariaeus, i.e. Darius, but the spelling of the name is correct,
-    and occurs in Ctesias, though in the "Anabasis" we have the
+and occurs in Ctesias, though in the "Anabasis" we have the
-    spelling Darius.
+spelling Darius.
  (5) These words look like the note of a foolish and ignorant scribe.
-    He ought to have written, "The daughter of Artaxerxes and own
+He ought to have written, "The daughter of Artaxerxes and own
-    sister of Darius, commonly so called."
+sister of Darius, commonly so called."
  (6) For Hieramenes cf. Thuc. viii. 95, and Prof. Jowett ad loc.
@@ Line 472: / Line 472: @@
  (7) The MSS. add "during the ephorate of Archytas and the archonship
-    at Athens of Alexias," which, though correct enough, is probably
+at Athens of Alexias," which, though correct enough, is probably
-    an interpolation.
+an interpolation.
 It was now Cyrus's turn to send for Lysander. It was the moment at which the envoy from his father had arrived with the message: "Your father is on his sick-bed and desires your presence." The king lay at Thamneria, in Media, near the territory of the Cadusians, against whom he had marched to put down a revolt. When Lysander presented himself, Cyrus was urgent with him not to engage the Athenians at sea unless he had many more ships than they. "The king," he added, "and I have plenty of wealth, so that, as far as money goes, you can man plenty of vessels." He then consigned to him all the tributes from the several cities which belonged to him personally, and gave him the ready money which he had as a gift; and finally, reminding him of the sincere friendship he entertained towards the state of Lacedaemon, as well as to himself personally, he set out up country to visit his father. Lysander, finding himself thus left with the complete control of the property of Cyrus (during the absence of that prince, so summoned to the bedside of his father), was able to distribute pay to his troops, after which he set sail for the Ceramic Gulf of Caria. Here he stormed a city in alliance with the Athenians named Cedreae, and on the following day's assault took it, and reduced the inhabitants to slavery. These were of a mixed Hellene and barbaric stock. From Cedreae he continued his voyage to Rhodes. The Athenians meanwhile, using Samos as their base of operations, were employed in devastating the king's territory, or in swooping down upon Chios and Ephesus, and in general were preparing for a naval battle, having but lately chosen three new generals in addition to those already in office, whose names were Menander, Tydeus, and Cephisodotus. Now Lysander, leaving Rhodes, and coasting along Ionia, made his way to the Hellespont, having an eye to the passage of vessels through the Straits, and, in a more hostile sense, on the cities which had revolted from Sparta. The Athenians also set sail from Chios, but stood out to open sea, since the seaboard of Asia was hostile to them.
@@ Line 486: / Line 486: @@
  (9) The "Paralus"—the Athenian sacred vessel; cf. Thuc. iii. 33 et
-    passim.
+passim.
 Lysander, on his side, conveyed the ships and prisoners and all other spoil back to Lampsacus, having on board some of the Athenian generals, notably Philocles and Adeimantus. On the very day of these achievements he despatched Theopompus, a Milesian privateersman, to Lacedaemon to report what had taken place. This envoy arrived within three days and delivered his message. Lysander's next step was to convene the allies and bid them deliberate as to the treatment of the prisoners. Many were the accusations here levied against the Athenians. There was talk of crimes committed against the law of Hellas, and of cruelties sanctioned by popular decrees; which, had they conquered in the late sea-fight, would have been carried out; such as the proposal to cut off the right hand of every prisoner taken alive, and lastly the ill-treatment of two captured men-of-war, a Corinthian and an Andrian vessel, when every man on board had been hurled headlong down the cliff. Philocles was the very general of the Athenians who had so ruthlessly destroyed those men. Many other tales were told; and at length a resolution was passed to put all the Athenian prisoners, with the exception of Adeimantus, to death. He alone, it was pleaded, had taken exception to the proposal to cut off the prisoners' hands. On the other hand, he was himself accused by some people of having betrayed the fleet. As to Philocles, Lysander put to him one question, as the officer who had thrown (10) the Corinthians and Andrians down the cliff: What fate did the man deserve to suffer who had embarked on so cruel a course of illegality against Hellenes? and so delivered him to the executioner.
@@ Line 497: / Line 497: @@
  (1) With regard to these painful recollections, see (1) for the siege
-    and surrender of Melos (in B.C. 416), Thuc. v. 114, 116; and cf.
+and surrender of Melos (in B.C. 416), Thuc. v. 114, 116; and cf.
-    Aristoph. "Birds," 186; Plut. ("Lysander," 14); (2) for the
+Aristoph. "Birds," 186; Plut. ("Lysander," 14); (2) for the
-    ejection of the Histiaeans, an incident of the recovery of Euboea
+ejection of the Histiaeans, an incident of the recovery of Euboea
-    in 445 B.C., see Thuc. i. 14; Plut. ("Pericles," 23); (3) for the
+in 445 B.C., see Thuc. i. 14; Plut. ("Pericles," 23); (3) for the
-    matter of Scione, which revolted in 423 B.C., and was for a long
+matter of Scione, which revolted in 423 B.C., and was for a long
-    time a source of disagreement between the Athenians and
+time a source of disagreement between the Athenians and
-    Lacedaemonians, until finally captured by the former in 421 B.C.,
+Lacedaemonians, until finally captured by the former in 421 B.C.,
-    when the citizens were slain and the city given to the Plataeans,
+when the citizens were slain and the city given to the Plataeans,
-    see Thuc. iv. 120-122, 129-133; v. 18, 32; (4) for Torone see
+see Thuc. iv. 120-122, 129-133; v. 18, 32; (4) for Torone see
-    Thuc. ib., and also v. 3; (5) for the expulsion of the Aeginetans
+Thuc. ib., and also v. 3; (5) for the expulsion of the Aeginetans
-    in 431 B.C. see Thuc. ii. 27.
+in 431 B.C. see Thuc. ii. 27.
 Lysander presently left the Hellespont with two hundred sail and arrived at Lesbos, where he established a new order of things in Mitylene and the other cities of the island. Meanwhile he despatched Eteonicus with a squadron of ten ships to the northern coasts, (2) where that officer brought about a revolution of affairs which placed the whole region in the hands of Lacedaemon. Indeed, in a moment of time, after the sea-fight, the whole of Hellas had revolted from Athens, with the solitary exception of the men of Samos. These, having massacred the notables, (3) held the state under their control. After a while Lysander sent messages to Agis at Deceleia, and to Lacedaemon, announcing his approach with a squadron of two hundred sail.
@@ Line 514: / Line 514: @@
  (3) Or, "since they had slain their notables, held the state under
-    popular control." See Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. p. 303
+popular control." See Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. viii. p. 303
-    note 3 (2d ed.), who thinks that the incident referred to is the
+note 3 (2d ed.), who thinks that the incident referred to is the
-    violent democratic revolution in Samos described in Thuc. viii.
+violent democratic revolution in Samos described in Thuc. viii.
 , B.C. 412.
 In obedience to a general order of Pausanias, the other king of Lacedaemon, a levy in force of the Lacedaemonians and all the rest of Peloponnesus, except the Argives, was set in motion for a campaign. As soon as the several contingents had arrived, the king put himself at their head and marched against Athens, encamping in the gymnasium of the Academy, (4) as it is called. Lysander had now reached Aegina, where, having got together as many of the former inhabitants as possible, he formally reinstated them in their city; and what he did in behalf of the Aeginetans, he did also in behalf of the Melians, and of the rest who had been deprived of their countries. He then pillaged the island of Salamis, and finally came to moorings off Piraeus with one hundred and fifty ships of the line, and established a strict blockade against all merchant ships entering that harbour.
  (4) For this most illustrious of Athenian gymnasia, which still
-    retains its name, see Leake, "Topography of Athens," i. 195 foll.
+retains its name, see Leake, "Topography of Athens," i. 195 foll.
 The Athenians, finding themselves besieged by land and sea, were in sore perplexity what to do. Without ships, without allies, without provisions, the belief gained hold upon them that there was no way of escape. They must now, in their turn, suffer what they had themselves inflincted upon others; not in retaliation, indeed, for ills received, but out of sheer insolence, overriding the citizens of petty states, and for no better reason than that these were allies of the very men now at their gates. In this frame of mind they enfranchised those who at any time had lost their civil rights, and schooled themselves to endurance; and, albeit many succumbed to starvation, no thought of truce or reconciliation with their foes was breathed. (5) But when the stock of corn was absolutely insufficient, they sent an embassage to Agis, proposing to become allies of the Lacedaemonians on the sole condition of keeping their fortification walls and Piraeus; and to draw up articles of treaty on these terms. Agis bade them betake themselves to Lacedaemon, seeing that he had no authority to act himself. With this answer the ambassadors returned to Athens, and were forthwith sent on to Lacedaemon. On reaching Sellasia, (6) a town in (7) Laconian territory, they waited till they got their answer from the ephors, who, having learnt their terms (which were identical to those already proposed to Agis), bade them instantly to be gone, and, if they really desired peace, to come with other proposals, the fruit of happier reflection. Thus the ambassadors returned home, and reported the result of their embassage, whereupon despondency fell upon all. It was a painful reflection that in the end they would be sold into slavery; and meanwhile, pending the return of a second embassy, many must needs fall victims to starvation. The razing of their fortifications was not a solution which any one cared to recommend. A senator, Archestratus, had indeed put the question in the senate, whether it were not best to make peace with the Lacedaemonians on such terms as they were willing to propose; but he was thrown into prison. The Laconian proposals referred to involved the destruction of both long walls for a space of more than a mile. And a decree had been passed, making it illegal to submit any such proposition about the walls. Things having reached this pass, Theramenes made a proposal in the public assembly as follows: If they chose to send him as an ambassador to Lysander, he would go and find out why the Lacedaemonians were so unyielding about the walls; whether it was they really intended to enslave the city, or merely that they wanted a guarantee of good faith. Despatched accordingly, he lingered on with Lysander for three whole months and more, watching for the time when the Athenians, at the last pinch of starvation, would be willing to accede to any terms that might be offered. At last, in the fourth month, he returned and reported to the public assembly that Lysander had detained him all this while, and had ended by bidding him betake himself to Lacedaemon, since he had no authority himself to answer his questions, which must be addressed directly to the ephors. After this Theramenes was chosen with nine others to go to Lacedaemon as ambassadors with full powers. Meanwhile Lysander had sent an Athenian exile, named Aristoteles, in company of certain Lacedaemonians, to Sparta to report to the board of ephors how he had answered Theramenes, that they, and they alone, had supreme authority in matters of peace and war.
@@ Line 531: / Line 531: @@
  (7) The MSS. have "in the neighbourhood of," which words are
-    inappropriate at this date, though they may well have been added
+inappropriate at this date, though they may well have been added
-    by some annotator after the Cleomenic war and the battle of
+by some annotator after the Cleomenic war and the battle of
-    Sellasia, B.C. 222, when Antigonus of Macedon destroyed the place
+Sellasia, B.C. 222, when Antigonus of Macedon destroyed the place
-    in the interests of the Achaean League.
+in the interests of the Achaean League.
 Theramenes and his companions presently reached Sellasia, and being there questioned as to the reason of their visit, replied that they had full powers to treat of peace. After which the ephors ordered them to be summoned to their presence. On their arrival a general assembly was convened, in which the Corinthians and Thebans more particularly, though their views were shared by many other Hellenes also, urged the meeting not to come to terms with the Athenians, but to destroy them. The Lacedaemonians replied that they would never reduce to slavery a city which was itself an integral portion of Hellas, and had performed a great and noble service to Hellas in the most perilous of emergencies. On the contrary, they were willing to offer peace on the terms now specified—namely, "That the long walls and the fortifications of Piraeus should be destroyed; that the Athenian fleet, with the exception of twelve vessels, should be surrendered; that the exiles should be restored; and lastly, that the Athenians should acknowledge the headship of Sparta in peace and war, leaving to her the choice of friends and foes, and following her lead by land and sea." Such were the terms which Theramenes and the rest who acted with him were able to report on their return to Athens. As they entered the city, a vast crowd met them, trembling lest their mission have proved fruitless. For indeed delay was no longer possible, so long already was the list of victims daily perishing from starvation. On the day following, the ambassadors delivered their report, stating the terms upon which the Lacedaemonians were willing to make peace. Theramenes acted as spokesman, insisting that they ought to obey the Lacedaemonians and pull down the walls. A small minority raised their voice in opposition, but the majority were strongly in favour of the proposition, and the resolution was passed to accept the peace. After that, Lysander sailed into the Piraeus, and the exiles were readmitted. And so they fell to levelling the fortifications and walls with much enthusiasm, to the accompaniment of female flute-players, deeming that day the beginning of liberty to Greece.
@@ Line 541: / Line 541: @@
  (8) For the puzzling chronology of this paragraph see Grote, "Hist. of
-    Greece," vol. x. p 619 (2d ed.) If genuine, the words may perhaps
+Greece," vol. x. p 619 (2d ed.) If genuine, the words may perhaps
-    have slipt out of their natural place in chapter i. above, in
+have slipt out of their natural place in chapter i. above, in
-    front of the words "in the following year Lysander arrived," etc.
+front of the words "in the following year Lysander arrived," etc.
-    L. Dindorf brackets them as spurious. Xen., "Hist. Gr." ed.
+L. Dindorf brackets them as spurious. Xen., "Hist. Gr." ed.
-    tertia, Lipsiae, MDCCCLXXII. For the incidents referred to see
+tertia, Lipsiae, MDCCCLXXII. For the incidents referred to see
-    above; Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. x. pp. 582, 598 (2d ed.)
+above; Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. x. pp. 582, 598 (2d ed.)
 B.C. 404. In the following year (1) the people passed a resolution to choose thirty men who were to draft a constitution based on the ancestral laws of the State. The following were chosen to act on this committee:—Polychares, Critias, Melobius, Hippolochus, Eucleides, Hiero, Mnesilochus, Chremo, Theramenes, Aresias, Diocles, Phaedrias, Chaereleos, Anaetius, Piso, Sophocles, Erastosthenes, Charicles, Onomacles, Theognis, Aeschines, Theogones, Cleomedes, Erasistratus, Pheido, Dracontides, Eumathes, Aristoteles, Hippomachus, Mnesitheides. After these transactions, Lysander set sail for Samos; and Agis withdrew the land force from Deceleia and disbanded the troops, dismissing the contingents to their several cities.
  (1) The MSS. here add "it was that year of the Olympiad cycle in which
-    Crocinas, a Thessalian, won the Stadium; when Endius was ephor at
+Crocinas, a Thessalian, won the Stadium; when Endius was ephor at
-    Sparta, and Pythodorus archon at Athens, though the Athenians
+Sparta, and Pythodorus archon at Athens, though the Athenians
-    indeed do not call the year by that archon's name, since he was
+indeed do not call the year by that archon's name, since he was
-    elected during the oligarchy, but prefer to speak of the year of
+elected during the oligarchy, but prefer to speak of the year of
-    'anarchy'; the aforesaid oligarchy originated thus,"—which,
+'anarchy'; the aforesaid oligarchy originated thus,"—which,
-    though correct, probably was not written by Xenophon. The year of
+though correct, probably was not written by Xenophon. The year of
-    anarchy might perhaps be better rendered "the year without
+anarchy might perhaps be better rendered "the year without
-    archons."
+archons."
 In was at this date, about the time of the solar eclipse, (2) that Lycophron of Pherae, who was ambitious of ruling over the whole of Thessaly, defeated those sections of the Thessalians who opposed him, such as the men of Larissa and others, and slew many of them. It was also about this date that Dionysius, now tyrant of Syracuse, was defeated by the Carthaginians and lost Gela and Camarina. And again, a little later, the men of Leontini, who previously had been amalgamated with the Syracusans, separated themselves from Syracuse and Dionysius, and asserted their independence, and returned to their native city. Another incident of this period was the sudden despatch and introduction of Syracusan horse into Catana by Dionysius.
@@ Line 567: / Line 567: @@
  (3) A council of ten, or "decarchy." See Grote, "H. G." viii. 323 (1st
-    ed.)
+ed.)
  (4) About 112,800 pounds.
  (5) The MSS. add "a summer, the close of which coincided with the
-    termination of a war which had lasted twenty-eight and a half
+termination of a war which had lasted twenty-eight and a half
-    years, as the list of annual ephors, appended in order, serves to
+years, as the list of annual ephors, appended in order, serves to
-    show. Aenesias is the first name. The war began during his
+show. Aenesias is the first name. The war began during his
-    ephorate, in the fifteenth year of the thirty years' truce after
+ephorate, in the fifteenth year of the thirty years' truce after
-    the capture of Euboea. His successors were Brasidas, Isanor,
+the capture of Euboea. His successors were Brasidas, Isanor,
-    Sostratidas, Exarchus, Agesistratus, Angenidas, Onomacles,
+Sostratidas, Exarchus, Agesistratus, Angenidas, Onomacles,
-    Zeuxippus, Pityas, Pleistolas, Cleinomachus, Harchus, Leon,
+Zeuxippus, Pityas, Pleistolas, Cleinomachus, Harchus, Leon,
-    Chaerilas, Patesiadas, Cleosthenes, Lycarius, Eperatus,
+Chaerilas, Patesiadas, Cleosthenes, Lycarius, Eperatus,
-    Onomantius, Alexippidas, Misgolaidas, Isias, Aracus, Euarchippus,
+Onomantius, Alexippidas, Misgolaidas, Isias, Aracus, Euarchippus,
-    Pantacles, Pityas, Archytas, and lastly, Endius, during whose year
+Pantacles, Pityas, Archytas, and lastly, Endius, during whose year
-    of office Lysander sailed home in triumph, after performing the
+of office Lysander sailed home in triumph, after performing the
-    exploits above recorded,"—the interpolation, probably, of some
+exploits above recorded,"—the interpolation, probably, of some
-    editor or copyist, the words "twenty-eight and a half" being
+editor or copyist, the words "twenty-eight and a half" being
-    probably a mistake on his part for "twenty-seven and a half." Cf.
+probably a mistake on his part for "twenty-seven and a half." Cf.
-    Thuc. v. 26; also Buchsenschutz, Einleitung, p. 8 of his school
+Thuc. v. 26; also Buchsenschutz, Einleitung, p. 8 of his school
-    edition of the "Hellenica."
+edition of the "Hellenica."
 The Thirty had been chosen almost immediately after the long walls and the fortifications round Piraeus had been razed. They were chosen for the express purpose of compiling a code of laws for the future constitution of the State. The laws were always on the point of being published, yet they were never forthcoming; and the thirty compilers contented themselves meanwhile with appointing a senate and the other magistracies as suited their fancy best. That done, they turned their attention, in the first instance, to such persons as were well known to have made their living as informers (6) under the democracy, and to be thorns in the side of all respectable people. These they laid hold on and prosecuted on the capital charge. The new senate gladly recorded its vote of condemnation against them; and the rest of the world, conscious of bearing no resemblance to them, seemed scarcely vexed. But the Thirty did not stop there. Presently they began to deliberate by what means they could get the city under their absolute control, in order that they might work their will upon it. Here again they proceeded tentatively; in the first instance, they sent (two of their number), Aeschines and Aristoteles, to Lacedaemon, and persuaded Lysander to support them in getting a Lacedaemonian garrison despatched to Athens. They only needed it until they had got the "malignants" out of the way, and had established the constitution; and they would undertake to maintain these troops at their own cost. Lysander was not deaf to their persuasions, and by his co-operation their request was granted. A bodyguard, with Callibius as governor, was sent.
  (6) Lit. "by sycophancy," i.e. calumnious accusation—the sycophant's
-    trade. For a description of this pest of Athenian life cf. "Dem."
+trade. For a description of this pest of Athenian life cf. "Dem."
-    in Arist. 1, S. 52; quoted in Jebb, "Attic Orators," chap. xxix.
+in Arist. 1, S. 52; quoted in Jebb, "Attic Orators," chap. xxix.
 ; cf. Aristoph. "Ach." 904; Xen. "Mem." II. ix. 1.
 And now that they had got the garrison, they fell to flattering Callibius with all servile flattery, in order that he might give countenance to their doings. Thus they prevailed on him to allow some of the guards, whom they selected, to accompany them, while they proceeded to lay hands on whom they would; no longer confining themselves to base folk and people of no account, but boldly laying hands on those who they felt sure would least easily brook being thrust aside, or, if a spirit of opposition seized them, could command the largest number of partisans.
@@ Line 603: / Line 603: @@
  (7) Or, "a summons to the 'place d'armes' was given; but." Or, "the
-    order to seize the arms was given, and." It is clear from
+order to seize the arms was given, and." It is clear from
-    Aristoph. "Acharn." 1050, that the citizens kept their weapons at
+Aristoph. "Acharn." 1050, that the citizens kept their weapons at
-    home. On the other hand, it was a custom not to come to any
+home. On the other hand, it was a custom not to come to any
-    meeting in arms. See Thuc. vi. 58. It seems probable that while
+meeting in arms. See Thuc. vi. 58. It seems probable that while
-    the men were being reviewed in the market-place and elsewhere, the
+the men were being reviewed in the market-place and elsewhere, the
-    ruling party gave orders to seize their weapons (which they had
+ruling party gave orders to seize their weapons (which they had
-    left at home), and this was done except in the case of the Three
+left at home), and this was done except in the case of the Three
-    Thousand. Cf. Arnold, "Thuc." II. 2. 5; and IV. 91.
+Thousand. Cf. Arnold, "Thuc." II. 2. 5; and IV. 91.
 The ground being thus cleared, as it were, and feeling that they had it in their power to do what they pleased, they embarked on a course of wholesale butchery, to which many were sacrificed to the merest hatred, many to the accident of possessing riches. Presently the question rose, How they were to get money to pay their guards? and to meet this difficulty a resolution was passed empowering each of the committee to seize on one of the resident aliens apiece, to put his victim to death, and to confiscate his property. Theramenes was invited, or rather told to seize some one or other. "Choose whom you will, only let it be done." To which he made answer, it hardly seemed to him a noble or worthy course on the part of those who claimed to be the elite of society to go beyond the informers (8) in injustice. "Yesterday they, to-day we; with this difference, the victim of the informer must live as a source of income; our innocents must die that we may get their wealth. Surely their method was innocent in comparison with ours."
@@ Line 625: / Line 625: @@
  (9) An annotator seems to have added here the words, occurring in the
-    MSS., "the buskin which seems to fit both legs equally, but is
+MSS., "the buskin which seems to fit both legs equally, but is
-    constant to neither," unless, indeed, they are an original
+constant to neither," unless, indeed, they are an original
-    "marginal note" of the author. For the character of Theramenes, as
+"marginal note" of the author. For the character of Theramenes, as
-    popularly conceived, cf. Aristoph. "Frogs," 538, 968 foll., and
+popularly conceived, cf. Aristoph. "Frogs," 538, 968 foll., and
-    Thuc. viii. 92; and Prof. Jowett, "Thuc." vol. ii. pp. 523, 524.
+Thuc. viii. 92; and Prof. Jowett, "Thuc." vol. ii. pp. 523, 524.
 With these words he sat down, but Theramenes rose and said: "Sirs, with your permission I will first touch upon the charge against me which Critias has mentioned last. The assertion is that as the accuser of the generals I was their murderer. Now I presume it was not I who began the attack upon them, but it was they who asserted that in spite of the orders given me I had neglected to pick up the unfortunates in the sea-fight off Lesbos. All I did was to defend myself. My defence was that the storm was too violent to permit any vessel to ride at sea, much more therefore to pick up the men, and this defence was accepted by my fellow-citizens as highly reasonable, while the generals seemed to be condemned out of their own mouths. For while they kept on asserting that it was possible to save the men, the fact still remained that they abandoned them to their fate, set sail, and were gone.
@@ Line 638: / Line 638: @@
  (11) I.e. serfs—Penestae being the local name in Thessaly for the
-    villein class. Like the {Eilotes} in Laconia, they were originally
+villein class. Like the {Eilotes} in Laconia, they were originally
-    a conquered tribe, afterwards increased by prisoners of war, and
+a conquered tribe, afterwards increased by prisoners of war, and
-    formed a link between the freemen and born slaves.
+formed a link between the freemen and born slaves.
  (12) Cf. "Mem." IV. iv. 3; Plat. "Apol." 8. 32.
@@ Line 647: / Line 647: @@
  (14) Probably the son of Lysidonides. See Thirlwall, "Hist. of
-    Greece," vol. iv. p. 179 (ed. 1847); also Lysias, "Or." 12. contra
+Greece," vol. iv. p. 179 (ed. 1847); also Lysias, "Or." 12. contra
-    Eratosth. According to Lysias, Theramenes, when a member of the
+Eratosth. According to Lysias, Theramenes, when a member of the
-    first Oligarchy, betrayed his own closest friends, Antiphon and
+first Oligarchy, betrayed his own closest friends, Antiphon and
-    Archeptolemus. See Prof. Jebb, "Attic Orators," I. x. p. 266.
+Archeptolemus. See Prof. Jebb, "Attic Orators," I. x. p. 266.
  (15) The resident aliens, or {metoikoi}, "metics," so technically
-    called.
+called.
  (16) Isocr. "De Bigis," 355; and Prof. Jebb's "Attic Orators," ii.
 . In the defence of his father's career, which the younger
-    Alcibiades, the defendant in this case (B.C. 397 probably) has
+Alcibiades, the defendant in this case (B.C. 397 probably) has
-    occasion to make, he reminds the court, that under the Thirty,
+occasion to make, he reminds the court, that under the Thirty,
-    others were banished from Athens, but his father was driven out of
+others were banished from Athens, but his father was driven out of
-    the civilised world of Hellas itself, and finally murdered. See
+the civilised world of Hellas itself, and finally murdered. See
-    Plutarch, "Alcibiades," ad fin.
+Plutarch, "Alcibiades," ad fin.
 "I ask then is the man who tenders such advice in the full light of day justly to be regarded as a traitor, and not as a benefactor? Surely Critias, the peacemaker, the man who hinders the creation of many enemies, whose counsels tend to the acquistion of yet more friends, (17) cannot be accused of strengthening the hands of the enemy. Much more truly may the imputation be retorted on those who wrongfully appropriate their neighbours' goods and put to death those who have done no wrong. These are they who cause our adversaries to grow and multiply, and who in very truth are traitors, not to their friends only, but to themselves, spurred on by sordid love of gain.
  (17) Or, "the peacemaker, the healer of differences, the cementer of
-    new alliances, cannot," etc.
+new alliances, cannot," etc.
 "I might prove the truth of what I say in many ways, but I beg you to look at the matter thus. With which condition of affairs here in Athens do you think will Thrasybulus and Anytus and the other exiles be the better pleased? That which I have pictured as desirable, or that which my colleagues yonder are producing? For my part I cannot doubt but that, as things now are, they are saying to themselves, 'Our allies muster thick and fast.' But were the real strength, the pith and fibre of this city, kindly disposed to us, they would find it an uphill task even to get a foothold anywhere in the country.
@@ Line 673: / Line 673: @@
  (18) Cf. Thuc. viii. 90-92, for the behaviour of the Lacedaemonian
-    party at Athens and the fortification of Eetioneia in B.C. 411.
+party at Athens and the fortification of Eetioneia in B.C. 411.
  (19) I.e. of the political clubs.
@@ Line 680: / Line 680: @@
  (20) I.e. may enjoy the senatorial stipend of a drachma a day = 9 3/4
-    pence.
+pence.
  (21) See Thuc. viii. 97, for a momentary realisation of that "duly
-    attempered compound of Oligarchy and Democracy" which Thucydides
+attempered compound of Oligarchy and Democracy" which Thucydides
-    praises, and which Theramenes here refers to. It threw the power
+praises, and which Theramenes here refers to. It threw the power
-    into the hands of the wealthier upper classes to the exclusion of
+into the hands of the wealthier upper classes to the exclusion of
-    the {nautikos okhlos}. See Prof. Jowett, vol. ii. note, ad loc.
+the {nautikos okhlos}. See Prof. Jowett, vol. ii. note, ad loc.
-    cit.
+cit.
 With these words he ceased, and the loud murmur of the applause which followed marked the favourable impression produced upon the senate. It was plain to Critias, that if he allowed his adversary's fate to be decided by formal voting, Theramenes would escape, and life to himself would become intolerable. Accordingly he stepped forward and spoke a word or two in the ears of the Thirty. This done, he went out and gave an order to the attendants with the daggers to stand close to the bar in full view of the senators. Again he entered and addressed the senate thus: "I hold it to be the duty of a good president, when he sees the friends about him being made the dupes of some delusion, to intervene. That at any rate is what I propose to do. Indeed our friends here standing by the bar say that if we propose to acquit a man so openly bent upon the ruin of the oligarchy, they do not mean to let us do so. Now there is a clause in the new code forbidding any of the Three Thousand to be put to death without your vote; but the Thirty have power of life and death over all outside that list. Accordingly," he proceeded, "I herewith strike this man, Theramenes, off the list; and this with the concurrence of my colleagues. And now," he continued, "we condemn him to death."
@@ Line 698: / Line 698: @@
  (22) "A Sicilian game much in vogue at the drinking parties of young
-    men at Athens. The simplest mode was when each threw the wine left
+men at Athens. The simplest mode was when each threw the wine left
-    in his cup so as to strike smartly in a metal basin, at the same
+in his cup so as to strike smartly in a metal basin, at the same
-    time invoking his mistress's name; if all fell into the basin and
+time invoking his mistress's name; if all fell into the basin and
-    the sound was clear, it was a sign he stood well with her."—
+the sound was clear, it was a sign he stood well with her."—
-    Liddell and Scott, sub. v. For the origin of the game compare
+Liddell and Scott, sub. v. For the origin of the game compare
-    curiously enough the first line of the first Elegy of Critias
+curiously enough the first line of the first Elegy of Critias
-    himself, who was a poet and political philosopher, as well as a
+himself, who was a poet and political philosopher, as well as a
-    politician:—
+politician:—
 "{Kottabos ek Sikeles esti khthonos, euprepes ergon on skopon es latagon toxa kathistametha.}" Bergk. "Poetae Lyr. Graec." Pars II. xxx.
  (23) Or, "these are sayings too slight, perhaps, to deserve record;
-    yet," etc. By an "apophthegm" was meant originally a terse
+yet," etc. By an "apophthegm" was meant originally a terse
-    (sententious) remark, but the word has somewhat altered in
+(sententious) remark, but the word has somewhat altered in
-    meaning.
+meaning.
 So Theramenes met his death; and, now that this obstacle was removed, the Thirty, feeling that they had it in their power to play the tyrant without fear, issued an order forbidding all, whose names were not on the list, to set foot within the city. Retirement in the country districts was no protection, thither the prosecutor followed them, and thence dragged them, that their farms and properties might fall to the possession of the Thirty and their friends. Even Piraeus was not safe; of those who sought refuge there, many were driven forth in similar fashion, until Megara and Thebes overflowed with the crowd of refugees.
@@ Line 719: / Line 719: @@
  (1) "A strong fortress (the remains of which still exist) commanding
-    the narrow pass across Mount Parnes, through which runs the direct
+the narrow pass across Mount Parnes, through which runs the direct
-    road from Thebes to Athens, past Acharnae. The precipitous rock on
+road from Thebes to Athens, past Acharnae. The precipitous rock on
-    which it stands can only be approached by a ridge on the eastern
+which it stands can only be approached by a ridge on the eastern
-    side. The height commands a magnificent view of the whole Athenian
+side. The height commands a magnificent view of the whole Athenian
-    plain, of the city itself, of Mount Hymettus, and the Saronic
+plain, of the city itself, of Mount Hymettus, and the Saronic
-    Gulf,"—"Dict. of Geog., The demi of the Diacria and Mount
+Gulf,"—"Dict. of Geog., The demi of the Diacria and Mount
-    Parnes."
+Parnes."
  (2) Cf. Boeckh, "P. E. A." p. 63, Eng. ed.
  (3) Lit. tribes, each of the ten tribes furnishing about one hundred
-    horse.
+horse.
 But by this time the small garrison above them had increased tenfold, until there were now something like seven hundred men collected in Phyle; and with these Thrasybulus one night descended. When he was not quite half a mile from the enemy's encampment he grounded arms, and a deep silence was maintained until it drew towards day. In a little while the men opposite, one by one, were getting to their legs or leaving the camp for necessary purposes, while a suppressed din and murmur arose, caused by the grooms currying and combing their horses. This was the moment for Thrasybulus and his men to snatch up their arms and make a dash at the enemy's position. Some they felled on the spot; and routing the whole body, pursued them six or seven furlongs, killing one hundred and twenty hoplites and more. Of the cavalry, Nicostratus, "the beautiful," as men called him, and two others besides were slain; they were caught while still in their beds. Returning from the pursuit, the victors set up a trophy, got together all the arms they had taken, besides baggage, and retired again to Phyle. A reinforcement of horse sent from the city could not discover the vestige of a foe; but waited on the scene of battle until the bodies of the slain had been picked up by their relatives, when they withdrew again to the city.
@@ Line 737: / Line 737: @@
  (4) Or, "in the cavalry quarters," cf. {en tois ikhthusin} = in the
-    fish market. Or, "at the review of the horse."
+fish market. Or, "at the review of the horse."
  (5) For the various Odeums at Athens vide Prof. Jebb, "Theophr."
-    xviii. 235, 236. The one here named was near the fountain
+xviii. 235, 236. The one here named was near the fountain
-    Callirhoe by the Ilissus.
+Callirhoe by the Ilissus.
 But now Thrasybulus at the head of his followers, by this time about one thousand strong, descended from Phyle and reached Piraeus in the night. The Thirty, on their side, informed of this new move, were not slow to rally to the rescue, with the Laconian guards, supported by their own cavalry and hoplites. And so they advanced, marching down along the broad carriage road which leads into Piraeus. The men from Phyle seemed at first inclined to dispute their passage, but as the wide circuit of the walls needed a defence beyond the reach of their still scanty numbers, they fell back in a compact body upon Munychia. (6) Then the troops from the city poured into the Agora of Hippodmus. (7) Here they formed in line, stretching along and filling the street which leads to the temple of Artemis and the Bendideum. (8) This line must have been at least fifty shields deep; and in this formation they at once began to march up. As to the men of Phyle, they too blocked the street at the opposite end, and facing the foe. They presented only a thin line, not more than ten deep, though behind these, certainly, were ranged a body of targeteers and light-armed javelin men, who were again supported by an artillery of stone-throwers—a tolerably numerous division drawn from the population of the port and district itself. While his antagonists were still advancing, Thrasybulus gave the order to ground their heavy shields, and having done so himself, whilst retaining the rest of his arms, he stood in the midst, and thus addressed them: "Men and fellow-citizens, I wish to inform some, and to remind others of you, that of the men you see advancing beneath us there, the right division are the very men we routed and pursued only five days ago; while on the extreme left there you see the Thirty. These are the men who have not spared to rob us of our city, though we did no wrong; who have hounded us from our homes; who have set the seal of proscription on our dearest friends. But to-day the wheel of fortune has revolved; that has come about which least of all they looked for, which most of all we prayed for. Here we stand with our good swords in our hands, face to face with our foes; and the gods themselves are with us, seeing that we were arrested in the midst of our peaceful pursuits; at any moment, whilst we supped, or slept, or marketed, sentence of banishment was passed upon us: we had done no wrong—nay, many of us were not even resident in the country. To-day, therefore, I repeat, the gods do visibly fight upon our side; the great gods, who raise a tempest even in the midst of calm for our benefit, and when we lay to our hand to fight, enable our little company to set up the trophy of victory over the multitude of our foes. On this day they have brought us hither to a place where the steep ascent must needs hinder our foes from reaching with lance or arrow further than our foremost ranks; but we with our volley of spears and arrows and stones cannot fail to reach them with terrible effect. Had we been forced to meet them vanguard to vanguard, on an equal footing, who could have been surprised? But as it is, all I say to you is, let fly your missiles with a will in right brave style. No one can miss his mark when the road is full of them. To avoid our darts they must be for ever ducking and skulking beneath their shields; but we will rain blows upon them in their blindness; we will leap upon them and lay them low. But, O sirs! let me call upon you so to bear yourselves that each shall be conscious to himself that victory was won by him and him alone. Victory—which, God willing, shall this day restore to us the land of our fathers, our homes, our freedom, and the rewards of civic life, our children, if children we have, our darlings, and our wives! Thrice happy those among us who as conquerors shall look upon this gladdest of all days. Nor less fortunate the man who falls to-day. Not all the wealth in the world shall purchase him a monument so glorious. At the right instant I will strike the keynote of the paean; then, with an invocation to the God of battle, (9) and in return for the wanton insults they put upon us, let us with one accord wreak vengeance on yonder men."
@@ Line 748: / Line 748: @@
  (7) Named after the famous architect Hippodamus, who built the town.
-    It was situated near where the two long walls joined the wall of
+It was situated near where the two long walls joined the wall of
-    Piraeus; a broad street led from it up to the citadel of Munychia.
+Piraeus; a broad street led from it up to the citadel of Munychia.
  (8) I.e. the temple of Bendis (the Thracian Artemis). Cf. Plat. "Rep."
 , 354; and Prof. Jowett, "Plato," vol. iii. pp. 193, 226.
  (9) Lit. "Enyalius," in Homer an epithet of Ares; at another date (cf.
-    Aristoph. "Peace," 456) looked upon as a distinct divinity.
+Aristoph. "Peace," 456) looked upon as a distinct divinity.
 Having so spoken, he turned round, facing the foemen, and kept quiet, for the order passed by the soothsayer enjoined on them, not to charge before one of their side was slain or wounded. "As soon as that happens," said the seer, "we will lead you onwards, and the victory shall be yours; but for myself, if I err not, death is waiting." And herein he spoke truly, for they had barely resumed their arms when he himself as though he were driven by some fatal hand, leapt out in front of the ranks, and so springing into the midst of the foe, was slain, and lies now buried at the passage of the Cephisus. But the rest were victorious, and pursued the routed enemy down to the level ground. There fell in this engagement, out of the number of the Thirty, Critias himself and Hippomachus, and with them Charmides, (10) the son of Glaucon, one of the ten archons in Piraeus, and of the rest about seventy men. The arms of the slain were taken; but, as fellow-citizens, the conquerors forebore to despoil them of their coats. This being done, they proceeded to give back the dead under cover of a truce, when the men, on either side, in numbers stept forward and conversed with one another. Then Cleocritus (he was the Herald of the Initiated, (11) a truly "sweet-voiced herald," if ever there was), caused a deep silence to reign, and addressed their late combatants as follows: "Fellow-citizens—Why do you drive us forth? why would you slay us? what evil have we wrought you at any time? or is it a crime that we have shared with you in the most solemn rites and sacrifices, and in festivals of the fairest: we have been companions in the chorus, the school, the army. We have braved a thousand dangers with you by land and sea in behalf of our common safety, our common liberty. By the gods of our fathers, by the gods of our mothers, by the hallowed names of kinship, intermarriage, comradeship, those three bonds which knit the hearts of so many of us, bow in reverence before God and man, and cease to sin against the land of our fathers: cease to obey these most unhallowed Thirty, who for the sake of private gain have in eight months slain almost more men than the Peloponnesians together in ten years of warfare. See, we have it in our power to live as citizens in peace; it is only these men, who lay upon us this most foul burthen, this hideous horror of fratricidal war, loathed of God and man. Ah! be well assured, for these men slain by our hands this day, ye are not the sole mourners. There are among them some whose deaths have wrung from us also many a bitter tear."
  (10) He was cousin to Critias, and uncle by the mother's side to
-    Plato, who introduces him in the dialogue, which bears his name
+Plato, who introduces him in the dialogue, which bears his name
-    (and treats of Temperance), as a very young man at the beginning
+(and treats of Temperance), as a very young man at the beginning
-    of the Peloponnesian War. We hear more of him also from Xenophon
+of the Peloponnesian War. We hear more of him also from Xenophon
-    himself in the "Memorabilia," iii. 6. 7; and as one of the
+himself in the "Memorabilia," iii. 6. 7; and as one of the
-    interlocutors in the "Symposium."
+interlocutors in the "Symposium."
  (11) I.e. of the Eleusinian mysteries. He had not only a loud voice,
-    but a big body. Cf. Aristoph. "Frogs," 1237.
+but a big body. Cf. Aristoph. "Frogs," 1237.
 So he spoke, but the officers and leaders of the defeated army who were left, unwilling that their troops should listen to such topics at that moment, led them back to the city. But the next day the Thirty, in deep down-heartedness and desolation, sat in the council chamber. The Three Thousand, wherever their several divisions were posted, were everywhere a prey to discord. Those who were implicated in deeds of violence, and whose fears could not sleep, protested hotly that to yield to the party in Piraeus were preposterous. Those on the other hand who had faith in their own innocence, argued in their own minds, and tried to convince their neighbours that they could well dispense with most of their present evils. "Why yield obedience to these Thirty?" they asked, "Why assign to them the privilege of destroying the State?" In the end they voted a resolution to depose the government, and to elect another. This was a board of ten, elected one from each tribe.
@@ Line 774: / Line 774: @@
  (12) On the coast south of Phalerum, celebrated for its fisheries. Cf.
-    "Athen." vii. 325.
+"Athen." vii. 325.
 But it was to Lacedaemon that men's eyes now turned. The Thirty despatched one set of ambassadors from Eleusis, while another set representing the government of the city, that is to say the men on the list, was despatched to summon the Lacedaemonians to their aid, on the plea that the people had revolted from Sparta. At Sparta, Lysander, taking into account the possibility of speedily reducing the party in Piraeus by blockading them by land and sea, and so cutting them off from all supplies, supported the application, and negotiated the loan of one hundred talents (13) to his clients, backed by the appointment of himself as harmost on land, and of his brother, Libys, as admiral of the fleet. And so proceeding to the scene of action at Eleusis, he got together a large body of Peloponnesian hoplites, whilst his brother, the admiral, kept watch and ward by sea to prevent the importation of supplies into Piraeus by water. Thus the men in Piraeus were soon again reduced to their former helplessness, while the ardour of the city folk rose to a proportionally high pitch under the auspices of Lysander.
@@ Line 783: / Line 783: @@
  (14) The Halipedon is the long stretch of flat sandy land between
-    Piraeus Phalerum and the city.
+Piraeus Phalerum and the city.
  (15) Perhaps the landlocked creek just round the promontory of
-    Eetioneia, as Leake conjectures, "Topog. of Athens," p. 389. See
+Eetioneia, as Leake conjectures, "Topog. of Athens," p. 389. See
-    also Prof. Jowett's note, "Thuc." v. 2; vol. ii. p. 286.
+also Prof. Jowett's note, "Thuc." v. 2; vol. ii. p. 286.
  (16) I.e. who had already seen ten years of service, i.e. over twenty-
-    eight, as the Spartan was eligible to serve at eighteen. Cf. Xen.
+eight, as the Spartan was eligible to serve at eighteen. Cf. Xen.
-    "Hell." III. iv. 23; VI. iv. 176.
+"Hell." III. iv. 23; VI. iv. 176.
  (17) The outer Ceramicus, "the most beautiful spot outside the walls."
-    Cf. Thuc. ii. 34; through it passes the street of the tombs on the
+Cf. Thuc. ii. 34; through it passes the street of the tombs on the
-    sacred road; and here was the place of burial for all persons
+sacred road; and here was the place of burial for all persons
-    honoured with a public funeral. Cf. Arist. "Birds," 395.
+honoured with a public funeral. Cf. Arist. "Birds," 395.
 Watching how matters went, Thrasybulus began his advance with the whole of his heavy infantry to support his light troops and quickly fell into line eight deep, acting as a screen to the rest of his troops. Pausanias, on his side, had retired, sorely pressed, about half a mile towards a bit of rising ground, where he sent orders to the Lacedaemonians and the other allied troops to bring up reinforcements. Here, on this slope, he reformed his troops, giving his phalanx the full depth, and advanced against the Athenians, who did not hesitate to receive him at close quarters, but presently had to give way; one portion being forced into the mud and clay at Halae, (18) while the others wavered and broke their line; one hundred and fifty of them were left dead on the field, whereupon Pausanias set up a trophy and retired. Not even so, were his feelings embittered against his adversary. On the contrary he sent secretly and instructed the men of Piraeus, what sort of terms they should propose to himself and the ephors in attendance. To this advice they listened. He also fostered a division in the party within the city. A deputation, acting on his orders, sought an audience of him and the ephors. It had all the appearance of a mass meeting. In approaching the Spartan authorities, they had no desire or occasion, they stated, to look upon the men of Piraeus as enemies, they would prefer a general reconciliation and the friendship of both sides with Lacedaemon. The propositions were favourably received, and by no less a person than Nauclidas. He was present as ephor, in accordance with the custom which obliges two members of that board to serve on all military expeditions with the king, and with his colleague shared the political views represented by Pausanias, rather than those of Lysander and his party. Thus the authorities were quite ready to despatch to Lacedaemon the representatives of Piraeus, carrying their terms of truce with the Lacedaemonians, as also two private individuals belonging to the city party, whose names were Cephisophon and Meletus. This double deputation, however, had no sooner set out to Lacedaemon than the "de facto" government of the city followed suit, by sending a third set of representatives to state on their behalf: that they were prepared to deliver up themselves and the fortifications in their possession to the Lacedaemonians, to do with them what they liked. "Are the men of Piraeus," they asked, "prepared to surrender Piraeus and Munychia in the same way? If they are sincere in their profession of friendship to Lacedaemon, they ought to do so." The ephors and the members of assembly at Sparta (19) gave audience to these several parties, and sent out fifteen commissioners to Athens empowered, in conjunction with Pausanias, to discover the best settlement possible. The terms (20) arrived at were that a general peace between the rival parties should be established, liberty to return to their own homes being granted to all, with the exception of the Thirty, the Eleven, and the Ten who had been governors in Piraeus; but a proviso was added, enabling any of the city party who feared to remain at Athens to find a home in Eleusis.
  (18) Halae, the salt marshy ground immediately behind the great
-    harbour of Piraeus, but outside the fortification lines.
+harbour of Piraeus, but outside the fortification lines.
  (19) Cf. "Hell." VI. iii. 3, {oi ekkletoi}.
@@ Line 810: / Line 810: @@
  (21) I.e. the Public Assembly, see above; and reading with Sauppe
-    after Cobet {ekklesian epoiesan}, which words are supposed to have
+after Cobet {ekklesian epoiesan}, which words are supposed to have
-    dropt out of the MSS. Or, keeping to the MSS., translate "When the
+dropt out of the MSS. Or, keeping to the MSS., translate "When the
-    generals were come down, Thrasybulus," etc. See next note.
+generals were come down, Thrasybulus," etc. See next note.
  (22) The Greek words are {antestese ten ekklesian} (an odd phrase for
-    the more technical {eluse} or {dieluse ten ekklesian}). Or,
+the more technical {eluse} or {dieluse ten ekklesian}). Or,
-    accepting the MSS. reading above (see last note), translate "he
+accepting the MSS. reading above (see last note), translate "he
-    set up (i.e. restored) the Assembly." So Mr. J. G. Philpotts, Mr.
+set up (i.e. restored) the Assembly." So Mr. J. G. Philpotts, Mr.
-    Herbert Hailstone, and others.
+Herbert Hailstone, and others.
 At this auspicious moment, then, they reappointed the several magistrates; the constitution began to work afresh, and civic life was recommenced. At a subsequent period, on receiving information that the party at Eleusis were collecting a body of mercenaries, they marched out with their whole force against them, and put to death their generals, who came out to parley. These removed, they introduced to the others their friends and connections, and so persuaded them to come to terms and be reconciled. The oath they bound themselves by consisted of a simple asseveration: "We will remember past offences no more;" and to this day (23) the two parties live amicably together as good citizens, and the democracy is steadfast to its oaths.
  (23) It would be interesting to know the date at which the author
-    penned these words. Was this portion of the "Hellenica" written
+penned these words. Was this portion of the "Hellenica" written
-    before the expedition of Cyrus? i.e. in the interval between the
+before the expedition of Cyrus? i.e. in the interval between the
-    formal restoration of the Democracy, September B.C. 403, and March
+formal restoration of the Democracy, September B.C. 403, and March
-    B.C. 401. The remaining books of the "Hellenica" were clearly
+B.C. 401. The remaining books of the "Hellenica" were clearly
-    written after that expedition, since reference is made to it quite
+written after that expedition, since reference is made to it quite
-    early in Bk. III. i. 2. Practically, then, the first volume of
+early in Bk. III. i. 2. Practically, then, the first volume of
-    Xenophon's "History of Hellenic Affairs" ends here. This history
+Xenophon's "History of Hellenic Affairs" ends here. This history
-    is resumed in Bk. III. i. 3. after the Cyreian expedition  (of
+is resumed in Bk. III. i. 3. after the Cyreian expedition  (of
-    which episode we have a detailed account in the "Anabasis" from
+which episode we have a detailed account in the "Anabasis" from
-    March B.C. 401 down to March B.C. 399, when the remnant of the Ten
+March B.C. 401 down to March B.C. 399, when the remnant of the Ten
-    Thousand was handed over to the Spartan general Thibron in Asia).
+Thousand was handed over to the Spartan general Thibron in Asia).
-    Some incidents belonging to B.C. 402 are referred to in the
+Some incidents belonging to B.C. 402 are referred to in the
-    opening paragraphs of "Hellenica," III. i. 1, 2, but only as an
+opening paragraphs of "Hellenica," III. i. 1, 2, but only as an
-    introduction to the new matter; and with regard to the historian
+introduction to the new matter; and with regard to the historian
-    himself, it is clear that "a change has come o'er the spirit of
+himself, it is clear that "a change has come o'er the spirit of
-    his dream." This change of view is marked by a change of style in
+his dream." This change of view is marked by a change of style in
-    writing. I have thought it legitimate, under the circumstances, to
+writing. I have thought it legitimate, under the circumstances, to
-    follow the chronological order of events, and instead of
+follow the chronological order of events, and instead of
-    continuing the "Hellenica," at this point to insert the
+continuing the "Hellenica," at this point to insert the
-    "Anabasis." My next volume will contain the remaining books of the
+"Anabasis." My next volume will contain the remaining books of the
-    "Hellenica" and the rest of Xenophon's "historical" writings.
+"Hellenica" and the rest of Xenophon's "historical" writings.
 ===== BOOK III =====
@@ Line 851: / Line 851: @@
  (1) Lit. "what Cyrus himself had been to the Lacedaemonians let the
-    Lacedaemonians in their turn be to Cyrus."
+Lacedaemonians in their turn be to Cyrus."
  (2) Samius (Diod. Sic. xiv. 19). But see "Anab." I. iv. 2, where
-    Pythagoras is named as admiral. Possibly the one officer succeeded
+Pythagoras is named as admiral. Possibly the one officer succeeded
-    the other.
+the other.
 B.C. 401. The particulars of the expedition are to be found in the pages of the Syracusan Themistogenes, (3) who describes the mustering of the armament, and the advance of Cyrus at the head of his troops; and then the battle, and death of Cyrus himself, and the consequent retreat of the Hellenes while effecting their escape to the sea. (4)
  (3) Lit. "as to how then Cyrus collected an army and with it went up
-    against his brother, and how the battle was fought and how he
+against his brother, and how the battle was fought and how he
-    died, and how in the sequel the Hellenes escaped to the sea (all
+died, and how in the sequel the Hellenes escaped to the sea (all
-    this), is written by (or 'for,' or 'in honour of') Themistogenes
+this), is written by (or 'for,' or 'in honour of') Themistogenes
-    the Syracusan." My impression is that Xenophon's "Anabasis," or a
+the Syracusan." My impression is that Xenophon's "Anabasis," or a
-    portion of the work so named, was edited originally by
+portion of the work so named, was edited originally by
-    Themistogenes. See "Philol. Museum," vol. i. p. 489; L. Dindorf,
+Themistogenes. See "Philol. Museum," vol. i. p. 489; L. Dindorf,
-    {Xen. Ell.}, Ox. MDCCCLIII., node ad loc. {Themistogenei}. Cf.
+{Xen. Ell.}, Ox. MDCCCLIII., node ad loc. {Themistogenei}. Cf.
-    Diod. Sic. xiv. 19-31, 37, after Ephorus and Theopompus probably.
+Diod. Sic. xiv. 19-31, 37, after Ephorus and Theopompus probably.
  (4) At Trapezus, March 10, B.C. 400.
@@ Line 892: / Line 892: @@
  (12) Seventy stades S.E. of Cyme in the Aeolid. See Strabo, xiii. 621.
-    For the origin of the name cf. "Cyrop." VII. i. 45.
+For the origin of the name cf. "Cyrop." VII. i. 45.
 He had already reached Ephesus, and was on the point of marching into Caria, when Dercylidas arrived to take command of his army. The new general was a man whose genius for invention had won him the nickname of Sisyphus. Thus it was that Thibron returned home, where on his arrival he was fined and banished, the allies accusing him of allowing his troops to plunder their friends.
@@ Line 917: / Line 917: @@
  (18) Grote ("H. G." ix. 294) says: "The reader will remark how
-    Xenophon shapes the narrative in such a manner as to inculcate the
+Xenophon shapes the narrative in such a manner as to inculcate the
-    pious duty in a general of obeying the warnings furnished by the
+pious duty in a general of obeying the warnings furnished by the
-    sacrifice—either for action or for inaction.... Such an
+sacrifice—either for action or for inaction.... Such an
-    inference is never (I believe) to be found suggested in
+inference is never (I believe) to be found suggested in
-    Thucydides." See Brietenbach, "Xen. Hell." I et II, praef. in
+Thucydides." See Brietenbach, "Xen. Hell." I et II, praef. in
-    alteram ed. p. xvii.
+alteram ed. p. xvii.
 And now Meidias, partly expecting the hostile advance of Pharnabazus, and partly mistrusting the citizens—for to such a pass things had come—sent to Dercylidas, proposing to meet him in conference provided he might take security of hostages. In answer to this suggestion the other sent him one man from each of the cities of the allies, and bade him take his pick of these, whichsoever and how many soever he chose, as hostages for his own security. Meidias selected ten, and so went out. In conversation with Dercylidas, he asked him on what terms he would accept his alliance. The other answered: "The terms are that you grant the citizens freedom and self-government." The words were scarcely out of his mouth before he began marching upon Scepsis. Whereupon Meidias, perceiving it was vain to hinder him in the teeth of the citizens, suffered him to enter. That done, Dercylidas offered sacrifice to Athena in the citadel of the Scepsians, turned out the bodyguards of Meidias, and handed over the city to the citizens. And so, having admonished them to regulate their civic life as Hellenes and free men ought, he left the place and continued his advance against Gergithes. On this last march he was escorted by many of the Scepsians themselves; such was the honour they paid him and so great their satisfaction at his exploits. Meidias also followed close at his side, petitioning that he would hand over the city of Gergithians to himself. To whom Dercylidas only made reply, that he should not fail to obtain any of his just rights. And whilst the words were yet upon his lips, he was drawing close to the gates, with Meidias at his side. Behind him followed the troops, marching two and two in peaceful fashion. The defenders of Gergithes from their towers—which were extraordinarily high—espied Meidias in company of the Spartan, and abstained from shooting. And Dercylidas said: "Bid them open the gates, Meidias, when you shall lead the way, and I will enter the temple along with you and do sacrifice to Athena." And Meidias, though he shrank from opening the gates, yet in terror of finding himself on a sudden seized, reluctantly gave the order to open the gates. As soon as he was entered in, the Spartan, still taking Meidias with him, marched up to the citadel and there ordered the main body of his soldiers to take up their position round the walls, whilst he with those about him did sacrifice to Athena. When the sacrifice was ended he ordered Meidias's bodyguard to pile arms (19) in the van of his troops. Here for the future they would serve as mercenaries, since Meidias their former master stood no longer in need of their protection. The latter, being at his wits' end what to do, exclaimed: "Look you, I will now leave you; I go to make preparation for my guest." But the other replied: "Heaven forbid! Ill were it that I who have offered sacrifice should be treated as a guest by you. I rather should be the entertainer and you the guest. Pray stay with us, and while the supper is preparing, you and I can consider our obligations, and perform them."
  (19) I.e. take up a position, or "to order arms," whilst he addressed
-    them; not probably "to ground arms," as if likely to be mutinous.
+them; not probably "to ground arms," as if likely to be mutinous.
 When they were seated Dercylidas put certain questions: "Tell me, Meidias, did your father leave you heir to his estates?" "Certainly he did," answered the other. "And how many dwelling-houses have you? what landed estates? how much pasturage?" The other began running off an inventory, whilst some of the Scepsians who were present kept interposing, "He is lying to you, Dercylidas." "Nay, you take too minute a view of matters," replied the Spartan. When the inventory of the paternal property was completed, he proceeded: "Tell me, Meidias, to whom did Mania belong?" A chorus of voices rejoined, "To Pharnabazus." "Then must her property have belonged to Pharnabazus too." "Certainly," they answered. "Then it must now be ours," he remarked, "by right of conquest, since Pharnabazus is at war with us. Will some one of you escort me to the place where the property of Mania and Pharnabazus lies?" So the rest led the way to the dwelling-place of Mania which Meidias had taken from her, and Meidias followed too. When he was entered, Dercylidas summoned the stewards, and bidding his attendants seize them, gave them to understand that, if detected stealing anything which belonged to Mania, they would lose their heads on the spot. The stewards proceeded to point out the treasures, and he, when he had looked through the whole store, bolted and barred the doors, affixing his seal, and setting a watch. As he went out he found at the doors certain of the generals (20) and captains, and said to them: "Here, sirs, we have pay ready made for the army—a year's pay nearly for eight thousand men—and if we can win anything besides, there will be so much the more." This he said, knowing that those who heard it would be all the more amenable to discipline, and would yield him a more flattering obedience. Then Meidias asked, "And where am I to live, Dercylidas?" "Where you have the very best right to live," replied the other, "in your native town of Scepsis, and in your father's house."
@@ Line 938: / Line 938: @@
  (1) {Pheson kai agon}, i.e. "there was plenty of live stock to lift
-    and chattels to make away with."
+and chattels to make away with."
  (2) For Seuthes see "Anab." VII. i. 5; and below, IV. viii. 26.
@@ Line 945: / Line 945: @@
  (4) Or, "slipping through the enemy's fingers, who took no heed of
-    them, they," etc.
+them, they," etc.
 B.C. 398. With the commencement of spring Dercylidas turned his back upon the Bithynians and came to Lampsacus. Whilst at this place envoys reached him from the home authorities. These were Aracus, Naubates, and Antisthenes. They were sent to inquire generally into the condition of affairs in Asia, and to inform Dercylidas of the extension of his office for another year. They had been further commissioned by the ephors to summon a meeting of the soldiers and inform them that the ephors held them to blame for their former doings, though for their present avoidance of evil conduct they must needs praise them; and for the future they must understand that while no repetition of misdoing would be tolerated, all just and upright dealing by the allies would receive its meed of praise. The soldiers were therefore summoned, and the envoys delivered their message, to which the leader of the Cyreians answered: "Nay, men of Lacedaemon, listen; we are the same to-day as we were last year; only our general of to-day is different from our general in the past. If to-day we have avoided our offence of yesterday, the cause is not far to seek; you may discover it for yourselves."
@@ Line 954: / Line 954: @@
  (6) Or, reading after Cobet, {tas peri ekeina poleis}—"the cities of
-    that neighbourhood."
+that neighbourhood."
  (7) See "Anab." VII. vii. 51.
@@ Line 961: / Line 961: @@
  (8) Lit. "eleven or twelve cities." For the natural productivity, see
-    "Anab." V. vi. 25.
+"Anab." V. vi. 25.
  (9) Lit. "thirty-seven stades." Mod. Gallipoli. See Herod. vi. 36;
-    Plut. "Pericl." xix.
+Plut. "Pericl." xix.
 Having finished the work, he crossed back again into Asia, and on a tour of inspection, found the cities for the most part in a thriving condition; but when he came to Atarneus he discovered that certain exiles from Chios had got possession of the stronghold, which served them as a convenient base for pillaging and plundering Ionia; and this, in fact, was their means of livelihood. Being further informed of the large supplies of grain which they had inside, he proceeded to draw entrenchments around the place with a view to a regular investment, and by this means he reduced it in eight months. Then having appointed Draco of Pellene (10) commandant, he stocked the fortress with an abundance of provisions of all sorts, to serve him as a halting-place when he chanced to pass that way, and so withdrew to Ephesus, which is three days' journey from Sardis.
  (10) Cf. Isocr. "Panegyr." 70; Jebb. "Att. Or." ii. p. 161. Of Pellene
-    (or Pellana) in Laconia, not Pellene in Achaia? though that is the
+(or Pellana) in Laconia, not Pellene in Achaia? though that is the
-    opinion of Grote and Thirlwall.
+opinion of Grote and Thirlwall.
 B.C. 397. Up to this date peace had been maintained between Tissaphernes and Dercylidas, as also between the Hellenes and the barbarians in those parts. But the time came when an embassy arrived at Lacedaemon from the Ionic cities, protesting that Tissaphernes might, if he chose, leave the Hellenic cities independent. "Our idea," they added, "is, that if Caria, the home of Tissaphernes, felt the pinch of war, the satrap would very soon agree to grant us independence." The ephors, on hearing this, sent a despatch to Dercylidas, and bade him cross the frontier with his army into Caria, whilst Pharax the admiral coasted round with the fleet. These orders were carried out. Meanwhile a visitor had reached Tissaphernes. This was not less a person than Pharnabazus. His coming was partly owing to the fact that Tissaphernes had been appointed general-in-chief, and party in order to testify his readiness to make common cause with his brother satrap in fighting and expelling the Hellenes from the king's territory; for if his heart was stirred by jealousy on account of the generalship bestowed upon his rival, he was not the less aggrieved at finding himself robbed of the Aeolid. Tissaphernes, lending willing ears to the proposal, had answered: "First cross over with me in Caria, and then we will take counsel on these matters." But being arrived in Caria, they determined to establish garrisons of some strength in the various fortresses, and so crossed back again into Ionia.
@@ Line 979: / Line 979: @@
  (11) I.e. according to custom on the eve of battle. See "Pol. Lac."
-    xiii. 8.
+xiii. 8.
  (12) Lit. "they were splendid fellows to look at." See "Anab." II.
-    iii. 3.
+iii. 3.
 When this proposal had been agreed to and carried out, the two armies retired for the night—the Asiatics to Tralles in Caria, the Hellenes to Leucophrys, where was a temple (13) of Artemis of great sanctity, and a sandy-bottomed lake more than a furlong in extent, fed by a spring of ever-flowing water fit for drinking and warm. For the moment so much was effected. On the next day they met at the place appointed, and it was agreed that they should mutually ascertain the terms on which either party was willing to make peace. On his side, Dercylidas insisted that the king should grant independence to the Hellenic cities; while Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus demanded the evacuation of the country by the Hellenic army, and the withdrawal of the Lacedaemonian governors from the cities. After this interchange of ideas a truce was entered into, so as to allow time for the reports of the proceedings to be sent by Dercylidas to Lacedaemon, and by Tissaphernes to the king.
@@ Line 991: / Line 991: @@
  (14) In 421 B.C. (see Thuc. v. 31); for the second charge, see Thuc.
-    v. 49 foll.
+v. 49 foll.
  (15) See "Mem." I. ii. 61; Thuc. v. 50; and Jowett, note ad loc. vol.
-    ii. p. 314.
+ii. p. 314.
  (16) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 311 note.
@@ Line 1003: / Line 1003: @@
  (18) From the north. The Larisus is the frontier stream between Achaia
-    and Elis. See Strabo, viii. 387.
+and Elis. See Strabo, viii. 387.
 The year had not completed its revolution (19) ere the ephors again called out the ban against Elis, and the invading host of Agis was this time swelled by the rest of the allies, including the Athenians; the Boeotians and Corinthians alone excepted. The Spartan king now entered through Aulon, (20) and the men of Lepreum (21) at once revolted from the Eleians and gave in their adhesion to the Spartan, and simultaneously with these the Macistians and their next-door neighbours the Epitalians. As he crossed the river further adhesions followed, on the part of the Letrinians, the Amphidolians, and the Marganians.
  (19) Al. "on the coming round of the next year." See Jowett (note to
-    Thuc. i. 31), vol. ii. p. 33.
+Thuc. i. 31), vol. ii. p. 33.
  (20) On the south. For the history, see Busolt, "Die Laked." pp.
 -200. "The river" is the Alpheus.
  (21) See below, VI. v. 11; Paus. IV. xv. 8.
@@ Line 1018: / Line 1018: @@
  (22) I.e. Elis, of which Cyllene is the port town. For the wealth of
-    the district, see Polyb. iv. 73; and below, VII. iv. 33.
+the district, see Polyb. iv. 73; and below, VII. iv. 33.
 Then the friends of a certain Xenias—a man of whom it was said that he might measure the silver coin, inherited from his father, by the bushel—wishing to be the leading instrument in bringing over the state to Lacedaemon, rushed out of the house, sword in hand, and began a work of butchery. Amongst other victims they killed a man who strongly resembled the leader of the democratic party, Thrasydaeus. (23) Everyone believed it was really Thrasydaeus who was slain. The popular party were panic-stricken, and stirred neither hand nor foot. On their side, the cut-throats poured their armed bands into the market-place. But Thrasydaeus was laid asleep the while where the fumes of wine had overpowered him. When the people came to discover that their hero was not dead, they crowded round his house this side and that, (24) like a swarm of bees clinging to their leader; and as soon as Thrasydaeus had put himself in the van, with the people at his back, a battle was fought, and the people won. And those who had laid their hands to deeds of butchery went as exiles to the Lacedaemonians.
  (23) See Paus. III. viii. 4. He was a friend of Lysias ("Vit. X. Orat.
 ").
  (24) The house was filled to overflowing by the clustering close-
-    packed crowd.
+packed crowd.
 After a while Agis himself retired, recrossing the Alpheus; but he was careful to leave a garrison in Epitalium near that river, with Lysippus as governor, and the exiles from Elis along with him. Having done so, he disbanded his army and returned home himself.
@@ Line 1033: / Line 1033: @@
  (25) Grote ("H. G." ix. 316) discusses the date of this war between
-    Elis and Sparta, which he thinks, reaches over three different
+Elis and Sparta, which he thinks, reaches over three different
-    years, 402-400 B.C. But Curtius (vol. iv. Eng. tr. p. 196)
+years, 402-400 B.C. But Curtius (vol. iv. Eng. tr. p. 196)
-    disagrees: "The Eleian war must have occurred in 401-400 B.C., and
+disagrees: "The Eleian war must have occurred in 401-400 B.C., and
-    Grote rightly conjectures that the Eleians were anxious to bring
+Grote rightly conjectures that the Eleians were anxious to bring
-    it to a close before the celebration of the festival. But he errs
+it to a close before the celebration of the festival. But he errs
-    in extending its duration over three years." See Diod. xiv. 17.
+in extending its duration over three years." See Diod. xiv. 17.
 ; Paus. III. viii. 2 foll.
  (26) Grote remarks: "There is something perplexing in Xenophon's
-    description of the Triphylian townships which the Eleians
+description of the Triphylian townships which the Eleians
-    surrendered" ("H. G." ix. 315). I adopt Grote's emend. {kai
+surrendered" ("H. G." ix. 315). I adopt Grote's emend. {kai
-    Phrixan}. See Busolt, op. cit. p. 176.
+Phrixan}. See Busolt, op. cit. p. 176.
  (27) = 7,312 pounds: 10 shillings.
  (28) I.e. the men of the Pisatid. See below, VII. iv. 28; Busolt, op.
-    cit. p 156.
+cit. p 156.
 After this Agis came to Delphi and offered as a sacrifice a tenth of the spoil. On his return journey he fell ill at Heraea—being by this time an old man—and was carried back to Lacedaemon. He survived the journey, but being there arrived, death speedily overtook him. He was buried with a sepulchre transcending in solemnity the lot of ordinary mortality. (1)
@@ Line 1058: / Line 1058: @@
  (2) I have followed Sauppe as usual, but see Hartman ("Anal. Xen." p.
 ) for a discussion of the whole passage. He thinks Xenophon
-    wrote {ex ou gar toi ephugen} ({o sos pater}, i.e. adulterer) {ek
+wrote {ex ou gar toi ephugen} ({o sos pater}, i.e. adulterer) {ek
-    to thalamo dekato meni tu ephus}. The Doric {ek to thalamo} was
+to thalamo dekato meni tu ephus}. The Doric {ek to thalamo} was
-    corrupted into {en to thalamo} and {kai ephane} inserted. This
+corrupted into {en to thalamo} and {kai ephane} inserted. This
-    corrupt reading Plutarch had before him, and hence his distorted
+corrupt reading Plutarch had before him, and hence his distorted
-    version of the story.
+version of the story.
 Diopethes, (3) a great authority upon oracles, supported Leotychides. There was an oracle of Apollo, he urged, which said "Beware of the lame reign." But Diopethes was met by Lysander, who in behalf of Agesilaus demurred to this interpretation put upon the language of the god. If they were to beware of a lame reign, it meant not, beware lest a man stumble and halt, but rather, beware of him in whose veins flows not the blood of Heracles; most assuredly the kingdom would halt, and that would be a lame reign in very deed, whensoever the descendants of Heracles should cease to lead the state. Such were the arguments on either side, after hearing which the city chose Agesilaus to be king.
  (3) See Plut. "Ages." ii. 4; "Lys." xxii. (Clough, iv. 3; iii. 129);
-    Paus. III. viii. 5.
+Paus. III. viii. 5.
 Now Agesilaus had not been seated on the throne one year when, as he sacrificed one of the appointed sacrifices in behalf of the city, (4) the soothsayer warned him, saying: "The gods reveal a conspiracy of the most fearful character"; and when the king sacrificed a second time, he said: "The aspect of the victims is now even yet more terrible"; but when he had sacrificed for the third time, the soothsayer exclaimed: "O Agesilaus, the sign is given to me, even as though we were in the very midst of the enemy." Thereupon they sacrificed to the deities who avert evil and work salvation, and so barely obtained good omens and ceased sacrificing. Nor had five days elapsed after the sacrifices were ended, ere one came bringing information to the ephors of a conspiracy, and named Cinadon as the ringleader; a young man robust of body as of soul, but not one of the peers. (5) Accordingly the ephors questioned their informant: "How say you the occurrence is to take place?" and he who gave the information answered: "Cinadon took me to the limit of the market-place, and bade me count how many Spartans there were in the market-place; and I counted—'king, ephors, and elders, and others—maybe forty. But tell me, Cinadon,' I said to him, 'why have you bidden me count them?' and he answered me: 'Those men, I would have you know, are your sworn foes; and all those others, more than four thousand, congregated there are your natural allies.' Then he took and showed me in the streets, here one and there two of 'our enemies,' as we chanced to come across them, and all the rest 'our natural allies'; and so again running through the list of Spartans to be found in the country districts, he still kept harping on that string: 'Look you, on each estate one foeman—the master—and all the rest allies.'" The ephors asked: "How many do you reckon are in the secret of this matter?" The informant answered: "On that point also he gave me to understand that there were by no means many in their secret who were prime movers of the affair, but those few to be depended on; 'and to make up,' said he, 'we ourselves are in their secret, all the rest of them—helots, enfranchised, inferiors, provincials, one and all. (6) Note their demeanour when Spartans chance to be the topic of their talk. Not one of them can conceal the delight it would give him if he might eat up every Spartan raw.'" (7) Then, as the inquiry went on, the question came: "And where did they propose to find arms?" The answer followed: "He explained that those of us, of course, who are enrolled in regiments have arms of our own already, and as for the mass—he led the way to the war foundry, and showed me scores and scores of knives, of swords, of spits, hatchets, and axes, and reaping-hooks. 'Anything or everything,' he told me, 'which men use to delve in earth, cut timber, or quarry stone, would serve our purpose; nay, the instruments used for other arts would in nine cases out of ten furnish weapons enough and to spare, especially when dealing with unarmed antagonists.'" Once more being asked what time the affair was to come off, he replied his orders were "not to leave the city."
@@ Line 1075: / Line 1075: @@
  (5) For the {omoioi}, see Muller, "Dorians," iii. 5, 7 (vol. ii. p.
 ); Grote, "H. G." ix. 345, note 2.
  (6) For the neodamodes, hypomeiones, perioeci, see Arnold, "Thuc." v.
 ; Muller, "Dorians," ii. 43, 84, 18; Busolt, op. cit. p 16.
  (7) See "Anab." IV. viii. 14; and Hom. "Il." iv. 34.
@@ Line 1091: / Line 1091: @@
  (11) "The Hippagretes (or commander of the three hundred guards called
-    horsemen, though they were not really mounted)." Grote, "H. G."
+horsemen, though they were not really mounted)." Grote, "H. G."
-    vol. ix. p. 349; see "Pol. Lac." iv. 3.
+vol. ix. p. 349; see "Pol. Lac." iv. 3.
  (12) Or, "to those on the way to Aulon."
@@ Line 1111: / Line 1111: @@
  (4) Or, "To the several cities he had already despatched messengers
-    with directions," etc.; see Paus. III. ix. 1-3.
+with directions," etc.; see Paus. III. ix. 1-3.
  (5) See Freeman, "Hist. of Federal Government," ch. iv. "Constitution
-    of the Boeotian League," pp. 162, 163. The Boeotarchs, as
+of the Boeotian League," pp. 162, 163. The Boeotarchs, as
-    representatives of the several Boeotian cities, were the supreme
+representatives of the several Boeotian cities, were the supreme
-    military commanders of the League, and, as it would appear, the
+military commanders of the League, and, as it would appear, the
-    general administrators of Federal affairs. "The Boeotarchs of
+general administrators of Federal affairs. "The Boeotarchs of
-    course command at Delion, but they also act as administrative
+course command at Delion, but they also act as administrative
-    magistrates of the League by hindering Agesilaus from sacrificing
+magistrates of the League by hindering Agesilaus from sacrificing
-    at Aulis."
+at Aulis."
  (6) Plut. "Ages." vi.; "Pelop." xxi. See Breitenb. op. cit. Praef. p.
-    xvi.; and below, III. v. 5; VI. iv. 23.
+xvi.; and below, III. v. 5; VI. iv. 23.
 When he had reached that city the first move was made by Tissaphernes, who sent asking, "With what purpose he was come thither?" And the Spartan king made answer: "With the intention that the cities in Asia shall be independent even as are the cities in our quarter of Hellas." In answer to this Tissaphernes said: "If you on your part choose to make a truce whilst I send ambassadors to the king, I think you may well arrange the matter, and sail back home again, if so you will." "Willing enough should I be," replied Agesilaus, "were I not persuaded that you are cheating me." "Nay, but it is open to you," replied the satrap, "to exact a surety for the execution of the terms... 'Provided always that you, Tissaphernes, carry out what you say without deceit, we on our side will abstain from injuring your dominion in any respect whatever during the truce.'" (7) Accordingly in the presence of three commissioners—Herippidas, Dercylidas, and Megillus—Tissaphernes took an oath in the words prescribed: "Verily and indeed, I will effect peace honestly and without guile." To which the commissioners, on behalf of Agesilaus, swore a counter-oath: "Verily and indeed, provided Tissaphernes so acts, we on our side will observe the truce."
  (7) For this corrupt passage, see Hartman, "Anal. Xen." p. 332; also
-    Otto Keller's critical edition of the "Hellenica" (Lips,
+Otto Keller's critical edition of the "Hellenica" (Lips,
-    MDCCCLXXX.)
+MDCCCLXXX.)
 Tissaphernes at once gave the lie to what he had sworn. Instead of adhering to peace he sent up to demand a large army from the king, in addition to what he already had. But Agesilaus, though he was fully alive to these proceedings, adhered as rigidly as ever to the truce.
@@ Line 1150: / Line 1150: @@
  (12) Lit. "lobeless," i.e. with a lobe of the liver wanting—a bad
-    sign.
+sign.
 B.C. 395. After this, at the first indication of spring, he collected the whole of his army at Ephesus. But the army needed training. With that object he proposed a series of prizes—prizes to the heavy infantry regiments, to be won by those who presented their men in the best condition; prizes for the cavalry regiments which could ride best; prizes for those divisions of peltasts and archers which proved most efficient in their respective duties. And now the gymnasiums were a sight to see, thronged as they were, one and all, with warriors stripping for exercise; or again, the hippodrome crowded with horses and riders performing their evolutions; or the javelin men and archers going through their peculiar drill. In fact, the whole city where he lay presented under his hands a spectacle not to be forgotten. The market-place literally teemed with horses, arms, and accoutrements of all sorts for sale. The bronze-worker, the carpenter, the smith, the leather-cutter, the painter and embosser, were all busily engaged in fabricating the implements of war; so that the city of Ephesus itself was fairly converted into a military workshop. (13) It would have done a man's heart good to see those long lines of soldiers with Agesilaus at their head, as they stepped gaily be-garlanded from the gymnasiums to dedicate their wreaths to the goddess Artemis. Nor can I well conceive of elements more fraught with hope than were here combined. Here were reverence and piety towards Heaven; here practice in war and military training; here discipline with habitual obedience to authority. But contempt for one's enemy will infuse a kind of strength in battle. So the Spartan leader argued; and with a view to its production he ordered the quartermasters to put up the prisoners who had been captured by his foraging bands for auction, stripped naked; so that his Hellenic soldiery, as they looked at the white skins which had never been bared to sun and wind, the soft limbs unused to toil through constant riding in carriages, came to the conclusion that war with such adversaries would differ little from a fight with women.
@@ Line 1183: / Line 1183: @@
  (3) Reading {nomizontes auton to arkhein} with Sauppe; or if, as
-    Breitinbach suggests, {enomizon de oukh outon to arkhesthai},
+Breitinbach suggests, {enomizon de oukh outon to arkhesthai},
-    translate "but thought it was not for them to take the
+translate "but thought it was not for them to take the
-    initiative."
+initiative."
 But it was clear to the leaders in Thebes that, unless some one struck the first blow, the Lacedaemonians would never be brought to break the truce with their allies. They therefore persuaded the Opuntian Locrians (4) to levy moneys on a debatable district, (5) jointly claimed by the Phocians and themselves, when the Phocians would be sure to retaliate by an attack on Locris. These expectations were fulfilled. The Phocians immediately invaded Locris and seized moneys on their side with ample interest. Then Androcleidas and his friends lost no time in persuading the Thebans to assist the Locrians, on the ground that it was no debatable district which had been entered by the Phocians, but the admittedly friendly and allied territory of Locris itself. The counter-invasion of Phocis and pillage of their country by the Thebans promptly induced the Phocians to send an embassy to Lacedaemon. In claiming assistance they explained that the war was not of their own seeking, but that they had attacked the Locrians in self-defence. On their side the Lacedaemonians were glad enough to seize a pretext for marching upon the Thebans, against whom they cherished a long-standing bitterness. They had not forgotten the claim which the Thebans had set up to a tithe for Apollo in Deceleia, (6) nor yet their refusal to support Lacedaemon in the attack on Piraeus; (7) and they accused them further of having persuaded the Corinthians not to join that expedition. Nor did they fail to call to mind some later proceedings of the Thebans—their refusal to allow Agesilaus to sacrifice in Aulis; (8) their snatching the victims already offered and hurling them from the altars; their refusal to join the same general in a campaign directed even against Asia. (9) The Lacedaemonians further reasoned that now, if ever, was the favourable moment to conduct an expedition against the Thebans, and once for all to put a stop to their insolent behaviour towards them. Affairs in Asia were prospering under the strong arm of Agesilaus, and in Hellas they had no other war on hand to trammel their movements. Such, therefore, being the general view of the situation adopted at Lacedaemon, the ephors proceeded to call out the ban. Meanwhile they despatched Lysander to Phocis with orders to put himself at the head of the Phocians along with the Oetaeans, Heracleotes, Melians, and Aenianians, and to march upon Haliartus; before the walls of which place Pausanias, the destined leader of the expedition, undertook to present himself at the head of the Lacedaemonians and other Peloponnesian forces by a specified date. Lysander not only carried out his instructions to the letter, but going a little beyond them, succeeded in detaching Orchomenus from Thebes. (10) Pausanias, on the other hand, after finding the sacrifice for crossing the frontier favourable, sat down at Tegea and set about despatching to and fro the commandants of allied troops whilst contentedly awaiting the soldiers from the provincial (11) districts of Laconia.
  (4) For an alliance between Athens and the Locrians, B.C. 395, see
-    Hicks, 67; and below, IV. ii. 17.
+Hicks, 67; and below, IV. ii. 17.
  (5) Lit. "the." See Paus. III. ix. 9.
@@ Line 1203: / Line 1203: @@
  (10) See Freeman, op. cit. p. 167, "Ill feeling between Thebes and
-    other towns."—"Against Thebes, backed by Sparta, resistance was
+other towns."—"Against Thebes, backed by Sparta, resistance was
-    hopeless. It was not till long after that, at last  (in 395 B.C.),
+hopeless. It was not till long after that, at last  (in 395 B.C.),
-    on a favourable opportunity during the Corinthian war, Orchomenos
+on a favourable opportunity during the Corinthian war, Orchomenos
-    openly seceded." And for the prior "state of disaffection towards
+openly seceded." And for the prior "state of disaffection towards
-    Thebes on the part of the smaller cities," see "Mem." III. v. 2,
+Thebes on the part of the smaller cities," see "Mem." III. v. 2,
-    in reference to B.C. 407.
+in reference to B.C. 407.
  (11) Lit. "perioecid."
@@ Line 1219: / Line 1219: @@
  (13) Plut. "Lys." xv. "Erianthus the Theban gave his vote to pull down
-    the city, and turn the country into sheep-pasture."—Clough, iii.
+the city, and turn the country into sheep-pasture."—Clough, iii.
 .
  (14) See "Hell." II. iv. 30.
@@ Line 1239: / Line 1239: @@
  (20) Grote ("H. G." ix. 323), referring to this passage, and to
-    "Hell." VI. iii. 8-11, notes the change in Spartan habits between
+"Hell." VI. iii. 8-11, notes the change in Spartan habits between
 and 394 B.C. (i.e. between the victory of Aegospotami and the
-    defeat of Cnidos), when Sparta possessed a large public revenue
+defeat of Cnidos), when Sparta possessed a large public revenue
-    derived from the tribute of the dependent cities. For her earlier
+derived from the tribute of the dependent cities. For her earlier
-    condition, 432 B.C., cf. Thuc. i. 80. For her subsequent
+condition, 432 B.C., cf. Thuc. i. 80. For her subsequent
-    condition, 334 B.C., cf. Arist. "Pol." ii. 6, 23.
+condition, 334 B.C., cf. Arist. "Pol." ii. 6, 23.
 "Is it not clear that you have only to step forward once again as the champions of this crowd of sufferers from injustice, and you will attain to a pinnacle of power quite unprecedented? In the days of your old empire you were leaders of the maritime powers merely—that is clear; but your new empire to-day will be universal. You will have at your backs not only your former subjects, but ourselves, and the Peloponnesians, and the king himself, with all that mighty power which is his. We do not deny that we were serviceable allies enough to Lacedaemon, as you will bear us witness; but this we say:—If we helped the Lacedaemonians vigorously in the past, everything tends to show that we shall help you still more vigorously to-day; for our swords will be unsheathed, not in behalf of islanders, or Syracusans, or men of alien stock, as happened in the late war, but of ourselves, suffering under a sense of wrong. And there is another important fact which you ought to realise: this selfish system of organised greed which is Sparta's will fall more readily to pieces than your own late empire. Yours was the proud assertion of naval empire over subjects powerless by sea. Theirs is the selfish sway of a minority asserting dominion over states equally well armed with themselves, and many times more numerous. Here our remarks end. Do not forget, however, men of Athens, that as far as we can understand the matter, the field to which we invite you is destined to prove far richer in blessings to your own state of Athens than to ours, Thebes."
@@ Line 1251: / Line 1251: @@
  (21) For the alliance between Boeotia and Athens, B.C. 395, see
-    Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 6; Hicks, op. cit. 65; Lys. "pro Man." S.
+Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 6; Hicks, op. cit. 65; Lys. "pro Man." S.
 ; Jebb, "Att. Or." i. p. 247; and the two speeches of the same
-    orator Lysias against Alcibiades (son of the famous Alcibiades),
+orator Lysias against Alcibiades (son of the famous Alcibiades),
-    on a Charge of Desertion ("Or." xiv.), and on a Charge of Failure
+on a Charge of Desertion ("Or." xiv.), and on a Charge of Failure
-    to Serve ("Or." xv.)—Jebb, op. cit. i. p. 256 foll.
+to Serve ("Or." xv.)—Jebb, op. cit. i. p. 256 foll.
 And now the Lacedaemonians no longer hesitated. Pausanias the king advanced into Boeotia with the home army and the whole of the Peloponnesian contingents, saving only the Corinthians, who declined to serve. Lysander, at the head of the army supplied by Phocis and Orchomenus and the other strong places in those parts, had already reached Haliartus, in front of Pausanias. Being arrived, he refused to sit down quietly and await the arrival of the army from Lacedaemon, but at once marched with what troops he had against the walls of Haliartus; and in the first instance he tried to persuade the citizens to detach themselves from Thebes and to assume autonomy, but the intention was cut short by certain Thebans within the fortress. Whereupon Lysander attacked the place. The Thebans were made aware, (22) and hurried to the rescue with heavy infantry and cavalry. Then, whether it was that the army of relief fell upon Lysander unawares, or that with clear knowledge of his approach he preferred to await the enemy, with intent to crush him, is uncertain. This only is clear: a battle was fought beside the walls, and a trophy still exists to mark the victory of the townsfolk before the gates of Haliartus. Lysander was slain, and the rest fled to the mountains, the Thebans hotly pursuing. But when the pursuit had led them to some considerable height, and they were fairly environed and hemmed in by difficult ground and narrow space, then the heavy infantry turned to bay, and greeted them with a shower of darts and missiles. First two or three men dropped who had been foremost of the pursuers, and then upon the rest they poured volleys of stones down the precipitous incline, and pressed on their late pursuers with much zeal, until the Thebans turned tail and quitted the deadly slope, leaving behind them more than a couple of hundred corpses.
@@ Line 1266: / Line 1266: @@
  (24) Lit. "polemarchs and penteconters"—"colonels and lieutenants."
-    See "Pol. Lac." xi.
+See "Pol. Lac." xi.
 The considerations which weighed upon the minds of Pausanias and the other high officers of the Lacedaemonians seem to have been that Lysander was dead and his defeated army in retreat; while, as far as they themselves were concerned, the Corinthian contingent was absolutely wanting, and the zeal of the troops there present at the lowest ebb. They further reasoned that the enemy's cavalry was numerous and theirs the reverse; whilst, weightiest of all, there lay the dead right under the walls, so that if they had been ever so much stronger it would have been no easy task to pick up the bodies within range of the towers of Haliartus. On all these grounds they determined to ask for a flag of truce, in order to pick up the bodies of the slain. These, however, the Thebans were not disposed to give back unless they agreed to retire from their territory. The terms were gladly accepted by the Lacedaemonians, who at once picked up the corpses of the slain, and prepared to quit the territory of Boeotia. The preliminaries were transacted, and the retreat commenced. Despondent indeed was the demeanour of the Lacedaemonians, in contrast with the insolent bearing of the Thebans, who visited the slightest attempt to trespass on their private estates with blows and chased the offenders back on to the high roads unflinchingly. Such was the conclusion of the campaign of the Lacedaemonians.
@@ Line 1280: / Line 1280: @@
  (1) See Hartman ("An. Xen." p. 339), who suggests {Otun auto} for {sun
-    auto}.
+auto}.
 On his arrival in Paphlagonia, King Otys (2) came, and an alliance was made. (The fact was, he had been summoned by the king to Susa and had not gone up.) More than that, through the persuasion of Spithridates he left behind as a parting gift to Agesilaus one thousand cavalry and a couple of thousand peltasts. Agesilaus was anxious in some way to show his gratitude to Spithridates for such help, and spoke as follows:—"Tell me," he said to Spithridates, "would you not like to give your daughter to King Otys?" "Much more would I like to give her," he answered, "than he to take her—I an outcast wanderer, and he lord of a vast territory and forces." Nothing more was said at the time about the marriage; but when Otys was on the point of departure and came to bid farewell, Agesilaus, having taken care that Spithridates should be out of the way, in the presence of the Thirty broached the subject: (3) "Can you tell me, Otys, to what sort of family Spithridates belongs?" "To one of the noblest in Persia," replied the king. Agesilaus: "Have you observed how beautiful his son is?" Otys: "To be sure; last evening I was supping with him." Agesilaus: "And they tell me his daughter is yet more beautiful." Otys: "That may well be; beautiful she is." Agesilaus: "For my part, as you have proved so good a friend to us, I should like to advise you to take this girl to wife. Not only is she very beautiful—and what more should a husband ask for?—but her father is of noble family, and has a force at his back large enough to retaliate on Pharnabazus for an injury. He has made the satrap, as you see, a fugitive and a vagabond in his own vast territory. I need not tell you," he added, "that a man who can so chastise an enemy is well able to benefit a friend; and of this be assured: by such an alliance you will gain not the connection of Spithridates alone, but of myself and the Lacedaemonians, and, as we are the leaders of Hellas, of the rest of Hellas also. And what a wedding yours will be! Were ever nuptials celebrated on so grand a scale before? Was ever bride led home by such an escort of cavalry and light-armed troops and heavy infantry, as shall escort your wife home to your palace?" Otys asked: "Is Spithridates of one mind with you in this proposal?" and Agesilaus answered: "In good sooth he did not bid me make it for him. And for my own part in the matter, though it is, I admit, a rare pleasure to requite an enemy, yet I had far rather at any time discover some good fortune for my friends." Otys: "Why not ask if your project pleases Spithridates too?" Then Agesilaus, turning to Herippidas and the rest of the Thirty, bade them go to Spithridates; "and give him such good instruction," he added, "that he shall wish what we wish." The Thirty rose and retired to administer their lesson. But they seemed to tarry a long time, and Agesilaus asked: "What say you, King Otys—shall we summon him hither ourselves? You, I feel certain, are better able to persuade him than the whole Thirty put together." Thereupon Agesilaus summoned Spithridates and the others. As they came forward, Herippidas promptly delivered himself thus: "I spare you the details, Agesilaus. To make a long story short, Spithridates says, 'He will be glad to do whatever pleases you.'" Then Agesilaus, turning first to one and then to the other: "What pleases me," said he, "is that you should wed a daughter—and you a wife—so happily. (4) But," he added, "I do not see how we can well bring home the bride by land till spring." "No, not by land," the suitor answered, "but you might, if you chose, conduct her home at once by sea." Thereupon they exchanged pledges to ratify the compact; and so sent Otys rejoicing on his way.
@@ Line 1301: / Line 1301: @@
  (7) Or, "captains posted to intercept them, who relieved..." See
-    "Anab." IV. i. 14.
+"Anab." IV. i. 14.
  (8) See "Pol. Lac." xiii. 11, for these officers.
@@ Line 1314: / Line 1314: @@
  (12) Theopompus of Chios, the historian (b. B.C. 378, fl. B.C. 333),
-    "in the eleventh book  (of his {Suntazis Ellenikon}) borrowed
+"in the eleventh book  (of his {Suntazis Ellenikon}) borrowed
-    Xenophon's lively account of the interview between Agesilaus and
+Xenophon's lively account of the interview between Agesilaus and
-    Pharnabazus (Apollonius apud Euseb. B, "Praep. Evang." p. 465)."
+Pharnabazus (Apollonius apud Euseb. B, "Praep. Evang." p. 465)."
-    See "Hist. Lit. of Anc. Gr.," Muller and Donaldson, ii. p. 380.
+See "Hist. Lit. of Anc. Gr.," Muller and Donaldson, ii. p. 380.
 At length, after some pause, Agesilaus spoke. "I think you are aware," he said, "Pharnabazus, that within the states of Hellas the folk of one community contract relations of friendship and hospitality with one another; (13) but if these states should go to war, then each man will side with his fatherland, and friend will find himself pitted against friend in the field of battle, and, if it so betide, the one may even deal the other his death-blow. So too we to-day, being at war with your sovereign lord the king, must needs regard as our enemy all that he calls his; not but that with yourself personally we should esteem it our high fortune to be friends. If indeed it were merely an exchange of service—were you asked to give up your lord the king and to take us as your masters in his stead, I could not so advise you; but the fact is, by joining with us it is in your power to-day to bow your head to no man, to call no man master, to reap the produce of your own domain in freedom—freedom, which to my mind is more precious than all riches. Not that we bid you to become a beggar for the sake of freedom, but rather to use our friendship to increase not the king's authority, but your own, by subduing those who are your fellow-slaves to-day, and who to-morrow shall be your willing subjects. Well, then, freedom given and wealth added—what more would you desire to fill the cup of happiness to overflowing?" Pharnabazus replied: "Shall I tell you plainly what I will do?" "That were but kind and courteous on your part," he answered. "Thus it stands with me, then," said Pharnabazus. "If the king should send another general, and if he should wish to rank me under this new man's orders, I, for my part, am willing to accept your friendship and alliance; but if he offers me the supreme command—why, then, I plainly tell you, there is a certain something in the very name ambition which whispers me that I shall war against you to the best of my ability." (14) When he heard that, Agesilaus seized the satrap's hand, exclaiming: "Ah, best of mortals, may the day arrive which sends us such a friend! Of one thing rest assured. This instant I leave your territory with what haste I may, and for the future—even in case of war—as long as we can find foes elsewhere our hands shall hold aloof from you and yours."
@@ Line 1324: / Line 1324: @@
  (14) Or, "so subtle a force, it seems, is the love of honour that."
-    Grote, "H. G." ix. 386; cf. Herod. iii. 57 for "ambition,"
+Grote, "H. G." ix. 386; cf. Herod. iii. 57 for "ambition,"
-    {philotimia}.
+{philotimia}.
 And with these words he broke up the meeting. Pharnabazus mounted his horse and rode away, but his son by Parapita, who was still in the bloom of youth, lingered behind; then, running up to Agesilaus, he exclaimed: "See, I choose you as my friend." "And I accept you," replied the king. "Remember, then," the lad answered, and with the word presented the beautiful javelin in his hand to Agesilaus, who received it, and unclasping a splendid trapping (15) which his secretary, Idaeus, had round the neck of his charger, he gave it in return to the youth; whereupon the boy leapt on his horse's back and galloped after his father. (16) At a later date, during the absence of Pharnabazus abroad, this same youth, the son of Parapita, was deprived of the government by his brother and driven into exile. Then Agesilaus took great interest in him, and as he had a strong attachment to the son of Eualces, an Athenian, Agesilaus did all he could to have this friend of his, who was the tallest of the boys, admitted to the two hundred yards race at Olympia.
  (15) {phalara}, bosses of gold, silver, or other metals, cast or
-    chased, with some appropriate device in relief, which were worn as
+chased, with some appropriate device in relief, which were worn as
-    an ornamental trapping for horses, affixed to the head-stall or to
+an ornamental trapping for horses, affixed to the head-stall or to
-    a throat-collar, or to a martingale over the chest.—Rich's
+a throat-collar, or to a martingale over the chest.—Rich's
-    "Companion to Lat. Dict. and Greek Lex.," s.v.
+"Companion to Lat. Dict. and Greek Lex.," s.v.
  (16) See Grote, ix. 387; Plut. "Ages." xiv. (Clough, iv. 15); "Ages."
-    iii. 5. The incident is idealised in the "Cyrop." I. iv. 26 foll.
+iii. 5. The incident is idealised in the "Cyrop." I. iv. 26 foll.
-    See "Lyra Heroica": CXXV. A Ballad of East and West—the incident
+See "Lyra Heroica": CXXV. A Ballad of East and West—the incident
-    of the "turquoise-studded rein."
+of the "turquoise-studded rein."
 B.C. 394. But to return to the actual moment. Agesilaus was as good as his word, and at once marched out of the territory of Pharnabazus. The season verged on spring. Reaching the plain of Thebe, (17) he encamped in the neighbourhood of the temple of Artemis of Astyra, (18) and there employed himself in collecting troops from every side, in addition to those which he already had, so as to form a complete armament. These preparations were pressed forward with a view to penetrating as far as possible into the interior. He was persuaded that every tribe or nation placed in his rear might be considered as alienated from the king.
@@ Line 1351: / Line 1351: @@
  (1) Or, "that the perfection of equipment was regarded as anticipative
-    of actual service in the field." Cobet suggests for {eukrinein}
+of actual service in the field." Cobet suggests for {eukrinein}
-    {dieukrinein}; cf. "Oecon." viii. 6.
+{dieukrinein}; cf. "Oecon." viii. 6.
  (2) Lit. "at least four talents" = 975 pounds.
  (3) Or, "beyond which, the arms and material to equip the expedition
-    were no doubt highly costly."
+were no doubt highly costly."
 Meanwhile the ephors had called out the ban, and as Agesipolis was still a boy, the state called upon Aristodemus, who was of the royal family and guardian of the young king, to lead the expedition; and now that the Lacedaemonians were ready to take the field and the forces of their opponents were duly mustered, the latter met (4) to consider the most advantageous method of doing battle.
  (4) At Corinth. See above, III. iv. 11; below, V. iv. 61, where the
-    victory of Nixos is described but not localised.
+victory of Nixos is described but not localised.
 Timolaus of Corinth spoke: "Soldiers of the allied forces," he said, "the growth of Lacedaemon seems to me just like that of some mighty river—at its sources small and easily crossed, but as it farther and farther advances, other rivers discharge themselves into its channel, and its stream grows ever more formidable. So is it with the Lacedaemonians. Take them at the starting-point and they are but a single community, but as they advance and attach city after city they grow more numerous and more resistless. I observe that when people wish to take wasps' nests—if they try to capture the creatures on the wing, they are liable to be attacked by half the hive; whereas, if they apply fire to them ere they leave their homes, they will master them without scathe themselves. On this principle I think it best to bring about the battle within the hive itself, or, short of that, as close to Lacedaemon as possible." (5)
  (5) Or, "if not actually at Lacedaemon, then at least as near as
-    possible to the hornet's nest."
+possible to the hornet's nest."
 The arguments of the speaker were deemed sound, and a resolution was passed in that sense; but before it could be carried out there were various arrangements to be made. There was the question of headship. Then, again, what was the proper depth of line to be given to the different army corps? for if any particular state or states gave too great a depth to their battle line they would enable the enemy to turn their flank. Whilst they were debating these points, the Lacedaemonians had incorporated the men of Tegea and the men of Mantinea, and were ready to debouch into the bimarine region. (6) And as the two armies advanced almost at the same time, the Corinthians and the rest reached the Nemea, (7) and the Lacedaemonians and their allies occupied Sicyon. The Lacedaemonians entered by Epieiceia, and at first were severely handled by the light-armed troops of the enemy, who discharged stones and arrows from the vantage-ground on their right; but as they dropped down upon the Gulf of Corinth they advanced steadily onwards through the flat country, felling timber and burning the fair land. Their rivals, on their side, after a certain forward movement, (8) paused and encamped, placing the ravine in front of them; but still the Lacedaemonians advanced, and it was only when they were within ten furlongs (9) of the hostile position that they followed suit and encamped, and then they remained quiet.
  (6) I.e. "the shores of the Corinthian Gulf." Or, "upon the strand or
-    coast road or coast land of Achaia"  (aliter {ten aigialon}(?) the
+coast road or coast land of Achaia"  (aliter {ten aigialon}(?) the
-    Strand of the Corinthian Gulf, the old name of this part of
+Strand of the Corinthian Gulf, the old name of this part of
-    Achaia).
+Achaia).
  (7) Or, "the district of Nemea."
  (8) {epelthontes}, but see Grote ("H. G." ix. 425 note), who prefers
-    {apelthontes} = retreated and encamped.
+{apelthontes} = retreated and encamped.
  (9) Lit. "ten stades." For the numbers below, see Grote, "H. G." ix.
 , note 1.
 And here I may state the numbers on either side. The Lacedaemonian heavy-armed infantry levies amounted to six thousand men. Of Eleians, Triphylians, Acroreians, and Lasionians, there must have been nearly three thousand, with fifteen hundred Sicyonians, while Epidaurus, Troezen, Hermione, and Halieis (10) contributed at least another three thousand. To these heavy infantry troops must be added six hundred Lacedaemonian cavalry, a body of Cretan archers about three hundred strong, besides another force of slingers, at least four hundred in all, consisting of Marganians, Letrinians, and Amphidolians. The men of Phlius were not represented. Their plea was they were keeping "holy truce." That was the total of the forces on the Lacedaemonian side. There was collected on the enemy's side six thousand Athenian heavy infantry, with about, as was stated, seven thousand Argives, and in the absence of the men of Orchomenus something like five thousand Boeotians. There were besides three thousand Corinthians, and again from the whole of Euboea at least three thousand. These formed the heavy infantry. Of cavalry the Boeotians, again in the absence of the Orchomenians, furnished eight hundred, the Athenians (11) six hundred, the Chalcidians of Euboea one hundred, the Opuntian Locrians (12) fifty. Their light troops, including those of the Corinthians, were more numerous, as the Ozolian Locrians, the Melians, and Arcarnanians (13) helped to swell their numbers.
  (10) Halieis, a seafaring people (Strabo, viii. 373) and town on the
-    coast of Hermionis; Herod. vii. 137; Thuc. i. 105, ii. 56, iv. 45;
+coast of Hermionis; Herod. vii. 137; Thuc. i. 105, ii. 56, iv. 45;
-    Diod. xi. 78; "Hell." VI. ii. 3.
+Diod. xi. 78; "Hell." VI. ii. 3.
  (11) For a treaty between Athens and Eretria, B.C. 395, see Hicks, 66;
-    and below, "Hell." IV. iii. 15; Hicks, 68, 69; Diod. xiv. 82.
+and below, "Hell." IV. iii. 15; Hicks, 68, 69; Diod. xiv. 82.
  (12) See above, "Hell." III. v. 3.
@@ Line 1400: / Line 1400: @@
  (14) Or, "then they lost no time in discovering that the victims
-    proved favourable."
+proved favourable."
  (15) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 428; cf. Lys. "pro Mant." 20.
@@ Line 1429: / Line 1429: @@
  (6) Lit. "and bids them pass the order to the others and themselves to
-    charge," etc.
+charge," etc.
  (7) See "Horsemanship," vii. 16; Polyb. iv. 8.
@@ Line 1440: / Line 1440: @@
  (9) "Splendide mendax." For the ethics of the matter, see "Mem." IV.
-    ii. 17; "Cyrop." I. vi. 31.
+ii. 17; "Cyrop." I. vi. 31.
 To confront Agesilaus stood an army composed of the Boeotians, Athenians, Argives, Corinthians, Aenianians, Euboeans, and both divisions of the Locrians. Agesilaus on his side had with him a division (10) of Lacedaemonians, which had crossed from Corinth, also half the division from Orchomenus; besides which there were the neodamodes (11) from Lacedaemon, on service with him already; and in addition to these the foreign contingent under Herippidas; (12) and again the quota furnished by the Hellenic cities in Asia, with others from the cities in Europe which he had brought over during his progress; and lastly, there were additional levies from the spot—Orchomenian and Phocian heavy infantry. In light-armed troops, it must be admitted, the numbers told heavily in favour of Agesilaus, but the cavalry (13) on both sides were fairly balanced.
  (10) Lit. "a mora"; for the numbers, see "Ages." ii. 6; Plut. "Ages."
 ; Grote, "H. G." ix. 433.
  (11) I.e. "enfranchised helots."
@@ Line 1464: / Line 1464: @@
  (18) Or, "All these made up the attacking columns... and coming
-    within... routed..."
+within... routed..."
 At this point no one will dispute the valour of Agesilaus, but he certainly did not choose the safest course. It was open to him to make way for the enemy to pass, which done, he might have hung upon his heels and mastered his rear. This, however, he refused to do, preferring to crash full front against the Thebans. Thereupon, with close interlock of shield wedged in with shield, they shoved, they fought, they dealt death, (19) they breathed out life, till at last a portion of the Thebans broke their way through towards Helicon, but paid for that departure by the loss of many lives. And now the victory of Agesilaus was fairly won, and he himself, wounded, had been carried back to the main line, when a party of horse came galloping up to tell him that something like eighty of the enemy, under arms, were sheltering under the temple, and they asked what they ought to do. Agesilaus, though he was covered with wounds, did not, for all that, forget his duty to God. He gave orders to let them retire unscathed, and would not suffer any injury to be done to them. And now, seeing it was already late, they took their suppers and retired to rest.
  (19) Or, "they slew, they were slain." In illustration of this famous
-    passage, twice again worked up in "Ages." ii. 12, and "Cyrop."
+passage, twice again worked up in "Ages." ii. 12, and "Cyrop."
-    VII. i. 38, commented on by Longinus, {peri upsous}, 19, and
+VII. i. 38, commented on by Longinus, {peri upsous}, 19, and
-    copied by Dio Cassius, 47, 45, I venture to quote a passage from
+copied by Dio Cassius, 47, 45, I venture to quote a passage from
-    Mr. Rudyard Kipling, "With the Main Guard," p. 57, Mulvaney
+Mr. Rudyard Kipling, "With the Main Guard," p. 57, Mulvaney
-    loquitur: "The Tyrone was pushin' an' pushin' in, an' our men was
+loquitur: "The Tyrone was pushin' an' pushin' in, an' our men was
-    sweerin' at thim, an' Crook was workin' away in front av us all,
+sweerin' at thim, an' Crook was workin' away in front av us all,
-    his sword-arm swingin' like a pump-handle an' his revolver
+his sword-arm swingin' like a pump-handle an' his revolver
-    spittin' like a cat. But the strange thing av ut was the quiet
+spittin' like a cat. But the strange thing av ut was the quiet
-    that lay upon. 'Twas like a fight in a dhrame—excipt for thim
+that lay upon. 'Twas like a fight in a dhrame—excipt for thim
-    that wus dead."
+that wus dead."
 But with the morning Gylis the polemarch received orders to draw up the troops in battle order, and to set up a trophy, every man crowned with a wreath in honour of the god, and all the pipers piping. Thus they busied themselves in the Spartan camp. On their side the Thebans sent heralds asking to bury their dead, under a truce; and in this wise a truce was made. Agesilaus withdrew to Delphi, where on arrival he offered to the god a tithe of the produce of his spoils—no less than a hundred talents. (20) Gylis the polemarch meanwhile withdrew into Phocis at the head of his troops, and from that district made a hostile advance into Locris. Here nearly a whole day was spent by the men in freely helping themselves to goods and chattels out of the villages and pillaging the corn; (21) but as it drew towards evening the troops began to retire, with the Lacedaemonians in the rear. The Locrians hung upon their heels with a heavy pelt of stones and javelins. Thereupon the Lacedaemonians turned short round and gave chase, laying some of their assailants low. Then the Locrians ceased clinging to their rear, but continued their volleys from the vantage-ground above. The Lacedaemonians again made efforts to pursue their persistent foes even up the slope. At last darkness descended on them, and as they retired man after man dropped, succumbing to the sheer difficulty of the ground; some in their inability to see what lay in front, or else shot down by the enemy's missiles. It was then that Gylis the polemarch met his end, as also Pelles, who was on his personal staff, and the whole of the Spartans present without exception—eighteen or thereabouts—perished, either crushed by stones or succumbing to other wounds. Indeed, except for timely aid brought from the camp where the men were supping, the chances are that not a man would have escaped to tell the tale.
@@ Line 1491: / Line 1491: @@
  (1) B.C. 393. See Grote, ix. p. 455, note 2 foll.; "Hell." IV. viii.
 .
 B.C. 392. (2) On the other hand, it could hardly escape the notice of the allied powers, the Argives, Athenians, and Boeotians, as also those of the Corinthians themselves who had received a share of the king's moneys, or for whatever reason were most directly interested in the war, that if they did not promptly put the peace party out of the way, ten chances to one the old laconising policy would again hold the field. It seemed there was nothing for it but the remedy of the knife. There was a refinement of wickedness in the plan adopted. With most people the life even of a legally condemned criminal is held sacred during a solemn season, but these men deliberately selected the last day of the Eucleia, (3) when they might reckon on capturing more victims in the crowded market-place, for their murderous purposes. Their agents were supplied with the names of those to be gotten rid of, the signal was given, and then, drawing their daggers, they fell to work. Here a man was struck down standing in the centre of a group of talkers, and there another seated; a third while peacably enjoying himself at the play; a fourth actually whilst officiating as a judge at some dramatic contest. (4) When what was taking place became known, there was a general flight on the part of the better classes. Some fled to the images of the gods in the market-place, others to the altars; and here these unhallowed miscreants, ringleaders and followers alike, utterly regardless of duty and law, fell to butchering their victims even within the sacred precincts of the gods; so that even some of those against whom no hand was lifted—honest, law-abiding folk—were filled with sore amazement at sight of such impiety. In this way many of the elder citizens, as mustering more thickly in the market-place, were done to death. The younger men, acting on a suspicion conceived by one of their number, Pasimelus, as to what was going to take place, kept quiet in the Kraneion; (5) but hearing screams and shouting and being joined anon by some who had escaped from the affair, they took the hint, and, running up along the slope of the Acrocorinthus, succeeded in repelling an attack of the Argives and the rest. While they were still deliberating what they ought to do, down fell a capital from its column—without assignable cause, whether of earthquake or wind. Also, when they sacrificed, the aspect of the victims was such that the soothsayers said it was better to descend from that position.
@@ Line 1506: / Line 1506: @@
  (6) {eunomia}. See "Pol. Ath." i. 8; Arist. "Pol." iv. 8, 6; iii. 9,
 ; v. 7, 4.
 It was in furtherance of this design that two men—Pasimelus and Alcimenes—undertook to creep through a watercourse and effect a meeting with Praxitas the polemarch of the Lacedaemonians, who was on garrison duty with his own division in Sicyon. They told him they could give him ingress at a point in the long walls leading to Lechaeum. Praxitas, knowing from previous experience that the two men might be relied upon, believed their statement; and having arranged for the further detention in Sicyon of the division which was on the point of departure, he busied himself with plans for the enterprise. When the two men, partly by chance and partly by contrivance, came to be on guard at the gate where the tophy now stands, without further ado Praxitas presented himself with his division, taking with him also the men of Sicyon and the whole of the Corinthian exiles. (7) Having reached the gate, he had a qualm of misgiving, and hesitated to step inside until he had first sent in a man on whom he could rely to take a look at things within. The two Corinthians introduced him, and made so simple and straightforward a representation (8) that the visitor was convinced, and reported everything as free of pitfalls as the two had asserted. Then the polemarch entered, but owing to the wide space between the double walls, as soon as they came to form in line within, the intruders were impressed by the paucity of their numbers. They therefore erected a stockade, and dug as good a trench as they could in front of them, pending the arrival of reinforcements from the allies. In their rear, moreover, lay the guard of the Boeotians in the harbour. Thus they passed the whole day which followed the night of ingress without striking a blow.
@@ Line 1539: / Line 1539: @@
  (16) See Grote, ix. 472 note. Lechaeum was not taken by the
-    Lacedaemonians until the Corinthian long walls had been rebuilt by
+Lacedaemonians until the Corinthian long walls had been rebuilt by
-    the Athenians. Possibly the incidents in this section (S. 17)
+the Athenians. Possibly the incidents in this section (S. 17)
-    occurred after the capture of Lechaeum. The historian introduces
+occurred after the capture of Lechaeum. The historian introduces
-    them parenthetically, as it were, in illustration of his main
+them parenthetically, as it were, in illustration of his main
-    topic—the success of the peltasts.
+topic—the success of the peltasts.
  (17) Or, adopting Schneider's conjecture, {estratopedeuonto}, add "and
-    encamping."
+encamping."
 The Athenians, on their side, who felt the power of the Lacedaemonians to be dangerously close, now that the walls of Corinth had been laid open, and even apprehended a direct attack upon themselves, determined to rebuild the portion of the wall severed by Praxitas. Accordingly they set out with their whole force, including a suite of stonelayers, masons, and carpenters, and within a few days erected a quite splendid wall on the side facing Sicyon towards the west, (18) and then proceeded with more leisure to the completion of the eastern portion.
@@ Line 1555: / Line 1555: @@
  (19) Reading {Tenean}, Koppen's emendation for {tegean}. In the
-    parallel passage ("Ages." ii. 17) the text has {kata ta stena}.
+parallel passage ("Ages." ii. 17) the text has {kata ta stena}.
-    See Grote, "H. G." ix. 471.
+See Grote, "H. G." ix. 471.
  (20) See below, IV. viii. 11.
@@ Line 1563: / Line 1563: @@
  (1) Al. B.C. 392. The historian omits the overtures for peace, B.C.
 (or 391-390) referred to in Andoc. "De Pace." See Jebb, "Att.
-    Or." i. 83, 108; Grote, "H. G." ix. 474; Curtius, "H. G." Eng. tr.
+Or." i. 83, 108; Grote, "H. G." ix. 474; Curtius, "H. G." Eng. tr.
-    iv. 261.
+iv. 261.
  (2) Grote and Curtius believe these to be the Isthmian games of 390
-    B.C., not of 392 B.C., as Sauppe and others suppose. See Peter,
+B.C., not of 392 B.C., as Sauppe and others suppose. See Peter,
-    "Chron. Table," p. 89, note 183; Jowett, "Thuc." ii. 468, note on
+"Chron. Table," p. 89, note 183; Jowett, "Thuc." ii. 468, note on
-    VIII. 9, 1.
+VIII. 9, 1.
  (3) Lit. "road to Cenchreae."
@@ Line 1581: / Line 1581: @@
  (5) Or, "Heraeum," i.e. sanctuary of Hera, on a promontory so called.
-    See Leake, "Morea," iii. 317.
+See Leake, "Morea," iii. 317.
  (6) See "Hell." III. ii. 12, if the same.
@@ Line 1602: / Line 1602: @@
  (13) Observed on three days of the month Hecatombaeus (= July). See
-    Muller's "Dorians," ii. 360. For Amyclae, see Leake, "Morea," i.
+Muller's "Dorians," ii. 360. For Amyclae, see Leake, "Morea," i.
-    ch. iv. p. 145 foll.; Baedeker's "Greece," p. 279.
+ch. iv. p. 145 foll.; Baedeker's "Greece," p. 279.
  (14) See below, "Hell." VI. iv. 12; and "Pol. Lac." xi. 4, xiii. 4.
@@ Line 1616: / Line 1616: @@
  (17) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 467, note on the improvements of
-    Iphicrates.
+Iphicrates.
  (18) Grote, "H. G." ix. 484; cf. "Hell." IV. viii. 39; "Anab." IV. ii.
 ; Herod. ix. 10-29.
  (19) Youngest rank and file, between eighteen and twenty-eight years
-    of age, who formed the first line. The Spartan was liable to
+of age, who formed the first line. The Spartan was liable to
-    service at the age of eighteen. From twenty-eight to thirty-three
+service at the age of eighteen. From twenty-eight to thirty-three
-    he would belong to the fifteen-years-service division (the second
+he would belong to the fifteen-years-service division (the second
-    line); and so on. See below, IV. vi. 10.
+line); and so on. See below, IV. vi. 10.
  (20) See Thuc. iv. 125.
@@ Line 1644: / Line 1644: @@
  (25) The illustrative incidents narrated in chapter iv. 17 may belong
-    to this period.
+to this period.
 B.C. 390-389. (1) At a later date the Achaeans, being in possession of Calydon, a town from old times belonging to Aetolia, and having further incorporated the Calydonians as citizens, (2) were under the necessity of garrisoning their new possession. The reason was, that the Arcarnanians were threatening the place with an army, and were aided by contingents from Athens and Boeotia, who were anxious to help their allies. (3) Under the strain of this combined attack the Achaeans despatched ambassadors to Lacedaemon, who on arrival complained of the unfair conduct of Lacedaemon towards themselves. "We, sirs," they said, "are ever ready to serve in your armies, in obedience to whatever orders you choose to issue; we follow you whithersoever you think fit to lead; but when it comes to our being beleaguered by the Acarnanians, with their allies the Athenians and Boeotians, you show not the slightest concern. Understand, then, that if things go on thus we cannot hold out; but either we must give up all part in the war in Peloponnesus and cross over in full force to engage the Arcarnanians, or we must make peace with them on whatever terms we can." This language was a tacit threat that if they failed to obtain the assistance they felt entitled to from Lacedaemon they would quit the alliance.
  (1) According to others (who suppose that the Isthmia and the events
-    recorded in chapter v. 1-19 above belong to B.C. 392), we have now
+recorded in chapter v. 1-19 above belong to B.C. 392), we have now
-    reached B.C. 391.
+reached B.C. 391.
  (2) Or, "having conferred a city organisation on the Calydonians."
@@ Line 1659: / Line 1659: @@
  (4) "The Akarnanians had, in early times, occupied the hill of Olpai
-    as a place for judicial proceedings common to the whole nation"
+as a place for judicial proceedings common to the whole nation"
-    (see Thuc. iii. 105). "But in Thucydides' own time Stratos had
+(see Thuc. iii. 105). "But in Thucydides' own time Stratos had
-    attained its position as the greatest city of Akarnania, and
+attained its position as the greatest city of Akarnania, and
-    probably the Federal Assemblies were already held there" (Thuc.
+probably the Federal Assemblies were already held there" (Thuc.
-    ii. 80). "In the days of Agesilaos we find Stratos still more
+ii. 80). "In the days of Agesilaos we find Stratos still more
-    distinctly marked as the place of Federal meeting."—Freeman,
+distinctly marked as the place of Federal meeting."—Freeman,
-    "Hist. Fed. Gov." ch. iv. p. 148 foll., "On the constitution of
+"Hist. Fed. Gov." ch. iv. p. 148 foll., "On the constitution of
-    the League."
+the League."
  (5) Lit. "one hundred and sixty stades."
@@ Line 1697: / Line 1697: @@
  (4) Or, "wrongfully put forward." See below, V. i. 29; iii. 28; Paus.
-    III. v. 8; Jebb. "Att. Or." i. p. 131; Grote, "H. G." ix. 494
+III. v. 8; Jebb. "Att. Or." i. p. 131; Grote, "H. G." ix. 494
-    foll.; Jowett, "Thuc." ii. 315; note to Thuc. V. liv. 3.
+foll.; Jowett, "Thuc." ii. 315; note to Thuc. V. liv. 3.
  (5) Grote; cf. Aristot. "Rhet." ii. 33.
@@ Line 1713: / Line 1713: @@
  (8) The pentathlon of Olympia and the other great games consisted of
-    five contests, in the following order—(1) leaping, (2) discus-
+five contests, in the following order—(1) leaping, (2) discus-
-    throwing, (3) javelin-throwing, (4) running, (5) wrestling. Cf.
+throwing, (3) javelin-throwing, (4) running, (5) wrestling. Cf.
-    Simonides, {alma podokeien diskon akonta palen}, where, "metri
+Simonides, {alma podokeien diskon akonta palen}, where, "metri
-    gratia," the order is inverted. The competitors were drawn in
+gratia," the order is inverted. The competitors were drawn in
-    pairs. The odd man who drew a bye in any particular round or heat
+pairs. The odd man who drew a bye in any particular round or heat
-    was called the "ephedros." The successful athletes of the pairs,
+was called the "ephedros." The successful athletes of the pairs,
-    that is, those who had won any three events out of five, would
+that is, those who had won any three events out of five, would
-    then again be drawn against each other, and so on until only two
+then again be drawn against each other, and so on until only two
-    were left, between whom the final heat took place. See, for an
+were left, between whom the final heat took place. See, for an
-    exhaustive discussion of the subject, Prof. Percy Gardner, "The
+exhaustive discussion of the subject, Prof. Percy Gardner, "The
-    Pentathlon of the Greeks" ("Journal of Hellenic Studies," vol. i.
+Pentathlon of the Greeks" ("Journal of Hellenic Studies," vol. i.
 , p. 210 foll. pl. viii.), from whom this note is taken.
  (9) See Thuc. vii. 57.
  (10) {peri tas eirktas}—what these were no one knows, possibly a
-    stone quarry used as a prison. Cf. "Cyrop." III. i. 19; "Mem." II.
+stone quarry used as a prison. Cf. "Cyrop." III. i. 19; "Mem." II.
-    i. 5; see Grote, "H. G." ix. 497; Paus. III. v.. 8.
+i. 5; see Grote, "H. G." ix. 497; Paus. III. v.. 8.
  (11) Or Celossa. See Strabo, viii. 382.
@@ Line 1743: / Line 1743: @@
  (2) See Hicks, 70, "Honours to Konon," Inscript. found at Erythrae in
-    Ionia. Cf. Diod. xiv. 84.
+Ionia. Cf. Diod. xiv. 84.
 Accordingly, when disembarking at Ephesus, he presented Conon with a fleet of forty sail, (3) and having further instructed him to meet him at Sestos, (4) set off himself by land along the coast to visit his own provinces. For here it should be mentioned that his old enemy Dercylidas happened to be in Abydos at the time of the sea-fight; (5) nor had he at a later date suffered eclipse with the other governors, (6) but on the contrary, had kept tight hold of Abydos and still preserved it in attachment to Lacedaemon. The course he had adopted was to summon a meeting of the Abydenians, when he made them a speech as follows: "Sirs, to-day it is possible for you, who have before been friends to my city, to appear as benefactors of the Lacedaemonians. For a man to prove faithful to his friends in the heyday of their good fortune is no great marvel; but to prove steadfast when his friends are in misfortune—that is a service monumental for all time. But do not mistake me. It does not follow that, because we have been defeated in a great sea-fight, we are therefore annihilated. (7) Certainly not. Even in old days, you will admit, when Athens was mistress of the sea, our state was not powerless to benefit friends or chastise enemies. Moreover, in proportion as the rest of the cities have joined hands with fortune to turn their backs upon us, so much the more certainly will the grandeur of your fidelity shine forth. Or, is any one haunted by the fear that we may find ourselves blockaded by land and sea?—let him consider that at present there is no Hellenic navy whatever on the seas, and if the barbarian attempts to clutch the empire of the sea, Hellas will not sit by and suffer it; so that, if only in self-defence, she must inevitably take your side."
@@ Line 1772: / Line 1772: @@
  (11) See Lys. xix. "de bon. Arist." 19 foll.; and Hicks, 71, "Honours
-    to Dionysios I. and his court"; Grote, "H. G." ix. 453.
+to Dionysios I. and his court"; Grote, "H. G." ix. 453.
  (12) Mod. Kalamata.
@@ Line 1785: / Line 1785: @@
  (14) According to Grote ("H. G." ix. 471, note 2), this section
-    summarises the Lacedaemonian maritime operations in the Corinthian
+summarises the Lacedaemonian maritime operations in the Corinthian
-    Gulf from the late autumn of 393 B.C. till the appointment of
+Gulf from the late autumn of 393 B.C. till the appointment of
-    Teleutias in the spring or early summer of 391 B.C., the year of
+Teleutias in the spring or early summer of 391 B.C., the year of
-    the expedition of Agesilaus recounted above, "Hell." IV. iv. 19.
+the expedition of Agesilaus recounted above, "Hell." IV. iv. 19.
 B.C. 392. The Lacedaemonians were well informed of the proceedings of Conon. They knew that he was not only restoring the fortifications of Athens by help of the king's gold, but maintaining a fleet at his expense besides, and conciliating the islands and seaboard cities towards Athens. If, therefore, they could indoctrinate Tiribazus—who was a general of the king—with their sentiments, they believed they could not fail either to draw him aside to their own interests, or, at any rate, to put a stop to his feeding Conon's navy. With this intention they sent Antalcidas to Tiribazus: (15) his orders were to carry out this policy and, if possible, to arrange a peace between Lacedaemon and the king. The Athenians, getting wind of this, sent a counter-embassy, consisting of Hermogenes, Dion, Callisthenes, and Callimedon, with Conon himself. They at the same time invited the attendance of ambassadors from the allies, and there were also present representatives of the Boeotians, of Corinth, and of Argos. When they had arrived at their destination, Antalcidas explained to Tiribazus the object of his visit: he wished, if possible, to cement a peace between the state he represented and the king—a peace, moreover, exactly suited to the aspirations of the king himself; in other words, the Lacedaemonians gave up all claim to the Hellenic cities in Asia as against the king, while for their own part they were content that all the islands and other cities should be independent. "Such being our unbiased wishes," he continued, "for what earthly reason should (the Hellenes or) the king go to war with us? or why should he expend his money? The king is guaranteed against attack on the part of Hellas, since the Athenians are powerless apart from our hegemony, and we are powerless so long as the separate states are independent." The proposals of Antalcidas sounded very pleasantly in the ears of Tiribazus, but to the opponents of Sparta they were the merest talk. The Athenians were apprehensive of an agreement which provided for the independence of the cities in the islands, whereby they might be deprived of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros. The Thebans, again, were afraid of being compelled to let the Boeotian states go free. The Argives did not see how such treaty contracts and covenants were compatible with the realisation of their own great object—the absorption of Corinth by Argos. And so it came to pass that this peace (16) proved abortive, and the representatives departed each to his own home.
  (15) See Plut. "Ages." xxiii. (Clough, iv. p. 27); and for the date
-    B.C. 392 (al. B.C. 393) see Grote, "H. G." ix. 498.
+B.C. 392 (al. B.C. 393) see Grote, "H. G." ix. 498.
  (16) See Andoc. "de Pace"; Jebb, "Attic Or." i. 83, 128 foll. Prof.
-    Jebb assigns this speech to B.C. 390 rather than B.C. 391. See
+Jebb assigns this speech to B.C. 390 rather than B.C. 391. See
-    also Grote, "H. G." ix. 499; Diod. xiv. 110.
+also Grote, "H. G." ix. 499; Diod. xiv. 110.
 Tiribazus, on his side, thought it hardly consistent with his own safety to adopt the cause of the Lacedaemonians without the concurrence of the king—a scruple which did not prevent him from privately presenting Antalcidas with a sum of money, in hopes that when the Athenians and their allies discovered that the Lacedaemonians had the wherewithal to furnish a fleet, they might perhaps be more disposed to desire peace. Further, accepting the statements of the Lacedaemonians as true, he took on himself to secure the person of Conon, as guilty of wrongdoing towards the king, and shut him up. (17) That done, he set off up country to the king to recount the proposals of Lacedaemon, with his own subsequent capture of Conon as a mischievous man, and to ask for further guidance on all these matters.
@@ Line 1810: / Line 1810: @@
  (19) See "Hell." VII. i. 40; "Cyrop." I. iv. 17; III. iii. 23; "Anab."
-    VI. iii. 3.
+VI. iii. 3.
 B.C. 390. (20) We pass on to the arrival at Lacedaemon of a party of Rhodian exiles expelled by the popular party. They insisted that it was not equitable to allow the Athenians to subjugate Rhodes and thus build up so vast a power. The Lacedaemonians were alive to the fact that the fate of Rhodes depended on which party in the state prevailed: if the democracy were to dominate, the whole island must fall into the hands of Athens; if the wealthier classes, (21) into their own. Accordingly they fitted out for them a fleet of eight vessels, and put Ecdicus in command of it as admiral.
@@ Line 1817: / Line 1817: @@
  (21) Or, "the Lacedaemonians were not slow to perceive that the whole
-    island of Rhodes was destined to fall either into the hands of
+island of Rhodes was destined to fall either into the hands of
-    Athens or of themselves, according as the democracy or the
+Athens or of themselves, according as the democracy or the
-    wealthier classes respectively dominated."
+wealthier classes respectively dominated."
 At the same time they despatched another officer on board these vessels named Diphridas, on a separate mission. His orders were to cross over into Asia and to secure the states which had received Thibron. He was also to pick up the survivors of Thibron's army, and with these troops, aided by a second army which he would collect from any other quarter open to him, he was to prosecute the war against Struthas. Diphridas followed out his instructions, and amongst other achievements was fortunate enough to capture Tigranes, (22) the son-in-law of Struthas, with his wife, on their road to Sardis. The sum paid for their ransom was so large that he at once had the wherewithal to pay his mercenaries. Diphridas was no less attractive than his predecessor Thibron; but he was of a more orderly temperament, steadier, and incomparably more enterprising as a general; the secret of this superiority being that he was a man over whom the pleasures of the body exercised no sway. He became readily absorbed in the business before him—whatever he had to do he did it with a will.
@@ Line 1832: / Line 1832: @@
  (24) See Diod. xiv. 98; Hicks, 72; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. p. 397;
-    Isoc. "Evag." 54-57; Paus. I. iii. 1; Lys. "de bon. Ar." 20; Dem.
+Isoc. "Evag." 54-57; Paus. I. iii. 1; Lys. "de bon. Ar." 20; Dem.
-    p. 161.
+p. 161.
 B.C. 389. (25) And now the Athenians, fully impressed with the belief that their rivals were laying the basis of a new naval supremacy, despatched Thrasybulus the Steirian to check them, with a fleet of forty sail. That officer set sail, but abstained from bringing aid to Rhodes, and for good reasons. In Rhodes the Lacedaemonian party had hold of the fortress, and would be out of reach of his attack, especially as Teleutias was close at hand to aid them with his fleet. On the other hand, his own friends ran no danger of succumbing to the enemy, as they held the cities and were numerically much stronger, and they had established their superiority in the field. Consequently he made for the Hellespont, where, in the absence of any rival power, he hoped to achieve some stroke of good fortune for his city. Thus, in the first place, having detected the rivalries existing between Medocus, (26) the king of the Odrysians, and Seuthes, (27) the rival ruler of the seaboard, he reconciled them to each other, and made them friends and allies of Athens; in the belief that if he secured their friendship the Hellenic cities on the Thracian coast would show greater proclivity to Athens. Such being the happy state of affairs not only in Europe but as regards the states in Asia also, thanks to the friendly attitude of the king to his fellow-citizens, he sailed into Byzantium and sold the tithe-duty levied on vessels arriving from the Euxine. By another stroke he converted the oligarchy of Byzantium into a democracy. The result of this was that the Byzantine demos (28) were no longer sorry to see as vast a concourse of Athenians in their city as possible. Having so done, and having further won the friendship of the men of Calchedon, he set sail south of the Hellespont. Arrived at Lesbos, he found all the cities devoted to Lacedaemon with the exception of Mytilene. He was therefore loth to attack any of the former until he had organised a force within the latter. This force consisted of four hundred hoplites, furnished from his own vessels, and a corps of exiles from the different cities who had sought shelter in Mytilene; to which he added a stout contingent, the pick of the Mytileneian citizens themselves. He stirred the ardour of the several contingents by suitable appeals: representing to the men of Mytilene that by their capture of the cities they would at once become the chiefs and patrons of Lesbos; to the exiles he made it appear that if they would but unite to attack each several city in turn, they might all reckon on their particular restoration; while he needed only to remind his own warriors that the acquisition of Lesbos meant not only the attachment of a friendly city, but the discovery of a mine of wealth. The exhortations ended and the contingents organised, he advanced against Methymna.
@@ Line 1844: / Line 1844: @@
  (28) For the varying fortunes of the democrats at Byzantium in 408
-    B.C. and 405 B.C., see above, ("Hell." I. iii. 18; II. ii. 2); for
+B.C. and 405 B.C., see above, ("Hell." I. iii. 18; II. ii. 2); for
-    the present moment, 390-389 B.C., see Demosth. "c. Lept." 475; for
+the present moment, 390-389 B.C., see Demosth. "c. Lept." 475; for
-    the admission of Byzantium into the new naval confederacy in 378
+the admission of Byzantium into the new naval confederacy in 378
-    B.C., see Hicks, 68; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 19; and for B.C. 363,
+B.C., see Hicks, 68; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 19; and for B.C. 363,
-    Isocr. "Phil." 53; Diod. xv. 79; and for its commercial
+Isocr. "Phil." 53; Diod. xv. 79; and for its commercial
-    prosperity, Polyb. iv. 38-47.
+prosperity, Polyb. iv. 38-47.
 Therimachus, who chanced to be the Lacedaemonian governor at the time, on hearing of the meditated attack of Thrasybulus, had taken a body of marines from his vessels, and, aided by the citizens of Methymna themselves, along with all the Mytileneian exiles to be found in that place, advanced to meet the enemy on their borders. A battle was fought and Therimachus was slain, a fate shared by several of the exiles of his party.
@@ Line 1862: / Line 1862: @@
  (31) "Thus perished the citizen to whom, more than any one else,
-    Athens owed not only her renovated democracy, but its wise,
+Athens owed not only her renovated democracy, but its wise,
-    generous, and harmonious working, after renovation."—Grote, "H.
+generous, and harmonious working, after renovation."—Grote, "H.
-    G." ix. 509.
+G." ix. 509.
  (32) For this statesman, see Demosth. "c. Timocr." 742; Andoc. "de
-    Myst." 133; Aristot. "Ath. Pol." 41, and Mr. Kenyon's notes ad
+Myst." 133; Aristot. "Ath. Pol." 41, and Mr. Kenyon's notes ad
-    loc.; Aristoph. "Eccles." 102, and the Schol. ad loc.; Diod. xiv.
+loc.; Aristoph. "Eccles." 102, and the Schol. ad loc.; Diod. xiv.
 ; Curtius, "H. G." Eng tr. iv. 280.
 Getting wind of these proceedings, the Athenians, fearing lest the fair foundation laid for them by Thrasybulus in the Hellespont should be ruined, sent out Iphicrates with eight vessels and twelve hundred peltasts. The majority of them (33) consisted of troops which he had commanded at Corinth. In explanation it may be stated that the Argives, when once they had appropriated Corinth and incorporated it with Argos, gave out they had no further need of Iphicrates and his troops; the real fact being that he had put to death some of the partisans of Argos. (34) And so it was he turned his back on Corinth and found himself at home in Athens at the present crisis.
@@ Line 1876: / Line 1876: @@
  (34) See Grote, "H. G." ix. p. 491 note. The "Argolising" or philo-
-    Argeian party, as opposed to the philo-Laconian party. See above,
+Argeian party, as opposed to the philo-Laconian party. See above,
-    "Hell." IV. iv. 6.
+"Hell." IV. iv. 6.
 B.C. 389-388. When Iphicrates first reached the Chersonese he and Anaxibius carried on war against each other by the despatch of guerilla or piratic bands across the straits. But as time wore on, information reached him of the departure of Anaxibius to Antandrus, accompanied by his mercenaries and his own bodyguard of Laconians and two hundred Abydenian hoplites. Hearing further that Anaxibius had won the friendly adhesion of Antandrus, Iphicrates conjectured that after establishing a garrison in that place he would make the best of his way back, if only to bring the Abydenians home again. He therefore crossed in the night, selecting a desert point on the Abydene coast, from which he scaled the hills above the town and planted himself in ambuscade within their folds. The triremes which brought him across had orders at break of day to coast up northwards along the Chersonese, which would suggest the notion that he was only out on one of his customary voyages to collect money. The sequel more than fulfilled his expectations. Anaxibius began his return march, and if report speaks truly, he did so notwithstanding that the victims were against his marching that day; contemptuously disregarding the warning, and satisfied that his march lay all along through a friendly country and was directed to a friendly city. Besides which, those whom he met assured him that Iphicrates was off on a voyage to Proconnesus: hence the unusual absence of precaution on the march. On his side Iphicrates saw the chance, but, so long as the troops of Anaxibius lingered on the level bottoms, refused to spring from his lair, waiting for the moment when the Abydenian division in the van was safely landed in the plain of Cremaste, at the point where the gold mines stand; the main column following on the downward slope, and Anaxibius with his Laconians just beginning the descent. At that instant Iphicrates set his ambuscade in motion, and dashed against the Spartan at full speed. The latter quickly discerned that there was no hope of escape as he scanned the long straggling line of his attenuated column. The troops in advance, he was persuaded, would never be able to come back to his aid up the face of that acclivity; besides which, he observed the utter bewilderment of the whole body at sight of the ambuscade. He therefore turned to those next him, and spoke as follows: "Sirs, it is good for me to die on this spot, where honour bids me; but for you, sirs, yonder your path lies, haste and save yourselves (35) before the enemy can close with us." As the words died on his lips he took from the hands of his attendant shield-bearer his heavy shield, and there, at his post, unflinchingly fought and fell; not quite alone, for by his side faithfully lingered a favourite youth, and of the Lacedaemonian governors who had rallied to Abydos from their several cities yet other twelve fought and fell beside the pair. The rest fled, dropping down one by one as the army pursued them to the walls of the city. The death-roll amounted to something like fifty hoplites of the Abydenians, and of the rest two hundred. After this exploit Iphicrates returned to the Chersonese. (36)
@@ Line 1891: / Line 1891: @@
  (1) Or, "determined to let slip the hounds of war;" or, more
-    prosaically, "issued letters of marque." See Grote, "H. G." ix.
+prosaically, "issued letters of marque." See Grote, "H. G." ix.
 .
  (2) I.e. in Aegina as an {epiteikhisma}.
@@ Line 1899: / Line 1899: @@
  (3) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 518: "The ideal of government as it
-    presented itself to Xenophon was the paternal despotism or
+presented itself to Xenophon was the paternal despotism or
-    something like it," {to ethelonton arkhein}. Cf. "Cyrop." passim,
+something like it," {to ethelonton arkhein}. Cf. "Cyrop." passim,
-    "Heiro," and his various other compositions.
+"Heiro," and his various other compositions.
 The new admiral Hierax, taking with him the larger portion of the fleet, set sail once more for Rhodes. He left behind him twelve vessels in Aegina under his vice-admiral Gorgopas, who was now installed as governor of that island. In consequence of this chance the Athenian troops inside the fortres were more blockaded than the Aeginetans themselves, so much so that a vote was passed by the Athenian assembly, in obedience to which a large fleet was manned, and the garrison, after four months' sojourn in Aegina, were brought back. But this was no sooner done than they began to be harassed by Gorgopas and the privateers again. To operate aganst these they fitted out thirteen vessels, choosing Eunomus as admiral in command. Hierax was still in Rhodes when the Lacedaemonians sent out a new admiral, Antalcidas; they believed that they could not find a better mode of gratifying Tiribazus. Accordingly Antalcidas, after visiting Aegina in order to pick up the vessels under Gorgopas, set sail for Ephesus. At this point he sent back Gorgopas with his twelve ships to Aegina, and appointed his vice-admiral Nicolochus to command the remainder of the fleet.
@@ Line 1908: / Line 1908: @@
  (4) And among the rest Iphicrates and Diotimus. See below, S. 25;
-    above, IV. viii. 39.
+above, IV. viii. 39.
 Meanwhile Gorgopas, returning from Ephesus, fell in with the Athenian admiral Eunomus, and, shunning an encounter at the moment, sought shelter in Aegina, which he reached a little before sunset; and at once disembarking his men, set them down to their evening meal; whilst Eunomus on his side, after hanging back for a little while, sailed away. Night fell, and the Athenian, showing the customary signal light to prevent his squadron straggling, led the way in the darkness. Gorgopas instantly got his men on board again, and, taking the lantern for his guide, followed the Athenians, craftily lagging behind a little space, so as not to show himself or raise any suspicion of his presence. In place of the usual cry the boatswains timed the rowers by a clink of stones, and silently the oars slid, feathering through the waves (5); and just when the squadron of Eunomus was touching the coast, off Cape Zoster (6) in Attica, the Spartan sounded the bugle-note for the charge. Some of Eunomus's vessels were in the act of discharging their crews, others were still getting to their moorings, whilst others were as yet only bearing down to land. The engagement was fought by the light of the moon, and Gorgopas captured four triremes, which he tied astern, and so set sail with his prizes in tow towards Aegina. The rest of the Athenian squadron made their escape into the harbour of Piraeus.
  (5) Lit. "the boatswains employing a clink of stones and a sliding
-    motion of the oars."
+motion of the oars."
  (6) I.e. "Cape Girdle," mod. Cape Karvura. See Tozer, "Geog. of
-    Greece," pp. 78, 372.
+Greece," pp. 78, 372.
 It was after these events that Chabrias (7) commenced his voyage to Cyprus, bringing relief to Evagoras. His force consisted at first of eight hundred light troops and ten triremes, but was further increased by other vessels from Athens and a body of heavy infantry. Thus reinforced, the admiral chose a night and landed in Aegina; and secreted himself in ambuscade with his light troops in hollow ground some way beyond the temple of Heracles. At break of day, as prearranged, the Athenian hoplites made their appearance under command of Demaenetus, and began mounting up between two and three miles (8) beyond the Kerakleion at Tripurgia, as it is called. The news soon reached Gorgopas, who sallied out to the rescue with the Aeginetans and the marines of his vessels, being further accompanied by eight Spartans who happened to be with him. Not content with these he issued orders inviting any of the ships' crews, who were free men, to join the relief party. A large number of these sailors responded. They armed themselves as best they could, and the advance commenced. When the vanguard were well past the ambuscade, Chabrias and his men sprang up from their hiding-place, and poured a volley of javelins and stones upon the enemy. At the same moment the hoplites, who had disembarked, (9) were advancing, so that the Spartan vanguard, in the absence of anything like collective action, were speedily cut down, and among them fell Gorgopas with the Lacedaemonians. At their fall the rest of course turned and fled. One hundred and fifty Aeginetans were numbered among the slain, while the loss incurred by the foreigners, metics, and sailors who had joined the relief party, reached a total of two hundred. After this the Athenians sailed the sea as freely as in the times of actual peace. Nor would anything induce the sailors to row a single stroke for Eteonicus—even under pressure—since he had no pay to give.
  (7) According to Diod. xiv. 92, Chabrias had been for some time in
-    Corinth. See also above, IV. viii. 24.
+Corinth. See also above, IV. viii. 24.
  (8) Lit. "about sixteen stades."
  (9) Or, reading {oi anabebekotes}, "who had scaled the height." See
-    Hartman, "Anal. Xen." p. 364.
+Hartman, "Anal. Xen." p. 364.
 Subsequently the Lacedaemonians despatched Teleutias once again to take command of the squadron, and when the sailors saw it was he who had come, they were overjoyed. He summoned a meeting and addressed them thus: "Soldiers, I am back again, but I bring with me no money. Yet if God be willing, and your zeal flag not, I will endeavour to supply you with provisions without stint. Be well assured, as often as I find myself in command of you, I have but one prayer—that your lives may be spared no less than mine; and as for the necessaries of existence, perhaps it would astonish you if I said I would rather you should have them than I. Yet by the gods I swear I would welcome two days' starvation in order to spare you one. Was not my door open in old days to every comer? Open again it shall stand now; and so it shall be; where your own board overflows, you shall look in and mark the luxury of your general; but if at other times you see him bearing up against cold and heat and sleepless nights, you must apply the lesson to yourselves and study to endure those evils. I do not bid you do aught of this for self-mortification's sake, but that you may derive some after-blessing from it. Soldiers, let Lacedaemon, our own mother-city, be to you an example. Her good fortune is reputed to stand high. That you know; and you know too, that she purchased her glory and her greatness not by faint-heartedness, but by choosing to suffer pain and incur dangers in the day of need. 'Like city,' I say, 'like citizens.' You, too, as I can bear you witness, have been in times past brave; but to-day must we strive to be better than ourselves. So shall we share our pains without repining, and when fortune smiles, mingle our joys; for indeed the sweetest thing of all surely is to flatter no man, Hellene or Barbarian, for the sake of hire; we will suffice to ourselves, and from a source to which honour pre-eminently invites us; since, I need not remind you, abundance won from the enemy in war furnishes forth not bodily nutrition only, but a feast of glory the wide world over."
@@ Line 1939: / Line 1939: @@
  (12) See Grote ("H. G." ix. 523): cf. Thuc. ii. 94, the attempt of
-    Brasidas on the port of Megara. For the wealth of Piraeus, Grote
+Brasidas on the port of Megara. For the wealth of Piraeus, Grote
-    "H. G." ix. 351. See below, "Pol. Ath." i. 17; "Rev." iii. 13.
+"H. G." ix. 351. See below, "Pol. Ath." i. 17; "Rev." iii. 13.
 As to the Athenians, meanwhile, some of them who got wind of what was happening rushed from indoors outside to see what the commotion meant, others from the streets home to get their arms, and others again were off to the city with the news. The whole of Athens rallied to the rescue at that instant, heavy infantry and cavalry alike, the apprehension being that Piraeus was taken. But the Spartan sent off the captured vessels to Aegina, telling off three or four of his triremes to convoy them thither; with the rest he followed along the coast of Attica, and emerging in seemingly innocent fashion from the harbour, captured a number of fishing smacks, and passage boats laden with passengers crossing to Piraeus from the islands; and finally, on reaching Sunium he captured some merchantmen laden with corn or other merchandise. After these performances he sailed back to Aegina, where he sold his prizes, and with the proceeds was able to provide his troops with a month's pay, and for the future was free to cruise about and make what reprisals chance cast in his way. By such a procedure he was able to support a full quota of mariners on board his squadron, and procured to himself the prompt and enthusiastic service of his troops.
@@ Line 1953: / Line 1953: @@
  (15) His name occurs on the famous stele of the new Athenian
-    confederacy, B.C. 378. See Hicks, 81; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 17;
+confederacy, B.C. 378. See Hicks, 81; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 17;
-    Demos. "de. Cor." p. 301; Arist. "Rhet." ii. 23; Demos. "c.
+Demos. "de. Cor." p. 301; Arist. "Rhet." ii. 23; Demos. "c.
-    Timocr." 742.
+Timocr." 742.
 Presently the Syracusan squadron of twenty vessels joined him, and again another squadron from Ionia, or rather so much of that district as lay under the control of Tiribazus. The full quota of the contingent was further made up from the territory of Ariobarzanes (which whom Antalcidas kept up a friendship of long standing), in the absence of Pharnabazus, who by this date had already been summoned up country on the occasion of his marriage with the king's daughter. With this fleet, which, from whatever sources derived, amounted to more than eighty sail, Antalcidas ruled the seas, and was in a position not only to cut off the passage of vessels bound to Athens from the Euxine, but to convoy them into the harbours of Sparta's allies.
@@ Line 1962: / Line 1962: @@
  (16) See, at this point, Grote on the financial condition of Athens
-    and the "Theorikon," "H. G." ix. 525.
+and the "Theorikon," "H. G." ix. 525.
  (17) Or, "that give-and-take of hard knocks."
@@ Line 1981: / Line 1981: @@
  (23) {oi sphageis}, a party catchword (in reference to the incidents
-    narrated above, "Hell." IV. iv. 2). See below, {ton bareon
+narrated above, "Hell." IV. iv. 2). See below, {ton bareon
-    demagogon}, "Hell." V. ii. 7; {oi kedomenoi tes Peloponnesou},
+demagogon}, "Hell." V. ii. 7; {oi kedomenoi tes Peloponnesou},
-    "Hell." VII. v. 1; above, {oi sphageis}, "Hell." III. ii. 27, of
+"Hell." VII. v. 1; above, {oi sphageis}, "Hell." III. ii. 27, of
-    the philo-Laconian oligarchs in Elis. See Dem. "c. Lept." 473.
+the philo-Laconian oligarchs in Elis. See Dem. "c. Lept." 473.
 Now that the transactions were complete, and the states were bound by their oaths to abide by the peace sent down to them by the king, the immediate result was a general disarmament, military and naval forces being alike disbanded; and so it was that the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, with their allies, found themselves in the enjoyment of peace for the first time since the period of hostilities subsequent to the demolition of the walls of Athens. From a condition which, during the war, can only be described as a sort of even balance with their antagonists, the Lacedaemonians now emerged; and reached a pinnacle of glory consequent upon the Peace of Antalcidas, (24) so called. As guarantors of the peace presented by Hellas to the king, and as administrators personally of the autonomy of the states, they had added Corinth to their alliance; they had obtained the independence of the states of Boeotia at the expense of Thebes, (25) which meant the gratification of an old ambition; and lastly, by calling out the ban in case the Argives refused to evacuate Corinth, they had put a stop to the appropriation of that city by the Argives.
  (24) Or, more correctly, the peace "under," or "at the date of," {ep
-    'Antalkidou}. See Grote, "H. G." x. 1, note 1.
+'Antalkidou}. See Grote, "H. G." x. 1, note 1.
  (25) Or, "they had made the states of Boeotia independent of Thebes."
-    See Grote, "H. G." x. 44.
+See Grote, "H. G." x. 44.
 B.C. 386. Indeed the late events had so entirely shaped themselves in conformity with the wishes of the Lacedaemonians, that they determined to go a step farther and chastise those of their allies who either had borne hard on them during the war, or otherwise had shown themselves less favourable to Lacedaemon than to her enemies. (1) Chastisement was not all; they must lay down such secure foundations for the future as should render the like disloyalty impossible again. (2) As the first step towards this policy they sent a dictatorial message to the Mantinaeans, and bade them raze their fortifications, on the sole ground that they could not otherwise trust them not to side with their enemies. Many things in their conduct, they alleged, from time to time, had not escaped their notice: their frequent despatches of corn to the Argives while at war with Lacedaemon; at other times their refusal to furnish contingents during a campaign, on the pretext of some holy truce or other; (3) or if they did reluctantly take the field—the miserable inefficiency of their service. "But, more than that," they added, "we note the jealousy with which you eye any good fortune which may betide our state; the extravagant pleasure (4) you exhibit at the sudden descent of some disaster."
  (1) See Hartman, "An. Xen." p. 367 foll.; Busolt, "Die Lak." p. 129
-    foll.
+foll.
  (2) Or, "they determined to chastise... and reduce to such order
-    that disloyalty should be impossible."
+that disloyalty should be impossible."
  (3) See above, "Hell." IV. ii. 16.
@@ Line 2009: / Line 2009: @@
  (5) As to this point, see Curtius, "H. G." V. v. (iv. 305 note, Eng.
-    trans.) There appears to be some confusion. According to Thuc. v.
+trans.) There appears to be some confusion. According to Thuc. v.
 , "When the Argives deserted the alliance  (with Mantinea,
-    Athens, and Elis, making a new treaty of alliance with Lacedaemon
+Athens, and Elis, making a new treaty of alliance with Lacedaemon
-    for fifty years) the Mantineans held out for a time, but without
+for fifty years) the Mantineans held out for a time, but without
-    the Argives they were helpless, and so they came to terms with the
+the Argives they were helpless, and so they came to terms with the
-    Lacedaemonians, and gave up their claims to supremacy over the
+Lacedaemonians, and gave up their claims to supremacy over the
-    cities in Arcadia, which had been subject to them.... These
+cities in Arcadia, which had been subject to them.... These
-    changes were effected at the close of winter  (418 B.C.) towards
+changes were effected at the close of winter  (418 B.C.) towards
-    the approach of spring  (417 B.C.), and so ended the fourteenth
+the approach of spring  (417 B.C.), and so ended the fourteenth
-    year of the war." Jowett. According to Diod. xv. 5, the
+year of the war." Jowett. According to Diod. xv. 5, the
-    Lacedaemonians attacked Mantinea within two years after the Peace
+Lacedaemonians attacked Mantinea within two years after the Peace
-    of Antalcidas, apparently in 386 B.C. According to Thuc. v. 82,
+of Antalcidas, apparently in 386 B.C. According to Thuc. v. 82,
-    and "C. I. A. 50, in B.C. 417 Argos had reverted to her alliance
+and "C. I. A. 50, in B.C. 417 Argos had reverted to her alliance
-    with Athens, and an attempt to connect the city with the sea by
+with Athens, and an attempt to connect the city with the sea by
-    long walls was made, certain other states in Peloponnese being
+long walls was made, certain other states in Peloponnese being
-    privy to the project" (Thuc. v. 83)—an attempt frustrated by
+privy to the project" (Thuc. v. 83)—an attempt frustrated by
-    Lacedaemon early in B.C. 416. Is it possible that a treaty of
+Lacedaemon early in B.C. 416. Is it possible that a treaty of
-    alliance between Mantinea and Lacedaemon for thirty years was
+alliance between Mantinea and Lacedaemon for thirty years was
-    formally signed in B.C. 416?
+formally signed in B.C. 416?
  (6) I.e. Archidamus.
@@ Line 2038: / Line 2038: @@
  (8) I.e. the Ophis. See Leake, "Morea," III. xxiv. p. 71; Pausan.
-    "Arcad." 8; Grote, "H. G." x. 48, note 2.
+"Arcad." 8; Grote, "H. G." x. 48, note 2.
  (9) Or, "in the circuit of the wall."
  (10) See Diod. xv. 5; Strab. viii. 337; Ephor. fr. 138, ed. Did.; and
-    Grote, "H. G." x. 51.
+Grote, "H. G." x. 51.
  (11) Or, "holders of properties." The historian is referring not to
-    the population at large, I think, but to the rich landowners, i.e.
+the population at large, I think, but to the rich landowners, i.e.
-    the {Beltistoi}, and is not so partial as Grote supposes ("H. G."
+the {Beltistoi}, and is not so partial as Grote supposes ("H. G."
-    x. 51 foll.)
+x. 51 foll.)
  (12) Technically {zenagoi}, Lacedaemonian officers who commanded the
-    contingents of the several allies. See above, "Hell." III. v. 7;
+contingents of the several allies. See above, "Hell." III. v. 7;
-    Thuc. ii. 76; and Arnold's note ad loc.; also C. R. Kennedy, "ap.
+Thuc. ii. 76; and Arnold's note ad loc.; also C. R. Kennedy, "ap.
-    Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities," s.v.; Muller, "Dorians,"
+Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities," s.v.; Muller, "Dorians,"
-    ii. 250, Eng. tr.; Busolt, "Die Lak." p. 125.
+ii. 250, Eng. tr.; Busolt, "Die Lak." p. 125.
 B.C. 384-383. To pass on. The party in exile from Phlius, seeing the severe scrutiny to which the behaviour of the allies of Lacedaemon during the late war was being subjected, felt that their opportunity had come. They repaired to Lacedaemon, and laid great emphasis on the fact that, so long as they had been in power themselves at home, "their city used to welcome Lacedaemonians within her walls, and her citizens flocked to the campaign under their leadership; but no sooner had they been driven into exile than a change had come. The men of Phlius now flatly refused to follow Lacedaemon anywhere; the Lacedaemonians, alone of all men living, must not be admitted within their gates." After listening to their story, the ephors agreed that the matter demanded attention. Then they sent to the state of Phlius a message to this effect; the Phliasian exiles were friends of Lacedaemon; nor did it appear that they owed their exile to any misdoing. Under the circumstances, Lacedaemon claimed their recall from banishment, not by force, but as a concession voluntarily granted. When the matter was thus stated, the Phliasians were not without alarm that an army might much upon Phlius, and a party inside the town might admit the enemy within the walls; for within the walls of Phlius were to be found many who, either as blood relations or for other reasons, were partisans of the exiles, and as so often happens, at any rate in the majority of states, there was a revolutionary party who, in their ardour to reform, would welcome gladly their restoration. Owing to fears of this character, a formal decree was passed: to welcome home the exiles, and to restore to them all undisputed property, the purchasers of the same being indemnified from the treasury of the state; and in the event of any ambiguity or question arising between the parties, the same to be determined before a court of justice. Such was the position of affairs in connection with the Phliasian exiles at the date in question.
@@ Line 2067: / Line 2067: @@
  (15) For Amyntas's reign, see Diod. xiv. 89, 92; xv. 19; Isocr.
-    "Panegyr." 126, "Archid." 46.
+"Panegyr." 126, "Archid." 46.
 "The Olynthians have actually sent to ourselves and to the men of Apollonia a joint embassy, warning us of their intention to attack us if we refuse to present ourselves at Olynthus with a military contingent. Now, for our parts, men of Lacedaemon, we desire nothing better than to abide by our ancestral laws and institutions, to be free and independent citizens; but if aid from without is going to fail us, we too must follow the rest and coalesce with the Olynthians. Why, even now they muster no less than eight hundred (16) heavy infantry and a considerably larger body of light infantry, while their cavalry, when we have joined them, will exceed one thousand men. At the date of our departure we left embassies from Athens and Boeotia in Olynthus, and we were told that the Olynthians themselves had passed a formal resolution to return the compliment. They were to send an embassy on their side to the aforesaid states to treat of an alliance. And yet, if the power of the Athenians and the Thebans is to be further increased by such an accession of strength, look to it," the speaker added, "whether hereafter you will find things so easy to manage in that quarter.
@@ Line 2078: / Line 2078: @@
  (17) See Hicks, 74, for a treaty between Amyntas and the Chalcidians,
-    B.C. 390-389: "The article of the treaty between Amyntas III.,
+B.C. 390-389: "The article of the treaty between Amyntas III.,
-    father of Philip, and the Chalcidians, about timber, etc., reminds
+father of Philip, and the Chalcidians, about timber, etc., reminds
-    us that South Macedonia, the Chalcidic peninsula, and Amphipolis
+us that South Macedonia, the Chalcidic peninsula, and Amphipolis
-    were the chief sources whence Athens derived timber for her
+were the chief sources whence Athens derived timber for her
-    dockyards." Thuc. iv. 108; Diod. xx. 46; Boeckh, "P. E. A." p.
+dockyards." Thuc. iv. 108; Diod. xx. 46; Boeckh, "P. E. A." p.
 ; and for a treaty between Athens and Amyntas, B.C. 382, see
-    Hicks, 77; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 397, 423.
+Hicks, 77; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 397, 423.
 "In making these assertions, we are but uttering remarks ten thousand times repeated in the democracy of Olynthus. And as to their confident spirit, who shall attempt to describe it? It is God, for aught I know, who, with the growth of a new capacity, gives increase also to the proud thoughts and vast designs of humanity. For ourselves, men of Lacedaemon and of the allied states, our task is completed. We have played our parts in announcing to you how things stand there. To you it is left to determine whether what we have described is worthy of your concern. One only thing further you ought to recognise: the power we have spoken of as great is not as yet invincible, for those states which are involuntary participants in the citizenship of Olynthus will, in prospect of any rival power appearing in the field, speedily fall away. On the contrary, let them be once closely knit and welded together by the privileges of intermarriage and reciprocal rights of holding property in land—which have already become enactments; let them discover that it is a gain to them to follow in the wake of conquerors (just as the Arcadians, (18) for instance, find it profitable to march in your ranks, whereby they save their own property and pillage their neighbours'); let these things come to pass, and perhaps you may find the knot no longer so easy to unloose."
  (18) For the point of the comparison, see Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov."
-    ch. iv. "Real nature of the Olynthian scheme," pp. 190 foll., and
+ch. iv. "Real nature of the Olynthian scheme," pp. 190 foll., and
-    note 2, p. 197; also Grote, "H. G." x. 67 foll., 278 foll.
+note 2, p. 197; also Grote, "H. G." x. 67 foll., 278 foll.
 At the conclusion of this address, the Lacedaemonians requested the allies to speak, bidding them give their joint advice as to the best course to be pursued in the interests of Peloponnese and the allies. Thereupon many members, and especially those who wished to gratify the Lacedaemonians, agreed in counselling active measures; and it was resolved that the states should severally send contingents to form a total of ten thousand men. Proposals were also made to allow any state, so wishing, to give money instead of men, at the rate of three Aeginetan obols (19) a day per man; or where the contingent consisted of cavalry, the pay given for one horseman was to be the equivalent to that of four hoplites; while, in the event of any defaulting in service, the Lacedaemonians should be allowed to mulct the said state of a stater per man per diem. These resolutions were passed, and the deputies from Acanthus rose again. They argued that, though excellent, these resolutions were not of a nature to be rapidly carried into effect. Would it not be better, they asked, pending the mobilisation of the troops, to despatch an officer at once in command of a force from Lacedaemon and the other states, not too large to start immediately. The effect would be instantaneous, for the states which had not yet given in their adhesion to Olynthus would be brought to a standstill, and those already forcibly enrolled would be shaken in their alliance. These further resolutions being also passed, the Lacedaemonians despatched Eudamidas, accompanied by a body of neodamodes, with perioeci and Sciritae, (20) to the number of two thousand odd. Eudamidas lost no time in setting out, having obtained leave from the ephors for his brother Phoebidas to follow later with the remainder of the troops assigned to him. Pushing on himself to the Thracian territory, he set about despatching garrisons to various cities at their request. He also secured the voluntary adhesion of Potidaea, although already a member of the Olynthian alliance; and this town now served as his base of operations for carrying on war on a scale adapted to his somewhat limited armament.
  (19) I.e. "rather more than sixpence a day for a hoplite, and two
-    shillings for a horseman." "The Aeginetan stater weighed about 196
+shillings for a horseman." "The Aeginetan stater weighed about 196
-    grains, rather more than two of our shillings, and was divided
+grains, rather more than two of our shillings, and was divided
-    into two drachms of 98 grains, each of which contained six obols
+into two drachms of 98 grains, each of which contained six obols
-    of about 16 grains each." See Percy Gardner, "Types of Greek
+of about 16 grains each." See Percy Gardner, "Types of Greek
-    Coins," "Hist. Int." p. 8; Jowett, note to Thuc. III. lxx. 4, vol.
+Coins," "Hist. Int." p. 8; Jowett, note to Thuc. III. lxx. 4, vol.
-    i. pp. 201, 202.
+i. pp. 201, 202.
  (20) Or, "new citizens, provincials, and Sciritae."
@@ Line 2107: / Line 2107: @@
  (21) See Grote, "H. G." vol. x. p. 80: "We have little or no
-    information respecting the government of Thebes," etc. The "locus
+information respecting the government of Thebes," etc. The "locus
-    classicus" seems to be Plut. "de Genio Socratis." See Freeman, op.
+classicus" seems to be Plut. "de Genio Socratis." See Freeman, op.
-    cit. ch. iv. S. 2, "Of the Boeotian League," pp. 154-184; and, in
+cit. ch. iv. S. 2, "Of the Boeotian League," pp. 154-184; and, in
-    reference to the seizure of the Kadmeia, p. 170.
+reference to the seizure of the Kadmeia, p. 170.
 The imagination of Phoebidas was kindled as he listened to the tempting proposal. To do a brilliant deed was far dearer to him than life; (22) on the other hand, he had no reasoning capacity, and would seem to have been deficient altogether in sound sense. The consent of the Spartan secured, Leontiades bade him set his troops in motion, as if everything were ready for his departure. "And anon, when the hour is come," added the Theban, "I will be with you, and show you the way myself."
@@ Line 2119: / Line 2119: @@
  (23) An ancient festival held by women in honour of Demeter and
-    Persephone ({to Thesmophoro}), who gave the first impulse to civil
+Persephone ({to Thesmophoro}), who gave the first impulse to civil
-    society, lawful marriage, etc. See Herod. ii. 171; Diod. v. 5.
+society, lawful marriage, etc. See Herod. ii. 171; Diod. v. 5.
 Those who were privy to the affair, it will be understood, presented themselves, and the orders were promptly carried out. Of those not in the secret, but opposed to the party of Leontiades, some sought refuge at once outside the city in terror for their lives; whilst the rest, albeit they retired to their houses at first, yet when they found that Ismenias was imprisoned in the Cadmeia, and further delay seemed dangerous, retreated to Athens. These were the men who shared the views of Androcleidas and Ismenias, and they must have numbered about three hundred.
@@ Line 2129: / Line 2129: @@
  (25) "Select Committee." See "Hell." II. iv. 38; and below, VI. iii.
 .
  (26) See above, "Hell." III. v. 4.
@@ Line 2138: / Line 2138: @@
  (28) See Grote, "H. G." vol. x. p. 85; Diod. xv. 20; Plut. "Pelop."
-    vi.; ib. "de Genio Socratis," V. vii. 6 A; Cor. Nep. "Pelop." 1.
+vi.; ib. "de Genio Socratis," V. vii. 6 A; Cor. Nep. "Pelop." 1.
  (29) Lit. "Dicasts."
  (30) Or, "that he was a magnificent malefactor." See Grote, "H. G."
-    vol. ix. p. 420, "the great wicked man" (Clarendon's epithets for
+vol. ix. p. 420, "the great wicked man" (Clarendon's epithets for
-    Cromwell); Plato, "Meno." 90 B; "Republic," 336 A, "a rich and
+Cromwell); Plato, "Meno." 90 B; "Republic," 336 A, "a rich and
-    mighty man." See also Plut. "Ages." xxxii. 2, Agesilaus's
+mighty man." See also Plut. "Ages." xxxii. 2, Agesilaus's
-    exclamation at sight of Epaminondas, {o tou megalopragmonos
+exclamation at sight of Epaminondas, {o tou megalopragmonos
-    anthropou}.
+anthropou}.
 B.C. 382. As a result of these transactions the Lacedaemonians pressed on the combined campaign against Olynthus with still greater enthusiasm. They not only set out Teleutias as governor, but by their united efforts furnished him with an aggregate army of ten thousand men. (31) They also sent despatches to the allied states, calling upon them to support Teleutias in accordance with the resolution of the allies. All the states were ready to display devotion to Teleutias, and to do him service, since he was a man who never forgot a service rendered him. Nor was Thebes an exception; for was not the governor a brother of Agesilaus? Thebes, therefore, was enthusiastic in sending her contribution of heavy infantry and cavalry. The Spartan conducted his march slowly and surely, taking the utmost pains to avoid injuring his friends, and to collect as large a force as possible. He also sent a message in advance to Amyntas, begging him, if he were truly desirous of recovering his empire, to raise a body of mercenaries, and to distribute sums of money among the neighbouring kings with a view to their alliance. Nor was that all. He sent also to Derdas, the ruler of Elimia, pointing out to him that the Olynthians, having laid at their feet the great power of Macedonia, would certainly not suffer his lesser power to escape unless they were stayed up by force in arms in their career of insolence. Proceeding thus, by the time he had reached the territory of the allied powers he was at the head of a very considerable army. At Potidaea he halted to make the necessary disposition of his troops, and thence advanced into the territory of the enemy. As he approached the hostile city, he abstained from felling and firing alike, being persuaded that to do so was only to create difficulties in his own path, whether advancing or retreating; it would be time enough, when he retired from Olynthus, to fell the trees and lay them as a barrier in the path of any assailant in the rear.
  (31) Lit. "sent out along with him the combined force of ten thousand
-    men," in ref to S. 20 above.
+men," in ref to S. 20 above.
 Being now within a mile or so (32) of the city he came to a halt. The left division was under his personal command, for it suited him to advance in a line opposite the gate from which the enemy sallied; the other division of the allies stretched away to the right. The cavalry were thus distributed: the Laconians, Thebans, and all the Macedonians present were posted on the right. With his own division he kept Derdas and his troopers, four hundred strong. This he did partly out of genuine admiration for this body of horse, and partly as a mark of courtesy to Derdas, which should make him not regret his coming.
@@ Line 2171: / Line 2171: @@
  (3) See, for the same sentiment, "Horsemanship," vi. 13. See also
-    Plut. "Pel." and "Marc." (Clough, ii. p. 278).
+Plut. "Pel." and "Marc." (Clough, ii. p. 278).
 When the news of what had happened reached Lacedaemon it was agreed, after due deliberation, that a force should be sent, and of no trifling description, if only to quench the victors' pride, and to prevent their own achievements from becoming null and void. In this determination they sent out King Agesipolis, as general, attended, like Agesilaus (4) on his Asiatic campaign, by thirty Spartans. (5) Volunteers flocked to his standard. They were partly the pick and flower of the provincials, (6) partly foreigners of the class called Trophimoi, (7) or lastly, bastard sons of Spartans, comely and beautiful of limb, and well versed in the lore of Spartan chivalry. The ranks of this invading force were further swelled by volunteers from the allied states, the Thessalians notably contributing a corps of cavalry. All were animated by the desire of becoming known to Agesipolis, so that even Amyntas and Derdas in zeal of service outdid themselves. With this promise of success Agesipolis marched forward against Olynthus.
@@ Line 2178: / Line 2178: @@
  (5) Lit. "Spartiates." The new army was sent out B.C. 380, according
-    to Grote.
+to Grote.
  (6) Lit. "beautiful and brave of the Perioeci."
  (7) Xenophon's own sons educated at Sparta would belong to this class.
-    See Grote, "H. G." x. 91.
+See Grote, "H. G." x. 91.
 Meanwhile the state of Phlius, complimented by Agesipolis on the amount of the funds contributed by them to his expedition and the celerity with which the money had been raised, and in full belief that while one king was in the field they were secure against the hostile attack of the other (since it was hardly to be expected that both kings should be absent from Sparta at one moment), boldly desisted from doing justice by her lately reinstated citizens. On the one hand, these exiles claimed that points in dispute should be determined before an impartial court of justice; the citizens, on the other, insisted on the claimants submitting the cases for trial in the city itself. And when the latter demurred to that solution, asking "What sort of trial that would be where the offenders were also the judges?" they appealed to deaf ears. Consequently the restored party appealed at Sparta, to prefer a complaint against their city. They were accompanied by other members of the community, who stated that many of the Phliasians themselves besides the appellants recognised the injustice of their treatment. The state of Phlius was indignant at this manouvre, and retaliated by imposing a fine on all who had betaken themselves to Lacedaemon without a mandate from the state. Those who incurred the fine hesitated to return home; they preferred to stay where they were and enforce their views: "It is quite plain now who were the perpetrators of all the violence—the very people who originally drove us into exile, and shut their gates upon Lacedaemon; the confiscators of our property one day, the ruthless opponents of its restoration the next. Who else but they have now brought it about that we should be fined for appearing at Lacedaemon? and for what purpose but to deter any one else for the future from venturing to expose the proceedings at Phlius?" Thus far the appellants. And in good sooth the conduct of the men of Phlius did seem to savour of insolence; so much so that the ephors called out the ban against them.
@@ Line 2208: / Line 2208: @@
  (14) {to politokon}, the citizen army. See above, IV. iv. 19; "Pol.
-    Lac." xi.
+Lac." xi.
 Meanwhile Polybiades had reduced the citizens of Olynthus to the last stage of misery through famine. Unable to supply themselves with corn from their own land, or to import it by sea, they were forced to send an embassy to Lacedaemon to sue for peace. The plenipotentiaries on their arrival accepted articles of agreement by which they bound themselves to have the same friends and the same foes as Lacedaemon, to follow her lead, and to be enrolled among her allies; and so, having taken an oath to abide by these terms, they returned home.
@@ Line 2217: / Line 2217: @@
  (1) Or, "it is of my own subject that I must now speak." For the
-    "peripety," or sudden reversal of circumstances, on which the plot
+"peripety," or sudden reversal of circumstances, on which the plot
-    of the "Hellenica" hinges, see Grote, "H. G." x. 100-108. Cf.
+of the "Hellenica" hinges, see Grote, "H. G." x. 100-108. Cf.
-    Soph. "Oed. Tyr." 450; "Antig." 1066; Thuc. v. 116; "Hellenica
+Soph. "Oed. Tyr." 450; "Antig." 1066; Thuc. v. 116; "Hellenica
-    Essays," "Xenophon," p. 382 foll. This passage is perhaps the key
+Essays," "Xenophon," p. 382 foll. This passage is perhaps the key
-    to the historian's position.
+to the historian's position.
 There was a man named Phyllidas—he was secretary to Archias, that is, to the polemarchs. (2) Beyond his official duties, he had rendered his chief other services, and all apparently in an exemplary fashion. A visit to Athens in pursuance of some business brought this man into contact with a former acquaintance of his, Melon, one of the exiles who had fled for safety to Athens. Melon had various questions to ask touching the sort of tyranny practised by Archias in the exercise of the polemarchy, and by Philip. He soon discovered that affairs at home were still more detestable to Phyllidas than to himself. It only remained to exchange pledges, and to arrange the details of what was to be done. After a certain interval Melon, accompanied by six of the trustiest comrades he could find among his fellow-exiles, set off for Thebes. They were armed with nothing but daggers, and first of all crept into the neighbourhood under cover of night. The whole of the next day they lay concealed in a desert place, and drew near to the city gates in the guise of labourers returning home with the latest comers from the fields. Having got safely within the city, they spent the whole of that night at the house of a man named Charon, and again the next day in the same fashion. Phyllidas meanwhile was busily taken up with the concerns of the polemarchs, who were to celebrate a feast of Aphrodite on going out of office. Amongst other things, the secretary was to take this opportunity of fulfilling an old undertaking, which was the introduction of certain women to the polemarchs. They were to be the most majestic and the most beautiful to be found in Thebes. The polemarchs, on their side (and the character of the men is sufficiently marked), were looking forward to the pleasures of the night with joyful anticipation. Supper was over, and thanks to the zeal with which the master of the ceremonies responded to their mood, they were speedily intoxicated. To their oft-repeated orders to introduce their mistresses, he went out and fetched Melon and the rest, three of them dressed up as ladies and the rest as their attendant maidens. Having brought them into the treasury of the polemarchs' residence, (3) he returned himself and announced to Archias and his friends that the women would not present themselves as long as any of the attendants remained in the room; whereupon they promptly bade all withdraw, and Phyllidas, furnishing the servants with a stoup of wine, sent them off to the house of one of them. And now at last he introduced the mistresses, and led them to their seats beside their respective lords. It was preconcerted that as soon as they were seated they were to throw aside their veils and strike home. That is one version of the death of the polemarchs. (4) According to another, Melon and his friends came in as revellers, and so despatched their victims.
  (2) Lit. "to Archias and his (polemarchs)"; but the Greek phrase does
-    not, as the English would, imply that there were actually more
+not, as the English would, imply that there were actually more
-    than two polemarchs, viz. Archias and Philippus. Hypates and
+than two polemarchs, viz. Archias and Philippus. Hypates and
-    Leontiades belonged to the faction, but were neither of them
+Leontiades belonged to the faction, but were neither of them
-    polemarchs.
+polemarchs.
  (3) Lit. "Polemarcheion."
  (4) Or, "and so, according to the prevalent version of the matter, the
-    polemarchs were slain. But some say that..."
+polemarchs were slain. But some say that..."
 That over, Phyllidas, with three of the band, set off to the house of Leontiades. Arrived there, he knocked on the door, and sent in word that he had a message from the polemarchs. Leontiades, as chance befell, was still reclining in privacy after dinner, and his wife was seated beside him working wools. The fidelity of Phyllidas was well known to him, and he gave orders to admit him at once. They entered, slew Leontiades, and with threats silenced his wife. As they went out they ordered the door to be shut, threatening that if they found it open they would kill every one in the house. And now that this deed was done, Phyllidas, with two of the band, presented himself at the prison, telling the gaoler he had brought a man from the polemarchs to be locked up. The gaoler opened the door, and was at once despatched, and the prisoners were released. These they speedily supplied with arms taken from the armoury in the stoa, and then led them to the Ampheion, (5) and bade them take up a position there, after which they at once made a proclamation calling on all Thebans to come out, horse and foot, seeing that the tyrants were dead. The citizens, indeed, as long as it was night, not knowing whom or what to trust, kept quiet, but when day dawned and revealed what had occurred, the summons was responded to with alacrity, heavy infantry and cavalry under arms alike sallying forth. Horsemen were also despatched by the now restored exiles to the two Athenian generals on the frontier; and they, being aware of the object of the message (promptly responded). (6)
  (5) See plan of Thebes, "Dict. Geog."; Arrian, "Anab." i. 8; Aesch.
-    "Sept. c. Theb." 528.
+"Sept. c. Theb." 528.
  (6) Supply {epeboethoun}. There is a lacuna in the MSS. at this point.
@@ Line 2246: / Line 2246: @@
  (7) This city had been refounded in B.C. 386 (Isocr. "Plat." 20, 21).
-    See Freeman, op. cit. ch. iv. p. 170: "Its restoration implied not
+See Freeman, op. cit. ch. iv. p. 170: "Its restoration implied not
-    only a loss of Theban supremacy, but the actual loss of that
+only a loss of Theban supremacy, but the actual loss of that
-    portion of the existing Theban territory which had formerly formed
+portion of the existing Theban territory which had formerly formed
-    the Plataian district."
+the Plataian district."
 B.C. 378. When the news of these proceedings reached Sparta the first thing the Lacedaemonians did was to put to death the governor, who had abandoned the Cadmeia instead of awaiting reinforcements, and the next was to call out the ban against Thebes. Agesilaus had little taste to head the expedition; he pointed out that he had seen more than forty years' service, (8) and that the exemption from foreign duty applicable to others at that age was applicable on the same principle to the king. Such were the ostensible grounds on which he excused himself from the present expedition, but his real objections lay deeper. He felt certain that if he led the expedition his fellow-citizens would say: "Agesilaus caused all this trouble to the state in order to aid and abet tyrants." Therefore he preferred to leave his countrymen to settle the matter themselves as they liked. Accordingly the ephors, instructed by the Theban exiles who had escaped the late massacres, despatched Cleombrotus. He had not commanded before, and it was the depth of winter.
  (8) And was therefore more than fifty-eight years old at this date.
-    See "Ages." i. 6.
+See "Ages." i. 6.
 Now while Chabrias, with a body of Athenian peltasts, kept watch and ward over the road through Eleutherae, Cleombrotus made his way up by the direct route to Plataeae. His column of light infantry, pushing forward in advance, fell upon the men who had been released from the Theban prison, guarding the summit, to the number of about one hundred and fifty. These, with the exception of one or two who escaped, were cut down by the peltasts, and Cleombrotus descended in person upon Plataeae, which was still friendly to Sparta. Presently he reached Thespiae, and that was the base for an advance upon Cynoscephalae, where he encamped on Theban territory. Here he halted sixteen days, and then again fell back upon Thespiae. At this latter place he now left Sphodrias as governor, with a third portion of each of the contingents of the allies, handing over to him all the moneys he had brought with him from home, with directions to supplement his force with a contingent of mercenaries.
@@ Line 2275: / Line 2275: @@
  (13) Lit. "who, whether as child, boy, or young man"; and for the
-    three stages of growth, see "Pol. Lac." ii. iii. iv.
+three stages of growth, see "Pol. Lac." ii. iii. iv.
  (14) I.e. both in life and in death.
@@ Line 2282: / Line 2282: @@
  (15) For the new Athenian confederacy of Delos of this year, B.C. 378,
-    see "Pol. Lac." xiv. 6; "Rev." v. 6; Diod. xv. 28-30; Plut.
+see "Pol. Lac." xiv. 6; "Rev." v. 6; Diod. xv. 28-30; Plut.
-    "Pelop." xv.; Hicks, 78, 81; and for an alliance between Athens
+"Pelop." xv.; Hicks, 78, 81; and for an alliance between Athens
-    and Chalcis in Euboea, see Hicks, 79; and for a treaty with Chios,
+and Chalcis in Euboea, see Hicks, 79; and for a treaty with Chios,
-    Hicks, 80.
+Hicks, 80.
  (16) See "Ages." ii. 22.
@@ Line 2298: / Line 2298: @@
  (19) Read, after Courier, {arti} for the vulg. {eti}; or, better
-    still, adopt Hartman's emendation (op. cit. p. 379), {ton men ede
+still, adopt Hartman's emendation (op. cit. p. 379), {ton men ede
-    katabebekoton ton de katabainonton}, and translate "some—already
+katabebekoton ton de katabainonton}, and translate "some—already
-    dismounted, and others dismounting."
+dismounted, and others dismounting."
  (20) Lit. "one of the perioeci."
@@ Line 2313: / Line 2313: @@
  (22) Lit. "their other perioecid cities." For the significance of this
-    title as applied by the Thebans (and perhaps commonly) to the
+title as applied by the Thebans (and perhaps commonly) to the
-    other cities of Boeotia, see Freeman, op. cit. ch. iv. pp. 157,
+other cities of Boeotia, see Freeman, op. cit. ch. iv. pp. 157,
 foll.
  (23) See Grote, "H. G." x. 174; Freeman, op. cit. iv. 171, 172.
@@ Line 2322: / Line 2322: @@
  (24) See for affairs of Delos, never actually named by Xenophon,
-    between B.C. 377 and 374, the Sandwich Marble in Trinity College,
+between B.C. 377 and 374, the Sandwich Marble in Trinity College,
-    Cambridge; Boeckh, "C. I. G" 158, and "P. E. A." ii. p. 78 foll.;
+Cambridge; Boeckh, "C. I. G" 158, and "P. E. A." ii. p. 78 foll.;
-    Hicks, 82.
+Hicks, 82.
  (25) Erythrae (Redlands) stands between Hysiae and Scolus, east of
-    Katzula.—Leake, "N. Gr." ii. 329. See Herod. ix. 15, 25; Thuc.
+Katzula.—Leake, "N. Gr." ii. 329. See Herod. ix. 15, 25; Thuc.
-    iii. 24; Paus. IX. ii. 1; Strab. IX. ii.
+iii. 24; Paus. IX. ii. 1; Strab. IX. ii.
  (26) Lit. "Graos Stethos."
  (27) Or, "and this move of Agesilaus was regarded as a very pretty
-    one."
+one."
 And now, since the hour was come, Agesilaus fell back and encamped on the very site on which he had seen the enemy drawn up in battle array. Next day he retired by the road to Thespiae. The light troops, who formed a free corps in the pay of the Thebans, hung audaciously at his heels. Their shouts could be heard calling out to Chabrias (28) for not bringing up his supports; when the cavalry of the Olynthians (who now contributed a contingent in accordance with their oaths) (29) wheeled round on them, caught the pursuers in the heat of their pursuit, and drove them uphill, putting large numbers of them to the sword—so quickly are infantry overhauled by cavalry on steep ground which can be ridden over. Being arrived within the walls of Thespiae, Agesilaus found the citizens in a state of party feud, the men of Lacedaemonian proclivities desiring to put their political opponents, one of whom was Menon, to death (30)—a proceeding which Agesilaus would not sanction. After having healed their differences and bound them over by solemn oath to keep the peace with one another, he at once retired, taking his old route across Cithaeron to Megara. Here once more he disbanded the allies, and at the head of the city troops himself marched back to Sparta.
  (28) For the exploits of Chabrias, who commanded a division of mixed
-    Athenians and mercenaries (see above, S. 14), see Dem. "c. Lept."
+Athenians and mercenaries (see above, S. 14), see Dem. "c. Lept."
 ; Polyaen. ii. 1, 2; Diod. xv. 32, 33, who gives interesting
-    details; Grote, "H. G." x. 172 foll.
+details; Grote, "H. G." x. 172 foll.
  (29) See above, "Hell." V. iii. 26.
  (30) Or, "under the pretext of furthering Laconian interests there was
-    a desire to put political opponents to death." For "Menon," Diod.
+a desire to put political opponents to death." For "Menon," Diod.
-    conj. "Melon."
+conj. "Melon."
 The Thebans had not gathered in the fruits of their soil for two years now, and began to be sorely pinched for want of corn; they therefore sent a body of men on board a couple of triremes to Pagasae, with ten talents (31) in hand for the purchase of corn. But while these commissioners were engaged in effecting their purchases, Alcetas, the Lacedaemonian who was garrisoning Oreus, (32) fitted out three triremes, taking precautions that no rumour of his proceedings should leak out. As soon as the corn was shipped and the vessels under weigh, he captured not only the corn but the triremes, escort and all, numbering no less than three hundred men. This done he locked up his prisoners in the citadel, where he himself was also quartered. Now there was a youth, the son of a native of Oreus, fair of mien and of gentle breeding, (33) who danced attendance on the commandant: and the latter must needs leave the citadel and go down to busy himself with this youth. This was a piece of carelessness which the prisoners did not fail to observe, and turned to good account by seizing the citadel, whereupon the town revolted, and the Thebans experienced no further difficulty in obtaining corn supplies.
@@ Line 2353: / Line 2353: @@
  (32) Oreus, formerly called Histiaea, in the north of Euboea. See
-    Thuc. vii. 57, viii. 95; Diod. xv. 30; Grote, "H. G." ix. 263. For
+Thuc. vii. 57, viii. 95; Diod. xv. 30; Grote, "H. G." ix. 263. For
-    Pagasae at the north extremity of the Pagasaean Gulf, "the cradle
+Pagasae at the north extremity of the Pagasaean Gulf, "the cradle
-    of Greek navigation," see Tozer, "Geog. Gr." vi. p. 124; Strab.
+of Greek navigation," see Tozer, "Geog. Gr." vi. p. 124; Strab.
-    IX. v. 15.
+IX. v. 15.
  (33) Or, "beautiful and brave if ever youth was."
@@ Line 2363: / Line 2363: @@
  (34) Pausanius (I. xi. 6) mentions a temple of Aphrodite
-    {'Epistrophoa} (Verticordia), on the way up to the Carian
+{'Epistrophoa} (Verticordia), on the way up to the Carian
-    Acropolis of Megara.
+Acropolis of Megara.
 But to resume: at the first burst of spring the Lacedaemonians again called out the ban, and gave orders to Cleombrotus to lead the expedition. The king found himself presently with his troops at the foot of Cithaeron, and his light infantry advanced to occupy the pass which commands the road. But here they found a detachment of Thebans and Athenians already in occupation of the desired height, who for a while suffered them to approach; but when they were close upon them, sprang from their position and charged, putting about forty to the sword. This incident was sufficient to convince Cleombrotus that to invade Thebes by this mountain passage was out of the question, and in this faith he led back and disbanded his troops.
@@ Line 2373: / Line 2373: @@
  (36) Battle of Naxos, B.C. 376. For interesting details, see Diod. xv.
 , 35.
 B.C. 375. Then the corn supplies flowed freely into Athens. The Lacedaemonians, on their side, were preparing to transport an army across the water into Boeotia, when the Thebans sent a request to the Athenians urging them to despatch an armament round Peloponnesus, under the persuasion that if this were done the Lacedaemonians would find it impossible at once to guard their own or the allied territory in that part of the world, and at the same time to convery an army of any size to operate against Thebes. The proposals fell in with the present temper of the Athenians, irritated with Lacedaemon on account of the exploit of Sphodrias. Accordingly they eagerly manned a fleet of sixty vessels, appointing Timotheus as admiral in command, and despatched it on a cruise round Peloponnesus.
@@ Line 2380: / Line 2380: @@
  (37) Lit. "nor at the date of Timotherus's periplus." To the historian
-    writing of the events of this period several years later, the
+writing of the events of this period several years later, the
-    coasting voyage of Timotheus is a single incident ({periepleuse}),
+coasting voyage of Timotheus is a single incident ({periepleuse}),
-    and as Grote ("H. G." x. 185, note 3) observes, the words may
+and as Grote ("H. G." x. 185, note 3) observes, the words may
-    "include not simply the time which Timotheus took in actually
+"include not simply the time which Timotheus took in actually
-    circumnavigating Peloponnesos, but the year which he spent
+circumnavigating Peloponnesos, but the year which he spent
-    afterwards in the Ionian sea, and the time which he occupied in
+afterwards in the Ionian sea, and the time which he occupied in
-    performing his exploits near Korkyra, Leukas, and the
+performing his exploits near Korkyra, Leukas, and the
-    neighbourhood generally." For the character and exploits of
+neighbourhood generally." For the character and exploits of
-    Timotheus, son of Conon, see Isocr. "Or." xv. "On the Antidosis,"
+Timotheus, son of Conon, see Isocr. "Or." xv. "On the Antidosis,"
-    SS. 101-139; Jebb, "Att. Or." ii. p. 140 foll.; Rehdantz, "Vit.
+SS. 101-139; Jebb, "Att. Or." ii. p. 140 foll.; Rehdantz, "Vit.
-    Iphicr. Chabr. Timoth. Atheniensium."
+Iphicr. Chabr. Timoth. Atheniensium."
  (38) Or, "the cities round about their territory," lit. "the perioecid
-    cities." For the import of the epithet, see V. iv. 46; Freeman,
+cities." For the import of the epithet, see V. iv. 46; Freeman,
-    op. cit. iv. 173, note 1, in reference to Grote, "H. G." x. 183,
+op. cit. iv. 173, note 1, in reference to Grote, "H. G." x. 183,
-    note 4. For the battle of Tegyra see Grote, ib. 182; Plut.
+note 4. For the battle of Tegyra see Grote, ib. 182; Plut.
-    "Pelop." 17; Diod. xv. 57 ("evidently this battle," Grote);
+"Pelop." 17; Diod. xv. 57 ("evidently this battle," Grote);
-    Callisthenes, fr. 3, ed. Did. Cf. Steph. Byz., {Tegura}.
+Callisthenes, fr. 3, ed. Did. Cf. Steph. Byz., {Tegura}.
 Timotheus in his cruise reached Corcyra, and reduced it at a blow. That done, he neither enslaved the inhabitants nor drove them into exile, nor changed their laws. And of this conduct he reaped the benefit of the increased cordiality (39) of all the cities of those parts. The Lacedaemonians thereupon fitted out and despatched a counter fleet, with Nicolochus in command, an officer of consummate boldness. This admiral no sooner caught sight of Timotheus's fleet than without hesitation, and in spite of the absence of six Ambraciot vessels which formed part of his squadron, he gave battle, with fifty-five ships to the enemy's sixty. The result was a defeat at the moment, and Timotheus set up a trophy at Alyzia. But as soon as the six missing Ambraciot vessels had reinforced him—the ships of Timotheus meanwhile being docked and undergoing repairs—he bore down upon Alyzia in search of the Athenian, and as Timotheus refused to put out to meet him, the Lacedaemonian in turn set up a trophy on the nearest group of islands.
  (39) The Corcyraeans, Acarnanians, and Cephallenians join the alliance
-    B.C. 375; see Hicks, 83. "This decree dates from the autumn of
+B.C. 375; see Hicks, 83. "This decree dates from the autumn of
-    B.C. 375, immediately after Timotheos's visit to Korkyra (Xen.
+B.C. 375, immediately after Timotheos's visit to Korkyra (Xen.
-    'Hell.' V. iv. 64). The result was that the names of Korkyra,
+'Hell.' V. iv. 64). The result was that the names of Korkyra,
-    Kephallenia, and Akarnania were inscribed upon the list (No. 81),
+Kephallenia, and Akarnania were inscribed upon the list (No. 81),
-    and an alliance was made with them." (See "C. I. A." ii. p. 399
+and an alliance was made with them." (See "C. I. A." ii. p. 399
-    foll.; Hicks, loc. cit.; "Hell." VI. v. 23); "C. I. A." ii. 14.
+foll.; Hicks, loc. cit.; "Hell." VI. v. 23); "C. I. A." ii. 14.
-    The tablet is in the Asclepeian collection at the entrance of the
+The tablet is in the Asclepeian collection at the entrance of the
-    Acropolis at Athens. See Milchofer, "Die Museum Athens," 1881, p.
+Acropolis at Athens. See Milchofer, "Die Museum Athens," 1881, p.
 .
 B.C. 374. Timotheus, after repairing his original squadron and manning more vessels from Corcyra, found himself at the head of more than seventy ships. His naval superiority was undisputed, but he was forced to send to Athens for moneys, seeing his fleet was large and his wants not trifling.
@@ Line 2421: / Line 2421: @@
  (1) {pros to koinon}, "h.e. vel ad ad senatum vel ad ephoros vel ad
-    concionem."—Sturz, "Lex. Xen." s.v.
+concionem."—Sturz, "Lex. Xen." s.v.
 "Men of Lacedaemon, it is in my capacity as 'proxenos' and 'benefactor' (titles borne by my ancestry from time immemorial) that I claim, or rather am bound, in case of any difficulty to come to you, and, in case of any complication dangerous to your interests in Thessaly, to give you warning. The name of Jason, I feel sure, is not unknown to Lacedaemonian ears. His power as a prince is sufficiently large, and his fame widespread. It is of Jason I have to speak. Under cover of a treaty of peace he has lately conferred with me, and this is the substance of what he urged: 'Polydamas,' he said, 'if I chose I could lay your city at my feet, even against its will, as the following considerations will prove to you. See,' he went on, 'the majority and the most important of the states of Thessaly are my allies. I subdued them in campaigns in which you took their side in opposition to myself. Again, you do not need to be told that I have six thousand mercenaries who are a match in themselves, I take it, for any single state. It is not the mere numbers on which I insist. No doubt as large an army could be raised in other quarters; but these citizen armies have this defect—they include men who are already advanced in years, with others whose beards are scarcely grown. Again, it is only a fraction of the citizens who attend to bodily training in a state, whereas with me no one takes mercenary service who is not as capable of endurance as myself.'
@@ Line 2432: / Line 2432: @@
  (3) Or, "his underlord in Epirus." By hyparch, I suppose, is implied
-    that Alcetas regarded Jason as his suzerain. Diodorus (xv. 13, 36)
+that Alcetas regarded Jason as his suzerain. Diodorus (xv. 13, 36)
-    speaks of him as "king" of the Molossians.
+speaks of him as "king" of the Molossians.
  (4) Or, "Prince," and below, "Thessaly so converted into a
-    Principality." "The Tagos of Thessaly was not a King, because his
+Principality." "The Tagos of Thessaly was not a King, because his
-    office was not hereditary or even permanent; neither was he
+office was not hereditary or even permanent; neither was he
-    exactly a Tyrant, because his office had some sort of legal
+exactly a Tyrant, because his office had some sort of legal
-    sanction. But he came much nearer to the character either of a
+sanction. But he came much nearer to the character either of a
-    King or of a Tyrant than to that of a Federal President like the
+King or of a Tyrant than to that of a Federal President like the
-    General of the Achaians.... Jason of Pherai acts throughout
+General of the Achaians.... Jason of Pherai acts throughout
-    like a King, and his will seems at least as uncontrolled as that
+like a King, and his will seems at least as uncontrolled as that
-    of his brother sovereign beyond the Kambunian hills. Even Jason
+of his brother sovereign beyond the Kambunian hills. Even Jason
-    seems to have been looked upon as a Tyrant (see below, 'Hell.' VI.
+seems to have been looked upon as a Tyrant (see below, 'Hell.' VI.
-    iv. 32); possibly, like the Athenian Demos, he himself did not
+iv. 32); possibly, like the Athenian Demos, he himself did not
-    refuse the name" (cf. Arist. "Pol." iii. 4, 9).—Freeman, "Hist.
+refuse the name" (cf. Arist. "Pol." iii. 4, 9).—Freeman, "Hist.
-    Fed. Gov." "No True Federation in Thessaly," iv. pp. 152 foll.
+Fed. Gov." "No True Federation in Thessaly," iv. pp. 152 foll.
  (5) See above, and Hicks, 74.
@@ Line 2456: / Line 2456: @@
  (7) Or, reading {theoi}, after Cobet; translate "if providentially
-    they should send you."
+they should send you."
  (8) Reading {kai e su pratteis}, after Cobet. The chief MSS. give {ouk
-    ede anegkletos an dikaios eies en te patridi e se tima kai su
+ede anegkletos an dikaios eies en te patridi e se tima kai su
-    prattois ta kratista}, which might be rendered either, "and how be
+prattois ta kratista}, which might be rendered either, "and how be
-    doing best for yourself?"  (lit. "and you would not be doing best
+doing best for yourself?"  (lit. "and you would not be doing best
-    for yourself," {ouk an} carried on from previous clause), or
+for yourself," {ouk an} carried on from previous clause), or
-    (taking {prattois} as pure optative), "may you be guided to adopt
+(taking {prattois} as pure optative), "may you be guided to adopt
-    the course best for yourself!" "may the best fortune attend you!
+the course best for yourself!" "may the best fortune attend you!
-    Farewell." See Otto Keller, op. cit. ad loc. for various
+Farewell." See Otto Keller, op. cit. ad loc. for various
-    emendations.
+emendations.
 "These are the matters," Polydamas continued, "which have brought me to Lacedaemon. I have told you the whole story; it is based partly on what I see to be the case, and partly on what I have heard from yonder man. My firm belief is, men of Lacedaemon, that if you are likely to despatch a force sufficient, not in my eyes only, but in the eyes of all the rest of Thessaly, to cope with Jason in war, the states will revolt from him, for they are all in alarm as to the future development of the man's power; but if you think a company of newly-enfranchised slaves and any amateur general will suffice, I advise you to rest in peace. You may take my word for it, you will have a great power to contend against, and a man who is so prudent a general that, in all he essays to do, be it an affair of secrecy, or speed, or force, he is wont to hit the mark of his endeavours: one who is skilled, should occasion serve, to make the night of equal service to him with the day; (9) or, if speed be needful, will labour on while breakfasting or taking an evening meal. And as for repose, he thinks that the time for it has come when the goal is reached or the business on hand accomplished. And to this same practice he has habituated those about him. Right well he knows how to reward the expectations of his soldiers, when by the extra toil which makes the difference they have achieved success; so that in his school all have laid to heart that maxim, 'Pain first and pleasure after.' (10) And in regard to pleasure of the senses, of all men I know, he is the most continent; so that these also are powerless to make him idle at the expense of duty. You must consider the matter then and tell me, as befits you, what you can and will do."
@@ Line 2485: / Line 2485: @@
  (14) It is conjectured that the Scopadae ruled at Pherae and Cranusa
-    in the earlier half of the fifth century B.C.; see, for the change
+in the earlier half of the fifth century B.C.; see, for the change
-    of dynasty, what is said of Lycophron of Pherae in "Hell." II.
+of dynasty, what is said of Lycophron of Pherae in "Hell." II.
-    iii. 4. There was a famous Scopas, son of Creon, to whom Simonides
+iii. 4. There was a famous Scopas, son of Creon, to whom Simonides
-    addressed his poem—
+addressed his poem—
 {Andr' agathon men alatheos genesthai khalepon khersin te kai posi kai noo tetragonon, aneu psogou tetugmenon.}
@@ Line 2521: / Line 2521: @@
  (6) The name of the general was Ctesicles, according to Diod. xv. 47.
-    Read {strategon} for {tagon}, with Breitenbach, Cobet, etc. For
+Read {strategon} for {tagon}, with Breitenbach, Cobet, etc. For
-    Alcetas, see above, "Hell." VI. i. 7.
+Alcetas, see above, "Hell." VI. i. 7.
  (7) I.e. by show of hands, {ekheirotonoun}.
@@ Line 2529: / Line 2529: @@
  (9) The two sacred galleys. See Thuc. iii. 33; Aristoph. "Birds," 147
-    foll.
+foll.
 Meanwhile the Corcyraeans were sore beset with famine: desertion became every day more frequent, so much so that Mnasippus caused proclamation to be made by herald that all deserters would be sold there and then; (10) and when that had no effect in lessening the stream of runaways, he ended by driving them back with the lash. Those within the walls, however, were not disposed to receive these miserable slaves within the lines, and numbers died outside. Mnasippus, not blind to what was happening, soon persuaded himself that he had as good as got the city into his possession: and he began to try experiments on his mercenaries. Some of them he had already paid off; (11) others still in his service had as much as two months' pay owing to them by the general, who, if report spoke true, had no lack of money, since the majority of the states, not caring for a campaign across the seas, sent him hard cash instead of men. But now the beleaguered citizens, who could espy from their towers that the outposts were less carefully guarded than formerly, and the men scattered about the rural districts, made a sortie, capturing some and cutting down others. Mnasippus, perceiving the attack, donned his armour, and, with all the heavy troops he had, rushed to the rescue, giving orders to the captains and brigadiers (12) to lead out the mercenaries. Some of the captains answered that it was not so easy to command obedience when the necessaries of life were lacking; whereat the Spartan struck one man with his staff, and another with the butt of his spear. Without spirit and full of resentment against their general, the men mustered—a condition very unfavourable to success in battle. Having drawn up the troops, the general in person repulsed the division of the enemy which was opposite the gates, and pursued them closely; but these, rallying close under their walls, turned right about, and from under cover of the tombs kept up a continuous discharge of darts and other missiles; other detachments, dashing out at other gates, meanwhile fell heavily on the flanks of the enemy. The Lacedaemonians, being drawn up eight deep, and thinking that the wing of their phalanx was of inadequate strength, essayed to wheel around; but as soon as they began the movement the Corcyraeans attacked them as if they were fleeing, and they were then unable to recover themselves, (13) while the troops next in position abandoned themselves to flight. Mnasippus, unable to succour those who were being pressed owing to the attack of the enemy immediately in front, found himself left from moment to moment with decreasing numbers. At last the Corcyraeans collected, and with one united effort made a final rush upon Mnasippus and his men, whose numbers were now considerably reduced. At the same instant the townsmen, (14) eagerly noticing the posture of affairs, rushed out to play their part. First Mnasippus was slain, and then the pursuit became general; nor could the pursuers well have failed to capture the camp, barricade and all, had they not caught sight of the mob of traffickers with a long array of attendants and slaves, and thinking that here was a prize indeed, desisted from further chase.
@@ Line 2542: / Line 2542: @@
  (14) Reading, after Dindorf, {oi politai}, or, if with the MSS., {oi
-    oplitai}; translate "the heavy-armed among the assailants saw
+oplitai}; translate "the heavy-armed among the assailants saw
-    their advantage and pressed on."
+their advantage and pressed on."
 The Corcyraeans were well content for the moment to set up a trophy and to give back the enemy's dead under a flag of truce; but the after-consequences were even more important to them in the revival of strength and spirits which were sunk in despondency. The rumour spread that Iphicrates would soon be there—he was even at the doors; and in fact the Corcyraeans themselves were manning a fleet. So Hypermenes, who was second in command to Mnasippus and the bearer of his despatches, manned every vessel of the fleet as full as it would hold, and then sailing round to the entrenched camp, filled all the transports with prisoners and valuables and other stock, and sent them off. He himself, with his marines and the survivors of his troops, kept watch over the entrenchments; but at last even this remnant in the excess of panic and confusion got on board the men-of-war and sailed off, leaving behind them vast quantities of corn and wine, with numerous prisoners and invalided soldiers. The fact was, they were sorely afraid of being caught by the Athenians in the island, and so they made safely off to Leucas.
@@ Line 2552: / Line 2552: @@
  (15) Cape Fish, mod. Cape Katakolon, protecting harbour of Pyrgos in
-    Elis.
+Elis.
 I am well aware that all these details of practice and manouvring are customary in anticipation of a sea-fight, but what I single out for praise in the case before us is the skill with which the Athenian admiral attained a twofold object. Bearing in mind that it was his duty to reach a certain point at which he expected to fight a naval battle without delay, it was a happy discovery on his part not to allow tactical skill, on the one hand, to be sacrificed to the pace of sailing, (16) nor, on the other, the need of training to interfere with the date of arrival.
@@ Line 2563: / Line 2563: @@
  (17) Thyreum (or Thyrium), in Acarnania, a chief city at the time of
-    the Roman wars in Greece; and according to Polybius (xxxviii. 5),
+the Roman wars in Greece; and according to Polybius (xxxviii. 5),
-    a meeting-place of the League on one occasion. See "Dict. Anct.
+a meeting-place of the League on one occasion. See "Dict. Anct.
-    Geog." s.v.; Freeman, op. cit. iv. 148; cf. Paus. IV. xxvi. 3, in
+Geog." s.v.; Freeman, op. cit. iv. 148; cf. Paus. IV. xxvi. 3, in
-    reference to the Messenians and Naupactus; Grote, "H. G." x. 212.
+reference to the Messenians and Naupactus; Grote, "H. G." x. 212.
 B.C. 372. Having attached to his squadron the navy also of Corcyra, with a fleet numbering now about ninety ships he set sail, in the first instance to Cephallenia, where he exacted money—which was in some cases voluntarily paid, in others forcibly extorted. In the next place he began making preparations partly to harass the territory of the Lacedaemonians, and partly to win over voluntarily the other states in that quarter which were hostile to Athens; or in case of refusal to go to war with them.
@@ Line 2573: / Line 2573: @@
  (18) Reading with the MSS. {ou mala epitedeion onta}. See Grote, "H.
-    G." x. 206. Boeckh ("P. E. A.," trans. Cornewall Lewis, p. 419)
+G." x. 206. Boeckh ("P. E. A.," trans. Cornewall Lewis, p. 419)
-    wished to read {eu mala} for {ou mala k.t.l.}, in which case
+wished to read {eu mala} for {ou mala k.t.l.}, in which case
-    translate "the former a popular orator, and a man of singular
+translate "the former a popular orator, and a man of singular
-    capacity"; and for {epitedeion} in that sense, see "Hipparch." i.
+capacity"; and for {epitedeion} in that sense, see "Hipparch." i.
 ; for {eu mala}, see "Hipparch." i. 25. For details concerning
-    Callistratus, see Dindorf, op. cit. note ad. loc.; Curtius, "H.
+Callistratus, see Dindorf, op. cit. note ad. loc.; Curtius, "H.
-    G." iv. 367, 381 foll., v. 90. For Chabrias, Rehdantz, op. cit. In
+G." iv. 367, 381 foll., v. 90. For Chabrias, Rehdantz, op. cit. In
-    the next sentence I have again adhered to the reading of the MSS.,
+the next sentence I have again adhered to the reading of the MSS.,
-    but the passage is commonly regarded as corrupt; see Otto Keller,
+but the passage is commonly regarded as corrupt; see Otto Keller,
-    op. cit. p. 215 for various emendations.
+op. cit. p. 215 for various emendations.
 The Athenians, forced to witness the expatriation from Boeotia of their friends the Plataeans (who had sought an asylum with themselves), forced also to listen to the supplications of the Thespiaeans (who begged them not to suffer them to be robbed of their city), could no longer regard the Thebans with favour; (1) though, when it came to a direct declaration of war, they were checked in part by a feeling of shame, and partly by considerations of expediency. Still, to go hand in hand with them, to be a party to their proceedings, this they absolutely refused, now that they saw them marching against time-honoured friends of the city like the Phocians, and blotting out states whose loyalty in the great Persian war was conspicuous no less than their friendship to Athens. Accordingly the People passed a decree to make peace; but in the first instance they sent an embassy to Thebes, inviting that state to join them if it pleased them on an embassy which they proposed to send to Lacedaemon to treat of peace. In the next place they despatched such an embassy on their own account. Among the commissioners appointed were Callias the son of Hipponicus, Autocles the son of Strombichides, Demostratus the son of Aristophon, Aristocles, Cephisodotus, (2) Melanopus, and Lycaethus.
@@ Line 2593: / Line 2593: @@
  (3) The bracketed words read like an annotator's comment, or possibly
-    they are a note by the author.
+they are a note by the author.
  (4) See above, "Hell." II. iv. 38.
  (5) See above, "Hell." IV. v. 13; Cobet, "Prosop. Xen." p. 67 foll.;
-    Xen. "Symp."; Plat. "Protag."; Andoc. "de Myst." If this is one
+Xen. "Symp."; Plat. "Protag."; Andoc. "de Myst." If this is one
-    and the same person he must have been an elderly man at this date,
+and the same person he must have been an elderly man at this date,
 B.C.
 "Lacedaemonians, the duty of representing you as proxenos at Athens is a privilege which I am not the first member of my family to enjoy; my father's father held it as an heirloom of our family and handed it down as a heritage to his descendants. If you will permit me, I should like to show you the disposition of my fatherland towards yourselves. If in times of war she chooses us as her generals, so when her heart is set upon quiet she sends us out as her messengers of peace. I myself have twice already (6) stood here to treat for conclusion of war, and on both embassies succeeded in arranging a mutually agreeable peace. Now for the third time I am come, and I flatter myself that to-day again I shall obtain a reconciliation, and on grounds exceptionally just. My eyes bear witness that our hearts are in accord; you and we alike are pained at the effacement of Plataeae and Thespiae. Is it not then reasonable that out of agreement should spring concord rather than discord? It is never the part, I take it, of wise men to raise the standard of war for the sake of petty differences; but where there is nothing but unanimity they must be marvellous folk who refuse the bond of peace. But I go further. It were just and right on our parts even to refuse to bear arms against each other; since, as the story runs, the first strangers to whom our forefather Triptolemus showed the unspeakable mystic rites of Demeter and Core, the mother and the maiden, were your ancestors;—I speak of Heracles, the first founder of your state, and of your two citizens, the great twin sons of Zeus—and to Peloponnesus first he gave as a gift the seed of Demeter's corn-fruits. How, then, can it be just or right either that you should come and ravage the corn crops of those from whom you got the sacred seed of corn, or that we should not desire that they to whom the gift was given should share abundantly of this boon? But if, as it would seem, it is a fixed decree of heaven that war shall never cease among men, yet ought we—your people and our people—to be as slow as possible to begin it, and being in it, as swift as possible to bring it to an end."
@@ Line 2609: / Line 2609: @@
  (7) For the political views of Autocles, see Curtius, "H. G." iv. 387,
-    v. 94 (Eng. tr.); see also Grote, "H. G." x. 225.
+v. 94 (Eng. tr.); see also Grote, "H. G." x. 225.
  (8) Or, "what consistency is there between these precepts of yours and
-    political independence?"
+political independence?"
  (9) Sixteen years before—B.C. 387. See "Pol. Lac." xiv. 5.
@@ Line 2619: / Line 2619: @@
  (10) Reading, with Breitenbach and Hartman, {as} instead of {os
-    espoudasate k.t.l.}
+espoudasate k.t.l.}
  (11) Or, more lit. "to avert the peace" as an ill-omened thing.
  (12) Without inserting {tis}, as Hartman proposes ("An. Xen." p. 387),
-    that, I think, is the sense. Antalcidas is the arch-diplomat—a
+that, I think, is the sense. Antalcidas is the arch-diplomat—a
-    name to conjure with, like that of Bismarck in modern European
+name to conjure with, like that of Bismarck in modern European
-    politics. But see Grote, "H. G." x. 213, note 2.
+politics. But see Grote, "H. G." x. 213, note 2.
 "Well! what is it really that has brought us here? No especial need or difficulty in our affairs. That you may discover by a glance at our maritime condition, or, if you prefer, at the present posture of our affairs on land. Well, then, how does the matter stand? It is obvious that some of our allies please us no better than they please you; (13) and, possibly, in return for your former preservation of us, we may be credited with a desire to point out to you the soundness of our policy.
  (13) See, for this corrupt passage, Otto Keller, op. cit. p. 219;
-    Hartman, op. cit. p. 387; and Breitenbach, n. ad loc. In the next
+Hartman, op. cit. p. 387; and Breitenbach, n. ad loc. In the next
-    sentence I should like to adopt Hartman's emendation (ib.) {on
+sentence I should like to adopt Hartman's emendation (ib.) {on
-    orthos egnote} for the MSS. {a orthos egnomen}, and translate "we
+orthos egnote} for the MSS. {a orthos egnomen}, and translate "we
-    may like to prove to you the soundness of your policy at the
+may like to prove to you the soundness of your policy at the
-    time." For the "preservation" referred to, see below, VI. v. 35,
+time." For the "preservation" referred to, see below, VI. v. 35,
-    and above, II. ii. 20.
+and above, II. ii. 20.
 "But, to revert once more to the topic of expediency and common interests. It is admitted, I presume, that, looking at the states collectively, half support your views, half ours; and in every single state one party is for Sparta and another for Athens. Suppose, then, we were to shake hands, from what quarter can we reasonably anticipate danger and trouble? To put the case in so many words, so long as you are our friends no one can vex us by land; no one, whilst we are your supports, can injure you by sea. Wars like tempests gather and grow to a head from time to time, and again they are dispelled. That we all know. Some future day, if not to-day, we shall crave, both of us, for peace. Why, then, need we wait for that moment, holding on until we expire under the multitude of our ills, rather than take time by the forelock and, before some irremediable mischief betide, make peace? I cannot admire the man who, because he has entered the lists and has scored many a victory and obtained to himself renown, is so eaten up with the spirit of rivalry that he must needs go on until he is beaten and all his training is made futile. Nor again do I praise the gambler who, if he makes one good stroke of luck, insists on doubling the stakes. Such conduct in the majority of cases must end in absolute collapse. Let us lay the lesson of these to heart, and forbear to enter into any such lists as theirs for life or death; but, while we are yet in the heyday of our strength and fortune, shake hands in mutual amity. So assuredly shall we through you and you through us attain to an unprecedented pinnacle of glory throughout Hellas."
@@ Line 2643: / Line 2643: @@
  (14) Grote ("H. G." x. 236) thinks that Diod. xv. 38 ({exagogeis})
-    belongs to this time, not to the peace between Athens and Sparta
+belongs to this time, not to the peace between Athens and Sparta
-    in 374 B.C.
+in 374 B.C.
  (15) See, for a clear explanation of the matter, Freeman, "Hist. Red.
-    Gov." iv. p. 175, note 3, in reference to Grote, ib. x. 231 note,
+Gov." iv. p. 175, note 3, in reference to Grote, ib. x. 231 note,
-    and Paus. IX. xiii. 2; Plut. "Ages." 28; Thirlwall, "H. G." v. p
+and Paus. IX. xiii. 2; Plut. "Ages." 28; Thirlwall, "H. G." v. p
 note.
  (16) Or, "as the saying is, taken and tithed." See below, VI. v. 35,
-    and for the origin of the saying, Herod. vii. 132.
+and for the origin of the saying, Herod. vii. 132.
 In consequence of the peace the Athenians proceeded to withdraw their garrisons from the different sates, and sent to recall Iphicrates with his fleet; besides which they forced him to restore everything captured subsequently to the late solemn undertaking at Lacedaemon. The Lacedaemonians acted differently. Although they withdrew their governors and garrisons from the other states, in Phocis they did not do so. Here Cleombrotus was quartered with his army, and had sent to ask directions from the home authorities. A speaker, Prothous, maintained that their business was to disband the army in accordance with their oaths, and then to send round invitations to the states to contribute what each felt individually disposed, and lay such sum in the temple of Apollo; after which, if any attempt to hinder the independence of the states on any side were manifested, it would be time enough then again to invite all who cared to protect the principle of autonomy to march against its opponents. "In this way," he added, "I think the goodwill of heaven will be secured, and the states will suffer least annoyance." But the Assembly, on hearing these views, agreed that this man was talking nonsense. Puppets in the hands of fate! (1) An unseen power, it would seem, was already driving them onwards; so they sent instructions to Cleombrotus not to disband the army, but to march straight against the Thebans if they refused to recognise the autonomy of the states. (Cleombrotus, it is understood, had, on hearing the news of the establishment of peace, sent to the ephorate to ask for guidance; and then they sent him the above instructions, bidding him under the circumstances named to march upon Thebes. (2))
  (1) See Grote, "H. G." x. 237: "The miso-Theban impulse now drove them
-    on with a fury which overcame all other thoughts... a
+on with a fury which overcame all other thoughts... a
-    misguiding inspiration sent by the gods—like that of the Homeric
+misguiding inspiration sent by the gods—like that of the Homeric
-    Ate."
+Ate."
  (2) This passage reads like an earlier version for which the above was
-    substituted by the author.
+substituted by the author.
 The Spartan king soon perceived that, so far from leaving the Boeotian states their autonomy, the Thebans were not even preparing to disband their army, clearly in view of a general engagement; he therefore felt justified in marching his troops into Boeotia. The point of ingress which he adopted was not that which the Thebans anticipated from Phocis, and where they were keeping guard at a defile; but, marching through Thisbae by a mountainous and unsuspected route, he arrived before Creusis, taking that fortress and capturing twelve Theban war-vessels besides. After this achievement he advanced from the seaboard and encamped in Leuctra on Thespian territory. The Thebans encamped in a rising ground immediately opposite at no great distance, and were supported by no allies except the Boeotians.
@@ Line 2673: / Line 2673: @@
  (4) Lit. "perioecid." See Thuc. iv. 76, Arnold's note, and "Hell." V.
-    iv. 46, 63.
+iv. 46, 63.
  (5) See Diod. xv. 54; Paus. IX. xiii. 3; Plut. "Pelop." xx.
@@ Line 2692: / Line 2692: @@
  (11) It would appear that the "enomoty" (section) numbered thirty-six
-    files. See "Pol. Lac." xi. 4; xiii. 4. For further details as to
+files. See "Pol. Lac." xi. 4; xiii. 4. For further details as to
-    the tactical order of the Thebans, see Diod. xv. 55; Plut.
+the tactical order of the Thebans, see Diod. xv. 55; Plut.
-    "Pelop." xxiii.
+"Pelop." xxiii.
 Cleombrotus had hardly begun to lead his division against the foe when, before in fact the troops with him were aware of his advance, the cavalry had already come into collision, and that of the Lacedaemonians was speedily worsted. In their flight they became involved with their own heavy infantry; and to make matters worse, the Theban regiments were already attacking vigorously. Still strong evidence exists for supposing that Cleombrotus and his division were, in the first instance, victorious in the battle, if we consider the fact that they could never have picked him up and brought him back alive unless his vanguard had been masters of the situation for the moment.
@@ Line 2703: / Line 2703: @@
  (13) {sumphoreis}. For the readings of this corrupt passage see Otto
-    Keller.
+Keller.
  (14) Or, "in orderly way." See Curt. "H. G." iv. 400.
@@ Line 2710: / Line 2710: @@
  (16) {tous epikairiotatous}. See above, III. iii. 10; "Cyrop." VII.
-    iv. 4; VIII. iv. 32, vi. 2.
+iv. 4; VIII. iv. 32, vi. 2.
 After these events, a messenger was despatched to Lacedaemon with news of the calamity. He reached his destination on the last day of the gymnopaediae, (17) just when the chorus of grown men had entered the theatre. The ephors heard the mournful tidings not without grief and pain, as needs they must, I take it; but for all that they did not dismiss the chorus, but allowed the contest to run out its natural course. What they did was to deliver the names of those who had fallen to their friends and families, with a word of warning to the women not to make any loud lamentations but to bear their sorrow in silence; and the next day it was a striking spectacle to see those who had relations among the slain moving to and fro in public with bright and radiant looks, whilst of those whose friends were reported to be living barely a man was to be seen, and these flitted by with lowered heads and scowling brows, as if in humiliation.
  (17) The festival was celebrated annually about midsummer. See Herod.
-    vi. 67; Thuc. v. 82, and Arnold's note; Pollux. iv. 105; Athen.
+vi. 67; Thuc. v. 82, and Arnold's note; Pollux. iv. 105; Athen.
-    xiv. 30, xv. 22; Muller, "Dorians," ii. 389.
+xiv. 30, xv. 22; Muller, "Dorians," ii. 389.
 After this the ephors proceeded to call out the ban, including the forty-years-service men of the two remaining regiments; (18) and they proceeded further to despatch the reserves of the same age belonging to the six regiments already on foreign service. Hitherto the Phocian campaign had only drawn upon the thirty-five-years-service list. Besides these they now ordered out on active service the troops retained at the beginning of the campaign in attendance on the magistrates at the government offices. Agesilaus being still disabled by his infirmity, the city imposed the duty of command upon his son Archidamus. The new general found eager co-operators in the men of Tegea. The friends of Stasippus at this date were still living, (19) and they were stanch in their Lacedaemonian proclivities, and wielded considerable power in their state. Not less stoutly did the Mantineans from their villages under their aristocratic form of government flock to the Spartan standard. Besides Tegea and Mantinea, the Corinthians and Sicyonians, the Phliasians and Achaeans were equally enthusiastic to joining the campaign, whilst other states sent out soldiers. Then came the fitting out and manning of ships of war on the part of the Lacedaemonians themselves and of the Corinthians, whilst the Sicyonians were requested to furnish a supply of vessels on board of which it was proposed to transport the army across the gulf. And so, finally, Archidamus was able to offer the sacrifices usual at the moment of crossing the frontier. But to return to Thebes.
@@ Line 2745: / Line 2745: @@
  (24) An ancient town in Phocis (see Hom. "Il." ii. 521) on the road
-    leading from Orchomenus to Opus, and commanding a pass from Locris
+leading from Orchomenus to Opus, and commanding a pass from Locris
-    into Phocis and Boeotia. See Herod. viii. 28; Paus. ix. 35, S. 5;
+into Phocis and Boeotia. See Herod. viii. 28; Paus. ix. 35, S. 5;
-    Strab. ix. 424; "Dict. of Geog." s.v.
+Strab. ix. 424; "Dict. of Geog." s.v.
  (25) Or, "Heracleia Trachinia," a fortress city founded (as a colony)
-    by the Lacedaemonians in B.C. 426, to command the approach to
+by the Lacedaemonians in B.C. 426, to command the approach to
-    Thermopylae from Thessaly, and to protect the Trachinians and the
+Thermopylae from Thessaly, and to protect the Trachinians and the
-    neighbouring Dorians from the Oetean mountaineers. See "Dict. of
+neighbouring Dorians from the Oetean mountaineers. See "Dict. of
-    Geog." "Trachis"; Thuc. iii. 92, 93, v. 51, 52; Diod. xii. 59.
+Geog." "Trachis"; Thuc. iii. 92, 93, v. 51, 52; Diod. xii. 59.
  (26) B.C. 370. The following sections 28-37 form an episode concerning
-    Thessalian affairs between B.C. 370 and B.C. 359.
+Thessalian affairs between B.C. 370 and B.C. 359.
  (27) Lit. "Tagos."
@@ Line 2777: / Line 2777: @@
  (33) The woman's name was Thebe. See Diod. xvi. 14; Cicero, "de
-    Inven." II. xlix. 144; "de Div." I. xxv. 52; "de Off." II. vii.
+Inven." II. xlix. 144; "de Div." I. xxv. 52; "de Off." II. vii.
 ; Ovid, "Ibis," iii. 21 foll.
  (34) Or, "portion of my work;" lit. "argument," {logos}. See
-    {Kuprianos, Peri ton 'Ell}: p. 111.
+{Kuprianos, Peri ton 'Ell}: p. 111.
 The above is a sketch of Thessalian affairs, including the incidents connected with Jason, and those subsequent to his death, down to the government of Tisiphonus. I now return to the point at which we digressed.
@@ Line 2788: / Line 2788: @@
  (1) I.e. in B.C. 387, the peace "of" Antalcidas. See Grote, "H. G." x.
 .
  (2) See Busolt, op. cit. p. 186.
@@ Line 2795: / Line 2795: @@
  (3) For the restoration of Mantinea, see Freeman, "Fed. Gov." iv. p.
 ; Grote, "H. G." x. 283 foll.
  (4) See above, V. ii. 1, sub anno B.C. 386.
@@ Line 2804: / Line 2804: @@
  (6) Although the historian does not recount the foundation of
-    Megalopolis (see Pausanias and Diodorus), the mention of the
+Megalopolis (see Pausanias and Diodorus), the mention of the
-    common assembly of the League {en to koino} in this passage and,
+common assembly of the League {en to koino} in this passage and,
-    still more, of the Ten Thousand (below, "Hell." VII. i. 38),
+still more, of the Ten Thousand (below, "Hell." VII. i. 38),
-    implies it. See Freeman, op. cit. iv. 197 foll.; Grote, "H. G." x.
+implies it. See Freeman, op. cit. iv. 197 foll.; Grote, "H. G." x.
 foll., ii. 599; "Dict. of Geog." "Megalopolis." As to the date
-    of its foundation Pausanias (VIII. xxvii. 8) says "a few months
+of its foundation Pausanias (VIII. xxvii. 8) says "a few months
-    after the battle of Leuctra," before midsummer B.C. 370; Diodorus
+after the battle of Leuctra," before midsummer B.C. 370; Diodorus
-    (xv. 72) says B.C. 368. The great city was not built in a day.
+(xv. 72) says B.C. 368. The great city was not built in a day.
-    Messene, according to Paus. IV. xxvii. 5, was founded between the
+Messene, according to Paus. IV. xxvii. 5, was founded between the
-    midsummers of B.C. 370 and B.C. 369.
+midsummers of B.C. 370 and B.C. 369.
  (7) Lit. "in the Thearoi." For the Theari, see Thuc. v. 47, Arnold's
-    note; and "C. I. G." 1756 foll.; and for the revolution at Tegea
+note; and "C. I. G." 1756 foll.; and for the revolution at Tegea
-    here recounted, see Grote, "H. G." x. 285 foll.
+here recounted, see Grote, "H. G." x. 285 foll.
  (8) Or, "they mustered under arms."
@@ Line 2826: / Line 2826: @@
  (10) Pallantium, one of the most ancient towns of Arcadia, in the
-    Maenalia (Paus. VIII. xliv. 5; Livy, i. 5), situated somewhat
+Maenalia (Paus. VIII. xliv. 5; Livy, i. 5), situated somewhat
-    south of the modern Tripolitza (see "Dict. of Anc. Geog."); like
+south of the modern Tripolitza (see "Dict. of Anc. Geog."); like
-    Asea and Eutaea it helped to found Megalopolis (Paus. VIII. xxvii.
+Asea and Eutaea it helped to found Megalopolis (Paus. VIII. xxvii.
 , where for {'Iasaia} read {'Asea}); below, VII. v. 5; Busolt,
-    op. cit. p. 125.
+op. cit. p. 125.
  (11) For the sequel of the matter, see above, "Hell." VI. iv. 18;
-    Busolt, op. cit. p. 134.
+Busolt, op. cit. p. 134.
 The outcome of these proceedings was the banishment to Lacedaemon of the Tegeans who formed the party of Stasippus, numbering eight hundred; but as a sequel to what had taken place, the Lacedaemonians determined that they were bound by their oaths to aid the banished Tegeans and to avenge the slain. With this purpose they marched against the Mantineans, on the ground that they had violated their oaths in marching against Tegea with an armed force. The ephors called out the ban and the state commanded Agesilaus to head the expedition.
@@ Line 2840: / Line 2840: @@
  (12) Asea is placed by Leake ("Travels in Morea," i. 84; iii. 34) near
-    Frangovrysi, a little south of Pallantium.
+Frangovrysi, a little south of Pallantium.
-    Heraea, the most important town of Arcadia in the Cynuria, near
+Heraea, the most important town of Arcadia in the Cynuria, near
-    Elis, on the high road to Olympia, and commanding other main
+Elis, on the high road to Olympia, and commanding other main
-    roads. See Leake, "Peloponnesiaca," p. 1 foll.; "Morea," ii. 91.
+roads. See Leake, "Peloponnesiaca," p. 1 foll.; "Morea," ii. 91.
-    Lepreum, chief town of the Triphylia (Herod. iv. 148, ix. 28;
+Lepreum, chief town of the Triphylia (Herod. iv. 148, ix. 28;
-    Thuc. v. 31; above, III. ii. 25; Paus. V. v. 3; Polyb. iv. 77
+Thuc. v. 31; above, III. ii. 25; Paus. V. v. 3; Polyb. iv. 77
-    foll.; Strab. viii. 345), near modern Strovitzi; Leake, "Morea,"
+foll.; Strab. viii. 345), near modern Strovitzi; Leake, "Morea,"
-    i. 56; Dodwell, "Tour," ii. 347.
+i. 56; Dodwell, "Tour," ii. 347.
-    Eutaea is placed by Leake between Asea and Pallantium at Barbitza
+Eutaea is placed by Leake between Asea and Pallantium at Barbitza
-    ("Morea," iii. 31); but see Grote, "H. G." x. 288.
+("Morea," iii. 31); but see Grote, "H. G." x. 288.
 Finding the frontier sacrifices favourable, Agesilaus began his march at once upon Arcadia. He began by occupying the border city of Eutaea, where he found the old men, women, and children dwelling in their houses, while the rest of the population of a military age were off to join the Arcadian league. In spite of this he did not stir a finger unjustly against the city, but suffered the inhabitants to continue in their homes undisturbed. The troops took all they needed, and paid for it in return; if any pillage had occurred on his first entrance into the town, the property was hunted up and restored by the Spartan king. Whilst awaiting the arrival of Polytropus's mercenaries, he amused himself by repairing such portions of their walls as necessity demanded.
@@ Line 2859: / Line 2859: @@
  (13) Elymia, mentioned only by Xenophon, must have been on the
-    confines of the Mantinice and Orchomenus, probably at Levidhi.—
+confines of the Mantinice and Orchomenus, probably at Levidhi.—
-    Leake, "Morea," iii. 75; "Peloponn." p. 229.
+Leake, "Morea," iii. 75; "Peloponn." p. 229.
  (14) See "Cyrop." VII. i. 36.
@@ Line 2875: / Line 2875: @@
  (18) Lit. "within the hindmost bosom of the Mantinice." In reference
-    to the position, Leake ("Morea," iii. 75) says: "The northern bay
+to the position, Leake ("Morea," iii. 75) says: "The northern bay
-     (of the Mantinic plain between Mantinea and the Argon) corresponds
+ (of the Mantinic plain between Mantinea and the Argon) corresponds
-    better by its proximity to Mantinea; by Mount Alesium it was
+better by its proximity to Mantinea; by Mount Alesium it was
-    equally hidden from the city, while its small dimensions, and the
+equally hidden from the city, while its small dimensions, and the
-    nearness of the incumbent mountains, rendered it a more hazardous
+nearness of the incumbent mountains, rendered it a more hazardous
-    position to an army under the circumstances of that of Agesilaus"
+position to an army under the circumstances of that of Agesilaus"
-     (than had he encamped in the Argon itself). For the Argon (or
+ (than had he encamped in the Argon itself). For the Argon (or
-    Inert Plain), see Leake, ib. 54 foll.
+Inert Plain), see Leake, ib. 54 foll.
 On the next morning, as day broke, he sacrificed in front of the army; and observing a mustering of men from the city of Mantinea on the hills which overhung the rear of his army, he decided that he must lead his troops out of the hollow by the quickest route. But he feared lest, if he himself led off, the enemy might fall upon his rear. In this dilemma he kept quiet; presenting a hostile front to the enemy, he sent orders to his rear to face about to the right, (19) and so getting into line behind his main body, to move forward upon him; and in this way he at once extricated his troops from their cramped position and kept continually adding to the weight and solidity of his line. As soon as the phalanx was doubled in depth he emerged upon the level ground, with his heavy infantry battalions in this order, and then again extended his line until his troops were once more nine or ten shields deep. But the Mantineans were no longer so ready to come out. The arguments of the Eleians who had lent them their co-operation had prevailed: that it was better not to engage until the arrival of the Thebans. The Thebans, it was certain, would soon be with them; for had they not borrowed ten talents (20) from Elis in order to be able to send aid? The Arcadians with this information before them kept quiet inside Mantinea. On his side Agesilaus was anxious to lead off his troops, seeing it was midwinter; but, to avoid seeming to hurry his departure out of fear, he preferred to remain three days longer and no great distance from Mantinea. On the fourth day, after an early morning meal, the retreat commenced. His intention was to encamp on the same ground which he had made his starting-point on leaving Eutaea. But as none of the Arcadians appeared, he marched with all speed and reached Eutaea itself, although very late, that day; being anxious to lead off his troops without catching a glimpse of the enemy's watch-fires, so as to silence the tongues of any one pretending that he withdrew in flight. His main object was in fact achieved. To some extent he had recovered the state from its late despondency, since he had invaded Arcadia and ravaged the country without any one caring to offer him battle. But, once arrived on Laconian soil, he dismissed the Spartan troops to their homes and disbanded the provincials (21) to their several cities.
@@ Line 2899: / Line 2899: @@
  (23) Or, "in practising gymnastics about the place of arms." See "Pol.
-    Lac." xii. 5.
+Lac." xii. 5.
  (24) See "Hell." IV. vii. 1; "Ages." ii. 20. For a sketch of the
-    relations of Acarnania to Athens and Sparta, see Hicks, No. 83, p.
+relations of Acarnania to Athens and Sparta, see Hicks, No. 83, p.
 ; and above, "Hell." V. iv. 64.
  (25) Leuctrum, a fortress of the district Aegytis on the confines of
-    Arcadia and Laconia ("in the direction of Mount Lycaeum," Thuc. v.
+Arcadia and Laconia ("in the direction of Mount Lycaeum," Thuc. v.
 ). See Leake, "Morea," ii. 322; also "Peloponn." p. 248, in
-    which place he corrects his former view as to the situation of
+which place he corrects his former view as to the situation of
-    Leuctrum and the Maleatid.
+Leuctrum and the Maleatid.
-    Oeum or Ium, the chief town of the Sciritis, probably stood in the
+Oeum or Ium, the chief town of the Sciritis, probably stood in the
-    Klisura or series of narrow passes through the watershed of the
+Klisura or series of narrow passes through the watershed of the
-    mountains forming the natural boundary between Laconia and Arcadia
+mountains forming the natural boundary between Laconia and Arcadia
-    (in the direct line north from Sparta to Tegea), "Dict. of Anc.
+(in the direct line north from Sparta to Tegea), "Dict. of Anc.
-    Geog." s.v. Leake says ("Morea," iii. 19, 30 foll.) near the
+Geog." s.v. Leake says ("Morea," iii. 19, 30 foll.) near the
-    modern village of Kolina; Baedeker ("Greece," p. 269) says perhaps
+modern village of Kolina; Baedeker ("Greece," p. 269) says perhaps
-    at Palaeogoulas.
+at Palaeogoulas.
-    Caryae. This frontier town was apparently (near Arachova) on the
+Caryae. This frontier town was apparently (near Arachova) on the
-    road from Thyrea (in the direction of the Argolid) to Sparta
+road from Thyrea (in the direction of the Argolid) to Sparta
-    (Thuc. v. 55; Paus. III. x. 7; Livy, xxxiv. 26, but see Leake,
+(Thuc. v. 55; Paus. III. x. 7; Livy, xxxiv. 26, but see Leake,
-    "Morea," iii. 30; "Peloponn." p. 342).
+"Morea," iii. 30; "Peloponn." p. 342).
-    Sellasia, probably rightly placed "half an hour above Vourlia"
+Sellasia, probably rightly placed "half an hour above Vourlia"
-    (Baedeker, "Greece," p. 269). The famous battle of Sellasia, in
+(Baedeker, "Greece," p. 269). The famous battle of Sellasia, in
-    the spring of B.C. 221, in which the united Macedonians under
+the spring of B.C. 221, in which the united Macedonians under
-    Antigonus and the Achaeans finally broke the power of Sparta, was
+Antigonus and the Achaeans finally broke the power of Sparta, was
-    fought in the little valley where the stream Gorgylus joins the
+fought in the little valley where the stream Gorgylus joins the
-    river Oenus and the Khan of Krevatas now stands. For a plan, see
+river Oenus and the Khan of Krevatas now stands. For a plan, see
-    "Dict. of Anc. Geog." s.v.
+"Dict. of Anc. Geog." s.v.
  (26) "Perioeci."
  (27) Diodorus (xv. 64) gives more details; he makes the invaders
-    converge upon Sellasia by four separate routes. See Leake,
+converge upon Sellasia by four separate routes. See Leake,
-    "Morea," iii. 29 foll.
+"Morea," iii. 29 foll.
 By all accounts Ischolaus made a mistake in not advancing to meet them on the difficult ground above Oeum. Had he done so, not a man, it is believed, would have scaled the passes there. But for the present, wishing to turn the help of the men of Oeum to good account, he waited down in the village; and so the invading Arcadians scaled the heights in a body. At this crisis Ischolaus and his men, as long as they fought face to face with their foes, held the superiority; but, presently, when the enemy, from rear and flank, and even from the dwelling-houses up which they scaled, rained blows and missiles upon them, then and there Ischolaus met his end, and every man besides, save only one or two who, failing to be recognised, effected their escape.
@@ Line 2945: / Line 2945: @@
  (29) See Plutarch, "Ages." xxxi. 3 (Clough, vol. iv. p. 38); Aristot.
-    "Pol." ii. 9-10.
+"Pol." ii. 9-10.
  (30) See below, VII. ii. 2.
@@ Line 2952: / Line 2952: @@
  (31) For this ancient (Achaean) town, see Paus. III. ii. 6; Polyb. v.
 . It lay only twenty stades (a little more than two miles) from
-    the city of Sparta.
+the city of Sparta.
  (32) Or, "hippodrome." See Paus. III. ii. 6.
@@ Line 2960: / Line 2960: @@
  (34) See Baedeker's "Greece," p. 279. Was Gytheum taken? See Grote,
-    "H. G." x. 305; Curt. "H. G." Eng. trans. iv. 431.
+"H. G." x. 305; Curt. "H. G." Eng. trans. iv. 431.
  (35) "Perioeci." See above, III. iii. 6; VI. v. 25; below, VII. ii. 2;
-    Grote, "H. G." x. 301. It is a pity that the historian should
+Grote, "H. G." x. 301. It is a pity that the historian should
-    hurry us off to Athens just at this point. The style here is
+hurry us off to Athens just at this point. The style here is
-    suggestive of notes ({upomnemata}) unexpanded.
+suggestive of notes ({upomnemata}) unexpanded.
 The news of these proceedings set the Athenians deeply pondering what they ought to do concerning the Lacedaemonians, and they held an assembly in accordance with a resolution of the senate. It chanced that the ambassadors of the Lacedaemonians and the allies still faithful to Lacedaemon were present. The Lacedaemonian ambassadors were Aracus, Ocyllus, Pharax, Etymocles, and Olontheus, and from the nature of the case they all used, roughly speaking, similar arguments. They reminded the Athenians how they had often in old days stood happily together, shoulder to shoulder, in more than one great crisis. They (the Lacedaemonians), on their side, had helped to expel the tyrant from Athens, and the Athenians, when Lacedaemon was besieged by the Messenians, had heartily leant her a helping hand. (36) Then they fell to enumerating all the blessings that marked the season when the two states shared a common policy, hinting how in common they had warred against the barbarians, and more boldly recalling how the Athenians with the full consent and advice of the Lacedaemonians were chosen by united Hellas leaders of the common navy (37) and guardians of all the common treasure, while they themselves were selected by all the Hellenes as confessedly the rightful leaders on land; and this also not without the full consent and concurrence of the Athenians.
  (36) In reference (1) to the expulsion of the Peisistratidae (Herod.
-    v. 64); (2) the "third" Messenian war (Thuc. i. 102).
+v. 64); (2) the "third" Messenian war (Thuc. i. 102).
  (37) See "Revenues," v. 6.
@@ Line 2977: / Line 2977: @@
  (38) Or, "the Thebans be decimated"; for the phrase see above, "Hell."
-    VI. iii. 20.
+VI. iii. 20.
  (39) See "Hell." II. ii. 19; and "Hell." III. v. 8.
@@ Line 3000: / Line 3000: @@
  (44) In reference to the Seven against Thebes, see Herod. IX. xxvii.
 ; Isoc. "Paneg." 55.
  (45) Herod. IX. xxvii. 3; see Isoc. "Paneg." 56. "The greatness of
-    Sparta was founded by the succour which Athens lent to the
+Sparta was founded by the succour which Athens lent to the
-    Heraklid invaders of the Peloponnese—a recollection which ought
+Heraklid invaders of the Peloponnese—a recollection which ought
-    to restrain Sparta from injuring or claiming to rule Athens.
+to restrain Sparta from injuring or claiming to rule Athens.
-    Argos, Thebes, Sparta were in early times, as they are now, the
+Argos, Thebes, Sparta were in early times, as they are now, the
-    foremost cities of Hellas; but Athens was the greatest of them all
+foremost cities of Hellas; but Athens was the greatest of them all
-    —the avenger of Argos, the chastiser of Thebes, the patron of
+—the avenger of Argos, the chastiser of Thebes, the patron of
-    those who founded Sparta."—Jebb, "Att. Or." ii. 154.
+those who founded Sparta."—Jebb, "Att. Or." ii. 154.
  (46) Plut. "Lyc." vi.
@@ Line 3016: / Line 3016: @@
  (47) As to the anti-Laconian or Boeotian party at Athens, see Curtius,
-    "H. G." vol. v. ch. ii. (Eng. tr.)
+"H. G." vol. v. ch. ii. (Eng. tr.)
  (48) See Baedeker, "Greece," p. 103.
@@ Line 3034: / Line 3034: @@
  (1) I.e. the official year from spring to spring. See Peter, "Chron.
-    Table" 95, note 215; see Grote, "H. G." x. 346, note 1.
+Table" 95, note 215; see Grote, "H. G." x. 346, note 1.
  (2) See Hicks, 89.
  (3) For the phrase {epi toi isois kai omoiois}, implying "share and
-    share alike," see Thuc. i. 145, etc.
+share alike," see Thuc. i. 145, etc.
 "Since you have already decided, men of Athens, that it is good to secure the friendship of Lacedaemon, the point, as it appears to me, which you ought now to consider is, by what means this friendship may be made to last as long as possible. The probability is, that we shall hold together best by making a treaty which shall suit the best interests of both parties. On most points we have, I believe, a tolerable unanimity, but there remains the question of leadership. The preliminary decree of your senate anticipates a division of the hegemony, crediting you with the chief maritime power, Lacedaemon with the chief power on land; and to me, personally, I confess, that seems a division not more established by human invention than preordained by some divine naturalness or happy fortune. For, in the first place, you have a geographical position pre-eminently adapted for naval supremacy; most of the states to whom the sea is important are massed round your own, and all of these are inferior to you in strength. Besides, you have harbours and roadsteads, without which it is not possible to turn a naval power to account. Again, you have many ships of war. To extend your naval empire is a traditional policy; all the arts and sciences connected with these matters you possess as home products, and, what is more, in skill and experience of nautical affairs you are far ahead of the rest of the world. The majority of you derive your livelihood from the sea, or things connected with it; so that in the very act of minding your own affairs you are training yourselves to enter the lists of naval combat. (4) Again, no other power in the world can send out a larger collective fleet, and that is no insignificant point in reference to the question of leadership. The nucleus of strength first gained becomes a rallying-point, round which the rest of the world will gladly congregate. Furthermore, your good fortune in this department must be looked upon as a definite gift of God: for, consider among the numberless great sea-fights which you have fought how few you have lost, how many you have won. It is only rational, then, that your allies should much prefer to share this particular risk with you. Indeed, to show you how natural and vital to you is this maritime study, the following reflection may serve. For several years the Lacedaemonians, when at war with you in old days, dominated your territory, but they made no progress towards destroying you. At last God granted them one day to push forward their dominion on the sea, and then in an instant you completely succumbed to them. (5) Is it not self-evident that your safety altogether depends upon the sea? The sea is your natural element—your birthright; it would be base indeed to entrust the hegemony of it to the Lacedaemonians, and the more so, since, as they themselves admit, they are far less acquainted with this business than yourselves; and, secondly, your risk in naval battles would not be for equal stakes—theirs involving only the loss of the men on board their ships, but yours, that of your children and your wives and the entire state.
@@ Line 3050: / Line 3050: @@
  (6) Or, "the spirit of discipline." See "Mem." III. v. 16; IV. iv. 15;
-    Thuc. ii. 39; "Pol. Lac." viii.
+Thuc. ii. 39; "Pol. Lac." viii.
  (7) Or, "with unlimited confidence."
  (8) See above, "Hell." VI. i. 13, {kai su prattois ta kratista}, "and
-    so may the best fortune attend you!"—if that reading and
+so may the best fortune attend you!"—if that reading and
-    rendering be adopted.
+rendering be adopted.
 Such were the words of the orator, and the sentiments of his speech were vehemently applauded by the Athenians no less than by the Lacedaemonians who were present. Then Cephisodotus (9) stepped forward and addressed the assembly. He said, "Men of Athens, do you not see how you are being deluded? Lend me your ears, and I will prove it to you in a moment. There is no doubt about your leadership by sea: it is already secured. But suppose the Lacedaemonians in alliance with you: it is plain they will send you admirals and captains, and possibly marines, of Laconian breed; but who will the sailors be? Helots obviously, or mercenaries of some sort. These are the folk over whom you will exercise your leadership. Reverse the case. The Lacedaemonians have issued a general order summoning you to join them in the field; it is plain again, you will be sending your heavy infantry and your cavalry. You see what follows. You have invented a pretty machine, by which they become leaders of your very selves, and you become the leaders either of their slaves or of the dregs of their state. I should like to put a question to the Lacedaemonian Timocrates seated yonder. Did you not say just now, Sir, that you came to make an alliance on terms of absolute equality, 'share and share alike'? Answer me." "I did say so." "Well, then, here is a plan by which you get the perfection of equality. I cannot conceive of anything more fair and impartial than that 'turn and turn about' each of us should command the navy, each the army; whereby whatever advantage there may be in maritime or military command we may each of us share."
@@ Line 3071: / Line 3071: @@
  (12) "During the wars of Epameinondas Pellene adhered firmly to her
-    Spartan policy, at a time when other cities were, to say the
+Spartan policy, at a time when other cities were, to say the
-    least, less strenuous in the Spartan cause."—Freeman, "Hist. Fed.
+least, less strenuous in the Spartan cause."—Freeman, "Hist. Fed.
-    Gov." p. 241. Afterwards Pellene is found temporarily on the
+Gov." p. 241. Afterwards Pellene is found temporarily on the
-    Theban side ("Hell." VII. ii. 11).
+Theban side ("Hell." VII. ii. 11).
 The Thebans and their allies, finding themselves within three or four miles (13) of the troops guarding the pass, encamped in the flat ground below; but presently, after a careful calculation of the time it would take to start and reach the goal in the gloaming, they advanced against the Lacedaemonian outposts. In spite of the difficulty they timed their movements to a nicety, and fell upon the Lacedaemonians and Pellenians just at the interval when the night pickets were turning in and the men were leaving their shakedowns and retiring for necessary purposes. (14) This was the instant for the Thebans to fling themselves upon them; they plied their weapons with good effect, blow upon blow. Order was pitted against disorder, preparation against disarray. When, however, those who escaped from the thick of the business had retired to the nearest rising ground, the Lacedaemonian polemarch, who might have taken as many heavy, or light, infantry of the allies as he wanted, and thus have held the position (no bad one, since it enabled him to get his supplies safely enough from Cenchreae), failed to do so. On the contrary, and in spite of the great perplexity of the Thebans as to how they were to get down from the high level facing Sicyon or else retire the way they came, the Spartan general made a truce, which in the opinion of the majority, seemed more in favour of the Thebans than himself, and so he withdrew his division and fell back.
@@ Line 3081: / Line 3081: @@
  (14) Or, "intent on their personal concerns." See "Hell." II. iv. 6;
-    "Hipparch." vii. 12.
+"Hipparch." vii. 12.
 The Thebans were now free to descend without hindrance, which they did; and, effecting a junction with their allies the Arcadians, Argives, and Eleians, at once attacked (15) Sicyon and Pellene, and, marching on Epidaurus, laid waste the whole territory of that people. Returning from that exploit with a consummate disdain for all their opponents, when they found themselves near the city of Corinth they advanced at the double against the gate facing towards Phlius; intending if they found it open to rush in. However, a body of light troops sallied out of the city to the rescue, and met the advance of the Theban picked corps (16) not one hundred and fifty yards (17) from the walls. Mounting on the monuments and commanding eminences, with volleys of sling stones and arrows they laid low a pretty large number in the van of the attack, and routing them, gave chase for three or four furlongs' (18) distance. After this incident the Corinthians dragged the corpses of the slain to the wall, and finally gave them up under a flag of truce, erecting a trophy to record the victory. As a result of this occurrence the allies of the Lacedaemonians took fresh heart.
@@ Line 3098: / Line 3098: @@
  (19) "East of Sicyon was Epieiceia (see above, "Hell." IV. ii. 14, iv.
 ) on the river Nemea. In the same direction was the fortress
-    Derae." ("Dict. Anct. Geog." "Topography of Sicyonia"), al. Gerae.
+Derae." ("Dict. Anct. Geog." "Topography of Sicyonia"), al. Gerae.
-    So Leake ("Morea," iii. 376), who conjectures that this fortress
+So Leake ("Morea," iii. 376), who conjectures that this fortress
-    was in the maritime plain.
+was in the maritime plain.
 Up to this time the Thebans and all the states which had revolted from Lacedaemon had acted together in perfect harmony, and were content to campaign under the leadership of Thebes; but now a certain Lycomedes, (20) a Mantinean, broke the spell. Inferior in birth and position to none, while in wealth superior, he was for the rest a man of high ambition. This man was able to inspire the Arcadians with high thoughts by reminding them that to Arcadians alone the Peloponnese was in a literal sense a fatherland; since they and they alone were the indigenous inhabitants of its sacred soil, and the Arcadian stock the largest among the Hellenic tribes—a good stock, moreover, and of incomparable physique. And then he set himself to panegyrise them as the bravest of the brave, adducing as evidence, if evidence were needed, the patent fact, that every one in need of help invariably turned to the Arcadians. (21) Never in old days had the Lacedaemonians yet invaded Athens without the Arcadians. "If then," he added, "you are wise, you will be somewhat chary of following at the beck and call of anybody, or it will be the old story again. As when you marched in the train of Sparta you only enhanced her power, so to-day, if you follow Theban guidance without thought or purpose instead of claiming a division of the headship, you will speedily find, perhaps, in her only a second edition of Lacedaemon." (22)
  (20) For the plan of an Arcadian Federation and the part played by
-    Lycomedes, its true author, "who certainly merits thereby a high
+Lycomedes, its true author, "who certainly merits thereby a high
-    place among the statesmen of Greece," see Freeman, "Hist. Fed.
+place among the statesmen of Greece," see Freeman, "Hist. Fed.
-    Gov." ch. iv. p. 199 foll.
+Gov." ch. iv. p. 199 foll.
  (21) For this claim on the part of the Arcadians, see "Anab." VI. ii.
 foll.
  (22) Or, "Lacedaemonians under another name."
@@ Line 3118: / Line 3118: @@
  (23) {arkhontas}, see below, "Hell." VII. iv. 33. The formal title of
-    these Federal magistrates may or may not have been {arkhontes};
+these Federal magistrates may or may not have been {arkhontes};
-    Freeman, "H. F. G." 203, note 6.
+Freeman, "H. F. G." 203, note 6.
  (24) See Grote, "H. G." x. 356.
@@ Line 3126: / Line 3126: @@
  (26) In reference to "Hell." III. ii. 25 foll., see Freeman, op. cit.
-    p. 201, and below, "Hell." VII. iv. 12 (B.C. 365); Busolt, op.
+p. 201, and below, "Hell." VII. iv. 12 (B.C. 365); Busolt, op.
-    cit. p. 186 foll., in reference to Lasion.
+cit. p. 186 foll., in reference to Lasion.
  (27) Busolt, p. 150.
@@ Line 3134: / Line 3134: @@
  (28) See Hicks, 84, p. 152; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 51; Grote, "H. G."
-    x. 357; Curtius, "H. G." (Eng. tr.) iv. 458; Diod. xv. 90.
+x. 357; Curtius, "H. G." (Eng. tr.) iv. 458; Diod. xv. 90.
  (29) See above, V. i. 28; "Ages." ii. 26.
@@ Line 3143: / Line 3143: @@
  (31) See above, SS. 20, 22, p. 191 foll. The date is B.C. 368
-    according to Grote, "H. G." x. 362 foll.; al. B.C. 367.
+according to Grote, "H. G." x. 362 foll.; al. B.C. 367.
 Presently when the Arcadians and Argives arrived with succours, he retreated and encamped on the knolls above Medea. (32) While he was there, Cissidas, the officer in charge of the reinforcement from Dionysius, made the announcement that the period for his stay abroad had elapsed; and the words were no sooner out of his lips than off he set on the road to Sparta. The march itself, however, was not effected without delays, for he was met and cut off by a body of Messenians at a narrow pass, and was forced in these straits to send to Archidamus and beg for assistance, which the latter tendered. When they had got as far as the bend (33) on the road to Eutresia, there were the Arcadians and Argives advancing upon Laconia and apparently intending, like the Messenians, to shut the Spartan off from the homeward road.
  (32) Or, "Melea," or "Malea." E. Curtius conjectures {Meleas} for
-    {Medeas} of the MSS., and probably the place referred to is the
+{Medeas} of the MSS., and probably the place referred to is the
-    township of Malea in the Aegytis (Pausan. VIII. xxvii. 4); see
+township of Malea in the Aegytis (Pausan. VIII. xxvii. 4); see
-    above, "Hell." VI. v. 24, "the Maleatid." See Dind. "Hist. Gr.,"
+above, "Hell." VI. v. 24, "the Maleatid." See Dind. "Hist. Gr.,"
-    Ox. MDCCCLIII., note ad loc.; Curtius, "H. G." iv. 459; Grote, "H.
+Ox. MDCCCLIII., note ad loc.; Curtius, "H. G." iv. 459; Grote, "H.
-    G." x. 362.
+G." x. 362.
  (33) Or, "the resting-place"; cf. mod. "Khan." L. and S. cf. Arist.
-    "Frogs," 113. "Medea," below, is probably "Malea," (see last
+"Frogs," 113. "Medea," below, is probably "Malea," (see last
-    note).
+note).
 Archidamus, debouching upon a flat space of ground where the roads to Eutresia and Medea converge, drew up his troops and offered battle. When happened then is thus told:—He passed in front of the regiments and addressed them in terms of encouragement thus: "Fellow-citizens, the day has come which calls upon us to prove ourselves brave men and look the world in the face with level eyes. (34) Now are we to deliver to those who come after us our fatherland intact as we received it from our fathers; now will we cease hanging our heads in shame before our children and wives, our old men and our foreign friends, in sight of whom in days of old we shone forth conspicuous beyond all other Hellenes."
@@ Line 3171: / Line 3171: @@
  (37) See Plut. "Pelop." 30 (Clough, vol. ii. p. 230). For the date see
-    Grote, "H. G." x. 365, 379; Curtius, "H. G." iv. 460.
+Grote, "H. G." x. 365, 379; Curtius, "H. G." iv. 460.
 When they arrived at the Persian court the influence of Pelopidas was preponderant with the Persian. He could point out that, besides the fact that the Thebans alone among all the Hellenes had fought on the king's side at Plataeae, (38) they had never subsequently engaged in military service against the Persians; nay, the very ground of Lacedaemonian hostility to them was that they had refused to march against the Persian king with Agesilaus, (39) and would not even suffer him to sacrifice to Artemis at Aulis (where Agamemnon sacrificed before he set sail for Asia and captured Troy). In addition, there were two things which contributed to raise the prestige of Thebes, and redounded to the honour of Pelopidas. These were the victory of the Thebans at Leuctra, and the indisputable fact that they had invaded and laid waste the territory of Laconia. Pelopidas went on to point out that the Argives and Arcadians had lately been defeated in battle by the Lacedaemonians, when his own countrymen were not there to assist. The Athenian Timagoras supported all these statements of the Theban by independent testimony, and stood second in honour after Pelopidas.
@@ Line 3186: / Line 3186: @@
  (41) See above, VI. v. 6; Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." 202; Demosth. "F.
-    L." 220, etc.
+L." 220, etc.
  (42) Or, "the golden plane-tree they romance about would not suffice
-    to," etc.
+to," etc.
 At Thebes a conference of the states had been convened to listen to the great king's letter. The Persian who bore the missive merely pointed to the royal seal, and read the document; whereupon the Thebans invited all, who wished to be their friends, to take an oath to what they had just heard, as binding on the king and on themselves. To which the ambassadors from the states replied that they had been sent to listen to a report, not to take oaths; if oaths were wanted, they recommended the Thebans to send ambassadors to the several states. The Arcadian Lycomedes, moreover, added that the congress ought not to be held at Thebes at all, but at the seat of war, wherever that might be. This remark brought down the wrath of the Thebans on the speaker; they exclaimed that he was bent on breaking up the alliance. Whereupon the Arcadian refused to take a seat in the congress at all, and got up and betook himself off there and then, accompanied by all the Arcadian envoys. Since, therefore, the assembled representatives refused to take the oaths at Thebes, the Thebans sent to the different states, one by one in turn, urging each to undertake solemnly to act in accordance with the great king's rescript. They were persuaded that no individual state would venture to quarrel with themselves and the Persian monarch at once. As a matter of fact, however, when they arrived at Corinth—which was the first stated vist—the Corinthians stood out and gave as their answer, that they had no desire for any common oath or undertaking with the king. The rest of the states followed suit, giving answers of a similar tenor, so that this striving after empire on the part of Pelopidas and the Thebans melted like a cloud-castle into air.
@@ Line 3196: / Line 3196: @@
  (43) B.C. 367, according to Grote, "H. G." x. 365, note 1; al. B.C.
 .
  (44) See Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." p. 241: "We read of local
-    oligarchies (in the several cities of Achaia) which Epameinondas
+oligarchies (in the several cities of Achaia) which Epameinondas
-    found and left in possession, but which the home government of
+found and left in possession, but which the home government of
-    Thebes thought good to expel, and to substitute democracies under
+Thebes thought good to expel, and to substitute democracies under
-    the protection of Theban harmosts. This policy did not answer, as
+the protection of Theban harmosts. This policy did not answer, as
-    the large bodies of exiles thus formed contrived to recover the
+the large bodies of exiles thus formed contrived to recover the
-    cities, and to bring them to a far more decided Spartan
+cities, and to bring them to a far more decided Spartan
-    partisanship than before."
+partisanship than before."
 So he departed home. The Arcadians, however, and the partisans of the opposite faction in Thebes were ready with an indictment against him: "Epaminondas," they said, "had merely swept and garnished Achaea for the Lacedaemonians, and then gone off." The Thebans accordingly resolved to send governors (45) into the states of Achaea; and those officers on arrival joined with the commonalty and drove out the better folk, and set up democracies throughout Achaea. On their side, these exiles coalesced, and, marching upon each separate state in turn, for they were pretty numerous, speedily won their restoration and dominated the states. As the party thus reinstated no longer steered a middle course, but went heart and soul into an alliance with Lacedaemon, the Arcadians found themselves between the upper and the nether millstone—that is to say, the Lacedaemonians and the Achaeans.
@@ Line 3224: / Line 3224: @@
  (1) "Thyamia is placed by Ross on the lofty hill of Spiria, the
-    northern prolongation of Tricaranum, between the villages Stimanga
+northern prolongation of Tricaranum, between the villages Stimanga
-    and Skrapani."—"Dict. Anct. Geog." "Phlius."
+and Skrapani."—"Dict. Anct. Geog." "Phlius."
 B.C. 370-369. Now these Phliasians were friends of Lacedaemon while at the zenith of her power. After her disaster on the field of Leuctra, when many of the Perioeci, and the helots to a man, revolted; when, more than that, the allies, save only quite a few, forsook her; (2) and when united Hellas, so to speak, was marching on her—these Phliasians remained stanch in their allegiance; and, in spite of the hostility of the most powerful states of the Peloponnese, to wit the Arcardians and the Argives, they insisted on coming to her aid. It fell to their lot to cross into Prasiae as the rearguard of the reinforcements, which consisted of the men of Corinth, of Epidaurus and of Troezen, of Hermione, Halieis, and Sicyon and Pellene, in the days before any of these had revolted. (3) Not even when the commander of the foreign brigade, picking up the divisions already across, left them behind and was gone—not even so did they flinch or turn back, but hired a guide from Prasiae, and though the enemy was massed round Amyclae, slipped through his ranks, as best they could, and so reached Sparta. It was then that the Lacedaemonians, besides other honours conferred upon them, sent them an ox as a gift of hospitality.
@@ Line 3238: / Line 3238: @@
  (4) B.C. 369? al. B.C. 368. See above, "Hell." VII. i. 15; Grote, "H.
-    G." x. 346.
+G." x. 346.
  (5) See above, "Hell." VII. i. 18, and below, S. 8.
  (6) Or, "one member of both the squads of five was left behind"—i.e.
-    two out of the ten could not keep up with the rest in their
+two out of the ten could not keep up with the rest in their
-    flight, and were taken and killed; one indeed had not started, but
+flight, and were taken and killed; one indeed had not started, but
-    was killed in sleep.
+was killed in sleep.
  (7) Or, "downwards" (L. and S.); or, "in front," "von vorn" (Buchs).
  (8) Reading, {tous eti toi teikhous}. See Otto Keller for various
-    emendations of the passage.
+emendations of the passage.
  (9) In true Homeric fashion, as Pollux (ii. 64) observes. See Homer,
-    "Il." vi. 484. See above, VII. i. 32; "Cyrop." VII. v. 32;
+"Il." vi. 484. See above, VII. i. 32; "Cyrop." VII. v. 32;
-    "Hiero," iii. 5; "Sym." ii. 24; "Antony and Cleopatra," III. ii.
+"Hiero," iii. 5; "Sym." ii. 24; "Antony and Cleopatra," III. ii.
 .
 Next year also (10) Phlius was invaded by the Argives and all the Arcadians. The reason of this perpetually-renewed attack on Phlius is not far to seek: partly it was the result of spleen, partly the little township stood midway between them, and they cherished the hope that through want of the necessaries of life they would bring it over. During this invasion the cavalry and the picked troop of the Phliasians, assisted by some Athenian knights, made another famous charge at the crossing of the river. (11) They made it so hot for the enemy that for the rest of that day he was forced to retire under the mountain ridges, and to hold aloof as if afraid to trample down the corn-crops of a friendly people on the flat below.
@@ Line 3274: / Line 3274: @@
  (14) What is the date of this incident? See above, "Hell." VII. ii. 3;
-    below VII. iv. 17.
+below VII. iv. 17.
 The men of Phlius pushed forward with Chares; presently they stumbled on the enemy and at once grappled to their work. Pressing hard on the foe, they called cheerily to one another, and shouted at the same time to Chares to bring up his aid. In short, the victory was theirs; and the enemy was driven off the road; and so they got themselves and their supplies safely home. The long night-watching superinduced sleep which lasted well into the next day. But Chares was no sooner out of bed then he was accosted by the cavalry and the pick of the heavy infantry with the following appeal: "Chares, to-day you have it in your power to perform the noblest deed of arms. The Sicyonians are fortifying an outpost on our borders, they have plenty of stone-masons but a mere handful of hoplites. We the knights of Phlius and we the flower of our infantry force will lead the way; and you shall follow after with your mercenaries. Perhaps when you appear on the scene you will find the whole thing finished, or perhaps your coming will send the enemy flying, as happened at Pellene. If you do not like the sound of these proposals, sacrifice and take counsel of the gods. Our belief is that the gods will bid you yet more emphatically than we to take this step. Only this, Chares, you must well consider, that if you do take it you will have established an outpost on the enemy's frontier; you will have saved from perdition a friendly city; you will win eternal glory in your own fatherland; and among friends and foes alike no name will be heralded with louder praise than that of Chares."
@@ Line 3287: / Line 3287: @@
  (1) Is this man the famous writer {o taktikos}, a portion of whose
-    works, the "Treatise on Siege Operations," has been preserved
+works, the "Treatise on Siege Operations," has been preserved
-     (recently re-edited by Arnold Hug—"Commentarius Poliorceticus,"
+ (recently re-edited by Arnold Hug—"Commentarius Poliorceticus,"
-    Lips. Trubner, 1884)? So Casaubon supposed. Cf. "Com. Pol." 27,
+Lips. Trubner, 1884)? So Casaubon supposed. Cf. "Com. Pol." 27,
-    where the writer mentions {paneia} as the Arcadian term for
+where the writer mentions {paneia} as the Arcadian term for
-    "panics." Readers of the "Anabasis" will recollect the tragic end
+"panics." Readers of the "Anabasis" will recollect the tragic end
-    of another Aeneas, also of Stymphalus, an Arcadian officer. On the
+of another Aeneas, also of Stymphalus, an Arcadian officer. On the
-    official title {strategos} (general), Freeman ("Hist. Fed. Gov."
+official title {strategos} (general), Freeman ("Hist. Fed. Gov."
 ) notes that "at the head of the whole League there seems to
-    have been, as in so many other cases, a single Federal general."
+have been, as in so many other cases, a single Federal general."
-    Cf. Diod. xv. 62.
+Cf. Diod. xv. 62.
  (2) See above, VII. i. 46.
@@ Line 3309: / Line 3309: @@
  (5) Or, "they have been judge and jury both, and executioners to
-    boot."
+boot."
 Such were the words of the magistrates. Among the men thus accused, all save one denied immediate participation in the act. It was not their hands that had dealt the blow. This one not only confessed the deed, but made a defence in words somewhat as follows:
@@ Line 3338: / Line 3338: @@
  (4) This proves that "the Ten Thousand made war and peace in the name
-    of all Arkadia"; cf. "Hell." VII. i. 38; Diod. xv. 59. "They
+of all Arkadia"; cf. "Hell." VII. i. 38; Diod. xv. 59. "They
-    received and listened to the ambassadors of other Greek states";
+received and listened to the ambassadors of other Greek states";
-    Demosth. "F. L." 220. "They regulated and paid the standing army
+Demosth. "F. L." 220. "They regulated and paid the standing army
-    of the Federation"; "Hell." VII. iv. 22, 23; Diod. xv. 62. "They
+of the Federation"; "Hell." VII. iv. 22, 23; Diod. xv. 62. "They
-    sat in judgment on political offenders against the collective
+sat in judgment on political offenders against the collective
-    majority of the Arkadian League"; "Hell." VII. iv. 33; Freeman,
+majority of the Arkadian League"; "Hell." VII. iv. 33; Freeman,
-    "Hist. Fed. Gov." 203, note 1.
+"Hist. Fed. Gov." 203, note 1.
 Out of the many vessels at his service he had chosen the one he liked best, and by the terms of contract was entitled to land at any point he might desire; but for some reason, selected the exact spot where a body of Mantinean exiles lay. Thus he died; but the alliance on which he had set his heart was already consummated.
@@ Line 3351: / Line 3351: @@
  (5) Of Demotion nothing more, I think, is known. Grote ("H. G." x.
 ) says: "The public debates of the Athenian assembly were not
-    favourable to the success of a scheme like that proposed by
+favourable to the success of a scheme like that proposed by
-    Demotion, to which secrecy was indispensable. Compare another
+Demotion, to which secrecy was indispensable. Compare another
-    scheme" (the attempted surprise of Mitylene, B.C. 428), "divulged
+scheme" (the attempted surprise of Mitylene, B.C. 428), "divulged
-    in like manner, in Thuc. iii. 3."
+in like manner, in Thuc. iii. 3."
 As soon as the Athenian garrison troops were met together in the city of Corinth, the Corinthian authorities caused proclamation to be made inviting all Athenians who felt themselves wronged to enter their names and cases upon a list, and they would recover their dues. While things were in this state, Chares arrived at Cenchreae with a fleet. Learning what had been done, he told them that he had heard there were designs against the state of Corinth, and had come to render assistance. The authorities, while thanking him politely for his zeal, were not any the more ready to admit the vessels into the harbour, but bade him sail away; and after rendering justice to the infantry troops, they sent them away likewise. Thus the Athenians were quit of Corinth. To the Arcadians, to be sure, they were forced by the terms of their alliance to send an auxiliary force of cavalry, "in case of any foreign attack upon Arcadia." At the same time they were careful not to set foot on Laconian soil for the purposes of war.
@@ Line 3366: / Line 3366: @@
  (6) See Isocr. "Or." vi. "Archidamos," S. 70; Jebb, "Att. Or." ii.
 .
 Satisfied with this answer, the Corinthians set off to Thebes in quest of peace. The Thebans, indeed, asked them to agree on oath, not to peace only but an alliance; to which they answered: "An alliance meant, not peace, but merely an exchange of war. If they liked, they were ready there and then," they repeated, "to establish a just and equitable peace." And the Thebans, admiring the manner in which, albeit in danger, they refused to undertake war against their benefactors, conceded to them and the Phliasians and the rest who came with them to Thebes, peace on the principle that each should hold their own territory. On these terms the oaths were taken.
@@ Line 3373: / Line 3373: @@
  (7) Or, "as a post held by them within the territory of the state."
-    The passage is perhaps corrupt.
+The passage is perhaps corrupt.
 It was nearly at the same date that the son of Dionysius (8) (his father, Dionysius the first, being already dead) sent a reinforcement to Lacedaemon of twelve triremes under Timocrates, who on his arrival helped the Lacedaemonians to recover Sellasia, and after that exploit sailed away home.
@@ Line 3384: / Line 3384: @@
  (10) From the sequel it would appear that the former were a picked
-    corps of infantry and the latter of cavalry. See Thuc. ii. 25;
+corps of infantry and the latter of cavalry. See Thuc. ii. 25;
-    Busolt, op. cit. p. 175 foll.
+Busolt, op. cit. p. 175 foll.
 Flushed with this achievement the Arcadians began marching on the cities of the Acroreia, (11) which, with the exception of Thraustus, they captured, and so reached Olympia. There they made an entrenched camp on the hill of Kronos, established a garrison, and held control over the Olympian hill-country. Margana also, by help of a party inside who gave it up, next fell into their hands.
  (11) The mountainous district of Elis on the borders of Arcadia,  in
-    which the rivers Peneius and Ladon take their rise; see "Dict. of
+which the rivers Peneius and Ladon take their rise; see "Dict. of
-    Anct. Geog." s.v.; above, III. ii. 30, IV. ii. 16. Thraustus was
+Anct. Geog." s.v.; above, III. ii. 30, IV. ii. 16. Thraustus was
-    one of the four chief townships of the district. For Margana, see
+one of the four chief townships of the district. For Margana, see
-    above, III. ii. 25, 30, IV. ii. 16, VI. v. 2.
+above, III. ii. 25, 30, IV. ii. 16, VI. v. 2.
 These successive advantages gained by their opponents reacted on the Eleians, and threw them altogether into despair. Meanwhile the Arcadians were steadily advancing upon their capital. (12) At length they arrived, and penetrated into the market-place. Here, however, the cavalry and the rest of the Eleians made a stand, drove the enemy out with some loss, and set up a trophy.
@@ Line 3404: / Line 3404: @@
  (14) Pylus, a town in "hollow" Elis, upon the mountain road from Elis
-    to Olympia, at the place where the Ladon flows into the Peneius
+to Olympia, at the place where the Ladon flows into the Peneius
-    (Paus. VI. xxii. 5), near the modern village of Agrapidokhori.—
+(Paus. VI. xxii. 5), near the modern village of Agrapidokhori.—
-    Baedeker, "Greece," p. 320. See Busolt, p. 179.
+Baedeker, "Greece," p. 320. See Busolt, p. 179.
 There was subsequently another invasion of the territory of the Eleians on the part of the Arcadians, who were influenced by the representations of the exiles that the city would come over to them. But the attempt proved abortive. The Achaeans, who had now become friends with the Eleians, kept firm guard on the capital, so that the Arcadians had to retire without further exploit than that of ravaging the country. Immediately, however, on marching out of Eleian territory they were informed that the men of Pellene were in Elis; whereupon they executed a marvellously long night march and seized the Pellenian township of Olurus (15) (the Pellenians at the date in question having already reverted to their old alliance with Lacedaemon). And now the men of Pellene, in their turn getting wind of what had happened at Olurus, made their way round as best they could, and got into their own city of Pellene; after which there was nothing for it but to carry on war with the Arcadians in Olurus and the whole body of their own commons; and in spite of their small numbers they did not cease till they had reduced Olurus by siege.
  (15) This fortress (placed by Leake at modern Xylokastro) lay at the
-    entrance of the gorge of the Sys, leading from the Aigialos or
+entrance of the gorge of the Sys, leading from the Aigialos or
-    coast-land into the territory of Pellene, which itself lay about
+coast-land into the territory of Pellene, which itself lay about
-    sixty stades from the sea at modern Zougra. For the part played by
+sixty stades from the sea at modern Zougra. For the part played by
-    Pellene as one of the twelve Achaean states at this period, see
+Pellene as one of the twelve Achaean states at this period, see
-    above.
+above.
 B.C. 365. (16) The Arcadians were presently engaged on another campaign against Elis. While they were encamped between Cyllene (17) and the capital the Eleians attacked them, but the Arcadians made a stand and won the battle. Andromachus, the Eleian cavalry general, who was regarded as responsible for the engagement, made an end of himself; and the rest withdrew into the city. This battle cost the life also of another there present—the Spartan Socleides; since, it will be understood, the Lacedaemonians had by this time become allies of the Eleians. Consequently the Eleians, being sore pressed on their own territory, sent an embassy and begged the Lacedaemonians to organise an expedition against the Arcadians. They were persuaded that in this way they would best arrest the progress of the Arcadians, who would thus be placed between the two foes. In accordance with this suggestion Archidamus marched out with a body of the city troops and seized Cromnus. (18) Here he left a garrison—three out of the twelve regiments (19)—and so withdrew homewards. The Arcadians had just ended their Eleian campaign, and, without disbanding their levies, hastened to the rescue, surrounded Cromnus with a double line of trenches, and having so secured their position, proceeded to lay siege to those inside the place. The city of Lacedaemon, annoyed at the siege of their citizens, sent out an army, again under Archidamus, who, when he had come, set about ravaging Arcadia to the best of his power, as also the Sciritid, and did all he could to draw off, if possible, the besieging army. The Arcadians, for all that, were not one whit the more to be stirred: they seemed callous to all his proceedings.
@@ Line 3424: / Line 3424: @@
  (18) Cromnus, a township near Megalopolis. See Callisthenes, ap.
-    Athen. 10, p. 452 A. See Schneider's note ad loc.
+Athen. 10, p. 452 A. See Schneider's note ad loc.
  (19) Lit. "lochi." See Arnold's note to Thuc. v. 68; below, VII. v.
 .
 Presently espying a certain rising ground, across which the Arcadians had drawn their outer line of circumvallation, Archidamus proposed to himself to take it. If he were once in command of that knoll, the besiegers at its foot would be forced to retire. Accordingly he set about leading a body of troops round to the point in question, and during this movement the light infantry in advance of Archidamus, advancing at the double, caught sight of the Arcadian Eparitoi (20) outside the stockade and attacked them, while the cavalry made an attempt to enforce their attack simultaneously. The Arcadians did not swerve: in compact order they waited impassively. The Lacedaemonians charged a second time: a second time they swerved not, but on the contrary began advancing. Then, as the hoarse roar and shouting deepened, Archidamus himself advanced in support of his troops. To do so he turned aside along the carriage-road leading to Cromnus, and moved onward in column two abreast, (21) which was his natural order. When they came into close proximity to one another—Archidamus's troops in column, seeing they were marching along a road; the Arcadians in compact order with shields interlinked—at this conjuncture the Lacedaemonians were not able to hold out for any length of time against the numbers of the Arcadians. Before long Archidamus had received a wound which pierced through his thigh, whilst death was busy with those who fought in front of him, Polyaenidas and Chilon, who was wedded to the sister of Archidamus, included. The whole of these, numbering no less than thirty, perished in this action. Presently, falling back along the road, they emerged into the open ground, and now with a sense of relief the Lacedaemonians got themselves into battle order, facing the foe. The Arcadians, without altering their position, stood in compact line, and though falling short in actual numbers, were in far better heart—the moral result of an attack on a retreating enemy and the severe loss inflicted on him. The Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, were sorely down-hearted: Archidamus lay wounded before their eyes; in their ears rang the names of those who had died, the fallen being not only brave men, but, one may say, the flower of Spartan chivalry. The two armies were now close together, when one of the older men lifted up his voice and cried: "Why need we fight, sirs? Why not rather make truce and part friends?" Joyously the words fell on the ears of either host, and they made a truce. The Lacedaemonians picked up their dead and retired; the Arcadians withdrew to the point where their advance originally began, and set up a trophy of victory.
  (20) So the troops of the Arcadian Federation were named. Diodorus
-    (xv. 62) calls them "the select troops," {tous kaloumenous
+(xv. 62) calls them "the select troops," {tous kaloumenous
-    epilektous}.
+epilektous}.
  (21) See above, III. i. 22.
@@ Line 3440: / Line 3440: @@
  (22) A strong fortress in an unfrequented situation, defended by
-    narrow passes (Leake, "Morea," ii. 204); it lay probably in the
+narrow passes (Leake, "Morea," ii. 204); it lay probably in the
-    rocky recesses of Mount Scollis (modern Santameri), on the
+rocky recesses of Mount Scollis (modern Santameri), on the
-    frontier of Achaea, near the modern village of Santameri. See
+frontier of Achaea, near the modern village of Santameri. See
-    Polyb. iv. 75. See Busolt, op. cit. p. 179.
+Polyb. iv. 75. See Busolt, op. cit. p. 179.
 The Lacedaemonians presently made a second attempt on Cromnus by a night attack, got possession of the part of the palisading facing the Argives, and at once began summoning their besieged fellow-citizens to come out. Out accordingly came all who happened to be within easy distance, and who took time by the forelock. The rest were not quick enough; a strong Arcadian reinforcement cut them off, and they remained shut up inside, and were eventually taken prisoners and distributed. One portion of them fell to the lot of the Argives, one to the Thebans, (23) one to the Arcadians, and one to the Messenians. The whole number taken, whether true-born Spartans or Perioeci, amounted to more than one hundred.
  (23) "The Thebans must have been soldiers in garrison at Tegea,
-    Megalopolis, or Messene."—Grote, "H. G." x. 433.
+Megalopolis, or Messene."—Grote, "H. G." x. 433.
 B.C. 364. And now that the Arcadians had leisure on the side of Cromnus, they were again able to occupy themselves with the Eleians, and to keep Olympia still more strongly garrisoned. In anticipation of the approaching Olympic year, (24) they began preparations to celebrate the Olympian games in conjunction with the men of Pisa, who claim to be the original presidents of the Temple. (25) Now, when the month of the Olympic Festival—and not the month only, but the very days, during which the solemn assembly is wont to meet, were come, the Eleians, in pursuance of preparations and invitations to the Achaeans, of which they made no secret, at length proceeded to march along the road to Olympia. The Arcadians had never imagined that they would really attack them; and they were themselves just now engaged with the men of Pisa in carrying out the details of the solemn assembly. They had already completed the chariot-race, and the foot-race of the pentathlon. (26) The competitors entitled to enter for the wrestling match had left the racecourse, and were getting through their bouts in the space between the racecourse and the great altar.
@@ Line 3455: / Line 3455: @@
  (25) For this claim on the part of the Pisatans (as the old
-    inhabitants), see above, III. ii. 31; Paus. VI. xxii. 2; Diod. xv.
+inhabitants), see above, III. ii. 31; Paus. VI. xxii. 2; Diod. xv.
 ; Busolt, op. cit. p. 154.
  (26) As to the pentathlon, see above, IV. vii. 5. Whether the
-    preceding {ippodromia} was, at this date, a horse or chariot race,
+preceding {ippodromia} was, at this date, a horse or chariot race,
-    or both, I am unable to say.
+or both, I am unable to say.
 It must be understood that the Eleians under arms were already close at hand within the sacred enclosure. (27) The Arcadians, without advancing farther to meet them, drew up their troops on the river Cladaus, which flows past the Altis and discharges itself into the Alpheus. Their allies, consisting of two hundred Argive hoplites and about four hundred Athenian cavalry, were there to support them. Presently the Eleians formed into line on the opposite side of the stream, and, having sacrificed, at once began advancing. Though heretofore in matters of war despised by Arcadians and Argives, by Achaeans and Athenians alike, still on this day they led the van of the allied force like the bravest of the brave. Coming into collision with the Arcadians first, they at once put them to flight, and next receiving the attack of the Argive supports, mastered these also. Then having pursued them into the space between the senate-house, the temple of Hestia, and the theatre thereto adjoining, they still kept up the fighting as fiercely as ever, pushing the retreating foe towards the great altar. But now being exposed to missiles from the porticoes and the senate-house and the great temple, (28) while battling with their opponents on the level, some of the Eleians were slain, and amongst others the commander of the Three Hundred himself, Stratolas. At this state of the proceedings they retired to their camp.
  (27) "The {temenos} must here be distinguished from the Altis, as
-    meaning the entire breadth of consecrated ground at Olympia, of
+meaning the entire breadth of consecrated ground at Olympia, of
-    which the Altis formed a smaller interior portion enclosed with a
+which the Altis formed a smaller interior portion enclosed with a
-    wall. The Eleians entered into a {temenos} before they crossed the
+wall. The Eleians entered into a {temenos} before they crossed the
-    river Kladeus, which flowed through the {temenos}, but alongside
+river Kladeus, which flowed through the {temenos}, but alongside
-    the Altis. The tomb of Oenomaus, which was doubtless included in
+the Altis. The tomb of Oenomaus, which was doubtless included in
-    the {temenos}, was on the right bank of the Kladeus (Paus. VI.
+the {temenos}, was on the right bank of the Kladeus (Paus. VI.
-    xxi. 3); while the Altis was on the left bank of the river."—
+xxi. 3); while the Altis was on the left bank of the river."—
-    Grote, "H. G." x. 438, note 1. For the position of the Altis
+Grote, "H. G." x. 438, note 1. For the position of the Altis
-    (Paus. V. x. 1) and several of the buildings here mentioned, and
+(Paus. V. x. 1) and several of the buildings here mentioned, and
-    the topography of Olympia in general, see Baedeker's "Greece," p.
+the topography of Olympia in general, see Baedeker's "Greece," p.
 foll.; and Dorpfeld's Plan ("Olympia und Umgegend," Berlin,
 ), there reproduced.
  (28) Or, "from the porticoes of the senate-house and the great
-    temple."
+temple."
 The Arcadians and those with them were so terrified at the thought of the coming day that they gave themselves neither respite nor repose that night, but fell to chopping up the carefully-compacted booths and constructing them into palisades; so that when the Eleians did again advance the next day and saw the strength of the barriers and the number mounted on the temples, they withdrew to their city. They had proved themselves to be warriors of such mettle as a god indeed by the breath of his spirit may raise up and bring to perfection in a single day, but into which it were impossible for mortal men to convert a coward even in a lifetime.
@@ Line 3486: / Line 3486: @@
  (29) See above, VII. i. 24. "Were these magistrates, or merely popular
-    leaders?"—Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." p. 203, note 3.
+leaders?"—Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." p. 203, note 3.
  (30) Or, "Select Troop." See above.
  (31) "The common formula for a Greek confederation, {to koinon ton
-    'Arkadon}, is used as an equivalent of {oi mupioi}" (here and
+'Arkadon}, is used as an equivalent of {oi mupioi}" (here and
-    below, SS. 35, 38)—Freeman, op. cit. 202, note 4.
+below, SS. 35, 38)—Freeman, op. cit. 202, note 4.
 The Thebans, therefore, began making preparations for opening a campaign, but the party who consulted the best interests of Peloponnese (32) persuaded the general assembly of the Arcadians to send an embassy and tell the Thebans not to advance with an army into Arcadia, unless they sent for them; and whilst this was the language they addressed to Thebes, they reasoned among themselves that they could dispense with war altogether. The presidency over the temple of Zeus, they were persuaded, they might easily dispense with; indeed, it would at once be a more upright and a holier proceeding on their parts to give it back, and with such conduct the god, they thought, might be better pleased. As these were also the views and wishes of the Eleians, both parties agreed to make peace, and a truce was established.
  (32) See below, VII. v. 1, {oi kedouenoi tes Peloponnesou}. I regard
-    these phrases as self-laudatory political catchwords.
+these phrases as self-laudatory political catchwords.
 B.C. 362. The oaths were ratified; and amongst those who swore to them were included not only the parties immediately concerned, but the men of Tegea, and the Theban general himself, who was inside Tegea with three hundred heavy infantry of the Boeotians. Under these circumstances the Arcadians in Tegea remained behind feasting and keeping holy day, with outpouring of libations and songs of victory, to celebrate the establishment of peace. Here was an opportunity for the Theban and those of the government who regarded the forthcoming inquiry with apprehension. Aided by the Boeotians and those of the Eparitoi who shared their sentiments, they first closed the gates of the fortress of Tegea, and then set about sending to the various quarters to apprehend those of the better class. But, inasmuch as there were Arcadians present from all the cities, and there was a general desire for peace, those apprehended must needs be many. So much so, that the prison-house was eventually full to overflowing, and the town-hall was full also. Besides the number lodged in prison, a number had escaped by leaping down the walls, and there were others who were suffered to pass through the gates (a laxity easily explained, since no one, excepting those who were anticipating their own downfall, cherished any wrathful feeling against anybody). But what was a source of still graver perplexity to the Theban commander and those acting with him—of the Mantineans, the very people whom they had set their hearts on catching, they had got but very few. Nearly all of them, owing to the proximity of their city, had, in fact, betaken themselves home. Now, when day came and the Mantineans learned what had happened, they immediately sent and forewarned the other Arcadian states to be ready in arms, and to guard the passes; and they set the example themselves by so doing. They sent at the same time to Tegea and demanded the release of all Mantineans there detained. With regard to the rest of the Arcadians they further claimed that no one should be imprisoned or put to death without trial. If any one had any accusation to bring against any, than by the mouth of their messengers there present they gave notice that the state of Mantinea was ready to offer bail, "Verily and indeed to produce before the general assembly of the Arcadians all who might be summoned into court." The Theban accordingly, on hearing this, was at a loss what to make of the affair, and released his prisoners. Next day, summoning a congress of all the Arcadians who chose to come, he explained, with some show of apology, that he had been altogether deceived; he had heard, he said, that "the Lacedaemonians were under arms on the frontier, and that some of the Arcadians were about to betray Tegea into their hands." His auditors acquitted him for the moment, albeit they knew that as touching themselves he was lying. They sent, however, an embassy to Thebes and there accused him as deserving of death. Epaminondas (who was at that time the general at the head of the war department) is reported to have maintained that the Theban commander had acted far more rightly when he seized than when he let go the prisoners. "Thanks to you," he argued, "we have been brought into a state of war, and then you, without our advice or opinion asked, make peace on your own account; would it not be reasonable to retort upon you the charge of treason in such conduct? Anyhow, be assured," he added, "we shall bring an army into Arcadia, and along with those who share our views carry on the war which we have undertaken."
@@ Line 3506: / Line 3506: @@
  (1) For a treaty of alliance between Athens, the Arkadians, Achaeans,
-    Eleians, and Phliasians, immediately before Mantinea, B.C. 362,
+Eleians, and Phliasians, immediately before Mantinea, B.C. 362,
-    {epi Molonos arkhontos}, see Hicks, 94; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. p.
+{epi Molonos arkhontos}, see Hicks, 94; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. p.
 . It is preserved on a stele ("broken at bottom; but the top is
-    surmounted by a relief representing Zeus enthroned, with a
+surmounted by a relief representing Zeus enthroned, with a
-    thunderbolt; a female figure  (= the {Summakhia}?) approaches
+thunderbolt; a female figure  (= the {Summakhia}?) approaches
-    lifting her veil, while Athena stands by") now standing among the
+lifting her veil, while Athena stands by") now standing among the
-    sculptures from the Asklepieion on the Acropolis at Athens. See
+sculptures from the Asklepieion on the Acropolis at Athens. See
-    Milchhofer, p. 47, no. 7, "Die Museum," Athens, 1881. For the
+Milchhofer, p. 47, no. 7, "Die Museum," Athens, 1881. For the
-    date, see Demosth. "c. Polycl." 1207.
+date, see Demosth. "c. Polycl." 1207.
 While these matters were in progress, Epaminondas was prosecuting his march at the head of all the Boeotians, with the Euboeans, and a large body of Thessalians, furnished both by Alexander (2) and by his opponents. The Phocians were not represented. Their special agreement only required them to render assistance in case of an attack on Thebes; to assist in a hostile expedition against others was not in the bond. Epaminondas, however, reflected that inside Peloponnesus itself they might count upon the Argives and the Messenians, with that section of the Arcadians which shared their views. These latter were the men of Tegea and Megalopolis, of Asea and Pallantium, with any townships which owing to their small size or their position in the midst of these larger cities were forced to follow their lead.
  (2) For Alexander of Pherae, see above, VI. iv. 34. In B.C. 363 the
-    Thebans had sent an army under Pelopidas into Thessaly to assist
+Thebans had sent an army under Pelopidas into Thessaly to assist
-    their allies among the Thessalians with the Phthiot Achaeans and
+their allies among the Thessalians with the Phthiot Achaeans and
-    the Magnetes against Alexander. At Kynos Kephelae Alexander was
+the Magnetes against Alexander. At Kynos Kephelae Alexander was
-    defeated, but Pelopidas was slain (see Grote, "H. G." x. 420
+defeated, but Pelopidas was slain (see Grote, "H. G." x. 420
-    foll.). "His death, as it brought grief, so likewise it produced
+foll.). "His death, as it brought grief, so likewise it produced
-    advantage to the allies; for the Thebans, as soon as they heard of
+advantage to the allies; for the Thebans, as soon as they heard of
-    his fall, delayed not their revenge, but presently sent seven
+his fall, delayed not their revenge, but presently sent seven
-    thousand foot and seven hundred horse, under the command of
+thousand foot and seven hundred horse, under the command of
-    Malcitas and Diogiton. And they, finding Alexander weak and
+Malcitas and Diogiton. And they, finding Alexander weak and
-    without forces, compelled him to restore the cities he had taken,
+without forces, compelled him to restore the cities he had taken,
-    to withdraw his garrisons from the Magnesians and Achaeans of
+to withdraw his garrisons from the Magnesians and Achaeans of
-    Phthiotos and swear to assist the Thebans against whatsoever
+Phthiotos and swear to assist the Thebans against whatsoever
-    enemies they should require."—Plut. "Pelop." 35 (Clough, ii.
+enemies they should require."—Plut. "Pelop." 35 (Clough, ii.
 ).
 Epaminondas advanced with rapid strides; but on reaching Nemea he slackened speed, hoping to catch the Athenians as they passed, and reflecting on the magnitude of such an achievement, whether in stimulating the courage of his own allies, or in plunging his foes into despondency; since, to state the matter concisely, any blow to Athens would be a gain to Thebes. But during his pause at Nemea those who shared the opposite policy had time to converge on Mantinea. Presently the news reached Epaminondas that the Athenians had abandoned the idea of marching by land, and were preparing to bring their supports to Arcadia by sea through Lacedaemon. This being so, he abandoned his base of Nemea and pushed on to Tegea.
@@ Line 3541: / Line 3541: @@
  (4) Pellene (or Pellana), a town of Laconia on the Eurotas, and on the
-    road from Sparta to Arcadia; in fact the frontier fortress on the
+road from Sparta to Arcadia; in fact the frontier fortress on the
-    Eurotas, as Sellasia on the Oenus; "Dict. of Anct. Geog." s.v.;
+Eurotas, as Sellasia on the Oenus; "Dict. of Anct. Geog." s.v.;
-    see Paus. iii. 20, S. 2; Strab. viii. 386; Polyb. iv. 81, xvi. 37;
+see Paus. iii. 20, S. 2; Strab. viii. 386; Polyb. iv. 81, xvi. 37;
-    Plut. "Agis," 8; Leake, "Morea," iii. 14 foll.
+Plut. "Agis," 8; Leake, "Morea," iii. 14 foll.
  (5) Cf. "Hipparch." iv. 9.
@@ Line 3553: / Line 3553: @@
  (7) Grote ("H. G." x. 455) says: "Though he crossed the Eurotas and
-    actually entered into the city of Sparta," as the words {epei de
+actually entered into the city of Sparta," as the words {epei de
-    egeneto en te polei ton Spartiaton} certainly seem to me to imply.
+egeneto en te polei ton Spartiaton} certainly seem to me to imply.
-    Others interpret "in the close neighbourhood of."
+Others interpret "in the close neighbourhood of."
 With regard to what subsequently took place, two possible explanations suggest themselves: either it was miraculous, or it may be maintained that there is no resisting the fury of desperation. Archidamus, advancing at the head of but a hundred men, and crossing the one thing which might have been expected to form an obstacle to the enemy, (8) began marching uphill against his antagonists. At this crisis these fire-breathing warriors, these victorious heroes of Leuctra, (9) with their superiority at every point, aided, moreover, by the advantage of their position, did not withstand the attack of Archidamus and those with him, but swerved in flight.
  (8) Or, "to serve as his defence"; or, "the one obstacle to his
-    progress," i.e. Archidamus's. It was a miraculous thing that the
+progress," i.e. Archidamus's. It was a miraculous thing that the
-    Thebans did not stop him.
+Thebans did not stop him.
  (9) See Mahaffy, "Hist. Gk. Lit." vol. ii. p. 268, 1st ed. See above,
-    "Hell." VI. iv. 24; Diod. xv. 39, 56.
+"Hell." VI. iv. 24; Diod. xv. 39, 56.
 The vanguard of Epaminondas's troops were cut down; when, however, flushed with the glory of their victory, the citizens followed up their pursuit beyond the right point, they in turn were cut down—so plainly was the demarking line of victory drawn by the finger of God. So then Archidamus set up a trophy to note the limit of his success, and gave back those who had there fallen of the enemy under a truce. Epaminondas, on his side, reflecting that the Arcadians must already be hastening to the relief of Lacedaemon, and being unwilling to engage them in conjunction with the whole of the Lacedaemonian force, especially now that the star of Sparta's fortune shone, whilst theirs had suffered some eclipse, turned and marched back the way he came with all speed possible into Tegea. There he gave his heavy infantry pause and refreshment, but his cavalry he sent on to Mantinea; he begged them to "have courage and hold on," instructing them that in all likelihood they would find the flocks and herds of the Mantineans and the entire population itself outside their walls, especially as it was the moment for carrying the corn. So they set off.
@@ Line 3571: / Line 3571: @@
  (10) Or, "and in Corinth an untoward incident had been experienced by
-    the cavalry." See Grote, "H. G." x. 458, note 2. Possibly in
+the cavalry." See Grote, "H. G." x. 458, note 2. Possibly in
-    reference to "Hell." VI. v. 51, 52.
+reference to "Hell." VI. v. 51, 52.
  (11) Probably Xenophon's own son Gryllus was among them.
@@ Line 3583: / Line 3583: @@
  (13) Or, "the wedge-like attack of his own division"; see Grote, "H.
-    G." x. 469 foll. I do not, however, think that the attacking
+G." x. 469 foll. I do not, however, think that the attacking
-    column was actually wedge-shaped like the "acies cuneata" of the
+column was actually wedge-shaped like the "acies cuneata" of the
-    Romans. It was the unusual depth of the column which gave it the
+Romans. It was the unusual depth of the column which gave it the
-    force of an ironclad's ram. Cf. "Cyrop." II. iv. for {eis
+force of an ironclad's ram. Cf. "Cyrop." II. iv. for {eis
-    metopon}.
+metopon}.
 When the enemy saw them so unexpectedly approaching, not one of them was able to maintain tranquility: some began running to their divisions, some fell into line, some might be seen bitting and bridling their horses, some donning their cuirasses, and one and all were like men about to receive rather than to inflict a blow. He, the while, with steady impetus pushed forward his armament, like a ship-of-war prow forward. Wherever he brought his solid wedge to bear, he meant to cleave through the opposing mass, and crumble his adversary's host to pieces. With this design he prepared to throw the brunt of the fighting on the strongest half of his army, while he kept the weaker portion of it in the background, knowing certainly that if worsted it would only cause discouragement to his own division and add force to the foe. The cavalry on the side of his opponents were disposed like an ordinary phalanx of heavy infantry, regular in depth and unsupported by foot-soldiers interspersed among the horses. (14) Epaminondas again differed in strengthening the attacking point of his cavalry, besides which he interspersed footmen between their lines in the belief that, when he had once cut through the cavalry, he would have wrested victory from the antagonist along his whole line; so hard is it to find troops who will care to keep their own ground when once they see any of their own side flying. Lastly, to prevent any attempt on the part of the Athenians, who were on the enemy's left wing, to bring up their reliefs in support of the portion next them, he posted bodies of cavalry and heavy infantry on certain hillocks in front of them, intending to create in their minds an apprehension that, in case they offered such assistance, they would be attacked on their own rear by these detachments. Such was the plan of encounter which he formed and executed; nor was he cheated in his hopes. He had so much the mastery at his point of attack that he caused the whole of the enemy's troops to take flight.
  (14) See Rustow and Kochly, p. 176; and for the {amippoi}
-    Harpocration, s.v.; Pollus, i. 131; "Hipparch." v. 13; Thuc. v.
+Harpocration, s.v.; Pollus, i. 131; "Hipparch." v. 13; Thuc. v.
 ; Herod. vii. 158; Caes. "B. G." i. 48; "B. Civ." iii. 84.
 But after he himself had fallen, the rest of the Thebans were not able any longer to turn their victory rightly to account. Though the main battle line of their opponents had given way, not a single man afterwards did the victorious hoplites slay, not an inch forward did they advance from the ground on which the collision took place. Though the cavalry had fled before them, there was no pursuit; not a man, horseman or hoplite, did the conquering cavalry cut down; but, like men who have suffered a defeat, as if panic-stricken (15) they slipped back through the ranks of the fleeing foemen. Only the footmen fighting amongst the cavalry and the light infantry, who had together shared in the victory of the cavalry, found their way round to the left wing as masters of the field, but it cost them dear; here they encountered the Athenians, and most of them were cut down.