Contents of Part One —How Alexander, having succeeded to the throne, disposed the affairs of his kingdom (chaps. 1-7). —How he recovered the tribes which revolted (chap. 8.1-2). —How he razed Thebes to the ground and terrified the Greeks and was elected general plenipotentiary of Greece (chaps. 8.3-16). —How he crossed into Asia and defeated the satraps at the river Granicus in Phrygia (chaps. 17-21). —How he took by siege Miletus and Halicarnassus (chaps. 22-27). —The battle of Dareius against Alexander at Issus in Cilicia and the victory of Alexander (chaps. 30-39). —The siege of Tyre, the occupation of Egypt, and the journey of the king to Ammon (chaps. 40-52). —The battle of Alexander with Dareius at Arbela and the victory of Alexander (chaps. 53-61). —The battle of Antipater with the Lacedaemonians and the victory of Antipater (chaps. 62-63). —Contents of Part Two —The capture of Arbela by Alexander and the seizure of great wealth (chap. 64.1-3). —The refreshment of the army in Babylon and the rewards given to those who had distinguished themselves in service (chap. 64.3-6). —The arrival of the mercenaries and allies dispatched to him (chap. 65.1) —The organization and equipment of his army (chap. 65.2-4). —How Alexander occupied Susa and its treasures (chap. 65.5-66). —How he mastered the passes and took possession of the so-called Susian Gates (chaps. 67-68). —How he showed kindness to the Greeks who had been mutilated, and took and sacked Persepolis (chaps. 69-71). —How he set fire to the palace in a revel (chap. 72). —The murder of Dareius by Bessus (chap. 73.1-4). —The expedition of Alexander into Hyrcania and an account of its marvellous plants (chap. 75). —How Alexander took the field against the Mardi and defeated them (chap. 76). —How Thalestris queen of the Amazons had relations with Alexander (chap. 77.1-3). —How the king, thinking himself invincible, imitated the luxury of the Persians (chap. 77.4-7). —The campaign of Alexander against the Areii who had revolted and the capture of the “Rock” (chap. 78). —The conspiracy against the king and the punishment of the conspirators, the most distinguished among them being Parmenion and Philotas (chaps. 79-80). —The campaign of Alexander into the territory of the Paropanisadae and his adventures there (chap. 82). —The single combat that took place in the territory of the Areii and their annexation (chap. 83.1-6). —The death of Bessus, the murderer of Dareius (chap. 83.7-9). —How Alexander marched through the desert and lost many of his men (this and the subsequent chapters are missing). —How the Branchidae, who of old had been settled by the Persians on the borders of their kingdom, were slain by Alexander as traitors to the Greeks. —How the king led his troops against the Sogdiani and Scythians. —How the chieftains of the Sogdiani, who were being led off to execution, were unexpectedly saved. —How Alexander defeated the Sogdiani who had revolted and slew more than one hundred and twenty thousand of them. —How he punished the Bactriani and subdued the Sogdiani a second time and founded cities in suitable places to restrain any who rebelled. —The third rebellion of the Sogdiani and capture of those who took refuge in the “Rock.” —Concerning the hunt in Basista and the abundance of game there. —Concerning the sin against Dionysus and the slaying of Cleitus at the drinking bout. —Concerning the death of Callisthenes. —The campaign of the king against the people called Nautaces and the destruction of the army in heavy snow. —How Alexander, enamoured of Roxane, daughter of Oxyartes, married her and persuaded numbers of his friends to marry the daughters of the prominent Iranians. —Preparation for the campaign against the Indians. —Invasion of India and complete annihilation of their first nation in order to overawe the rest. —How he benefited the city named Nysia because of his relationship to it through Dionysus. —How, after plundering the stronghold of Massaca, he cut down all the mercenaries although they fought magnificently (chap. 84). —How he took by assault the Rock called Aornus, which had always proved impregnable (chap. 85). —How he won over to his side Taxiles, king of the Indians, and in a great engagement defeated Porus, took him prisoner and gave him back his throne because of his gallant conduct (chaps. 86-89). —An account of the marvellous serpents in the country and of the fruits which grow there (chap. 90). —How he won over to his side many of the neighbouring tribes and defeated others (chap. 91.1-4). —How he subdued the country that was subject to Sopeithes (chap. 91.4). —Concerning the good government of the cities in this country (chap. 91.4-6). —Concerning the excellence of the dogs presented to Alexander (chap. 92). —Concerning the story told by the king of the Indians (chap. 93.1-3). —How, when Alexander desired to cross the Ganges River and march against the people called Gandaridae, the Macedonians mutinied (chaps. 93.4-94). —How, after marking the furthest point reached by his army, the king visited the remaining regions of the Indians (chap. 95). —How he sailed down the Indus River to the southern Ocean, and almost died of an arrow wound (chaps. 96-99). —Concerning the single combat that issued from a challenge (chaps. 100-101). —Concerning the Indians whom he conquered on both banks of the river as far as the Ocean (chaps. 102-103). —Concerning the marvels and practices found among the inhabitants and about the men who live a brutish existence (chaps. 104-106.3). —How the naval expedition through the Ocean rejoined Alexander as he was encamped by the sea and gave an account of their voyage (chap. 106.4-7). —How again setting sail they skirted a long expanse of coastline (chap. 107.1). —How he selected thirty thousand young Persians, trained them in military exercises and formed them into a counterpart of his Macedonian phalanx (chap. 108.1-3). —How Harpalus, who was accused of luxurious living and excessive expenditures, fled from Babylon and sought the protection of the people of Athens (chap. 108.4-7). —How he fled from Attica and was killed; he had deposited seven hundred talents of his money with the Athenians and placed four thousand talents and eight thousand mercenaries on Taenarum in Laconia (chap. 108.7-8). —How Alexander, having paid the debts of his veteran Macedonians, which cost him ten thousand talents, returned them to their homes (chap. 109.1-2). —How the Macedonians revolted and he punished their ringleaders (chap. 109.2-3). —How Peucestes brought to Alexander ten thousand bowmen and slingers whom he had recruited from among the Persians (chap. 110.2). —How the king reorganized his army by intermingling Persians with Macedonians (chap. 110.1). —How he paid expenses and educational fees for all the soldiers' children, ten thousand in number (chap. 110.3). —How Leosthenes made preparations for starting a war against the Macedonians (chap. 111.1-3). —How Alexander campaigned against the Cossaeans (chap. 111.4-6). —How, as the king was on his way to Babylon, the Chaldaeans prophesied to Alexander that he would die if he entered Babylon (chap. 112.1-3). —How the king at first was frightened and passed Babylon by, but later, persuaded by the Greek philosophers, entered the city (chap. 112.4-6). —Concerning the multitude of embassies that arrived there (chap. 113). —Concerning the funeral of Hephaestion and the large sum expended on it (chaps. 114-115). —Concerning the omens that appeared to Alexander and concerning his death (chaps. 116-118).

The preceding book, which was the sixteenth of the Histories, began with the coronation of Philip the son of Amyntas and included his whole career down to his death, together with those events connected with other kings, peoples and cities which occurred in the years of his reign, twenty-four in number. [2] In this book we shall continue the systematic narrative beginning with the accession of Alexander, and include both the history of this king down to his death as well as contemporary events in the known parts of the world. This is the best method, I think, of ensuring that events will be remembered, for thus the material is arranged topically, and each story is told without interruption. [3]

Alexander accomplished great things in a short space of time, and by his acumen and courage surpassed in the magnitude of his achievements all kings whose memory is recorded from the beginning of time. [4] In twelve years he conquered no small part of Europe and practically all of Asia, and so acquired a fabulous reputation like that of the heroes and demigods of old. But there is really no need to anticipate in the introduction any of the accomplishments of this king; his deeds reported one by one will attest sufficiently the greatness of his glory. [5] On his father's side Alexander was a descendant of Heracles and on his mother's he could claim the blood of the Aeacids, so that from his ancestors on both sides he inherited the physical and moral qualities of greatness.1 Pointing out as we proceed the chronology of events, we shall pass on to the happenings which concern our history. 2

When Evaenetus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Lucius Furius and Gaius Manius.3 In this year Alexander, succeeding to the throne, first inflicted due punishment on his father's murderers,4and then devoted himself to the funeral of his father. He established his authority far more firmly than any did in fact suppose possible, [2] for he was quite young and for this reason not uniformly respected, but first he promptly won over the Macedonians to his support by tactful statements.5 He declared that the king was changed only in name and that the state would be run on principles no less effective than those of his father's administration. Then he addressed himself to the embassies which were present and in affable fashion bade the Greeks maintain towards him the loyalty which they had shown to his father. [3] He busied his soldiers with constant training in the use of their weapons and with tactical exercises, and established discipline in the army.

A possible rival for the throne remained in Attalus, who was the brother of Cleopatra, the last wife of Philip, and Alexander determined to kill him. As a matter of fact, Cleopatra had borne a child to Philip a few days before his death.6 [4] Attalus had been sent on ahead into Asia to share the command of the forces with Parmenion and had acquired great popularity in the army by his readiness to do favours and his easy bearing with the soldiers. Alexander had good reason to fear that he might challenge his rule, making common cause with those of the Greeks who opposed him, [5] and selected from among his friends a certain Hecataeus and sent him off to Asia with a number of soldiers, under orders to bring back Attalus alive if he could, but if not, to assassinate him as quickly as possible. [6] So he crossed over into Asia, joined Parmenion and Attalus and awaited an opportunity to carry out his mission.

Alexander knew that many of the Greeks were anxious to revolt, and was seriously worried. [2] In Athens, where Demosthenes kept agitating against Macedon, the news of Philip's death was received with rejoicing, and the Athenians were not ready to concede the leading position among the Greeks to Macedon. They communicated secretly with Attalus and arranged to co-operate with him, and they encouraged many of the cities to strike for their freedom. [3]

The Aetolians voted to restore those of the Acarnanians who had experienced exile because of Philip. The Ambraciots were persuaded by one Aristarchus to expel the garrison placed in their city by Philip and to transform their government into a democracy. [4] Similarly, the Thebans voted to drive out the garrison in the Cadmeia and not to concede to Alexander the leadership of the Greeks. The Arcadians alone of the Greeks had never acknowledged Philip's leadership nor did they now recognize that of Alexander. [5] Otherwise in the Peloponnesus the Argives and Eleians and Lacedaemonians, with others, moved to recover their independence.7 Beyond the frontiers of Macedonia, many tribes moved toward revolt and a general feeling of unrest swept through the natives in that quarter.8 [6]

But, for all the problems and fears that beset his kingdom on every side, Alexander, who had only just reached manhood, brought everything into order impressively and swiftly. Some he won by persuasion and diplomacy, others he frightened into keeping the peace,9 but some had to be mastered by force and so reduced to submission.

First he dealt with the Thessalians, reminding them of his ancient relationship to them through Heracles and raising their hopes by kindly words and by rich promises as well, and prevailed upon them by formal vote of the Thessalian League to recognize as his the leadership of Greece which he had inherited from his father.10 [2] Next he won over the neighbouring tribes similarly, and so marched down to Pylae, where he convened the assembly of the Amphictyons and had them pass a resolution granting him the leadership of the Greeks. [3] He gave audience to the envoys of the Ambraciots and, addressing them in friendly fashion, convinced them that they had been only a little premature in grasping the independence that he was on the point of giving them voluntarily. [4]

In order to overawe those who refused to yield otherwise, he set out at the head of the army of the Macedonians in full battle array. With forced marches he arrived in Boeotia and encamping near the Cadmeia threw the city of the Thebans into a panic. [5] As the Athenians immediately learned that the king had passed into Boeotia, they too abandoned their previous refusal to take him seriously. So much the rapid moves and energetic action of the young man shook the confidence of those who opposed him. [6] The Athenians, accordingly, voted to bring into the city their property scattered throughout Attica and to look to the repair of their walls, but they also sent envoys to Alexander, asking forgiveness for tardy recognition of his leadership. [7]

Even Demosthenes was included among the envoys; he did not, however, go with the others to Alexander, but turned back at Cithaeron and returned to Athens, whether fearful because of the anti-Macedonian course that he had pursued in politics, or merely wishing to leave no ground of complaint to the king of Persia. [8] He was generally believed to have received large sums of money from that source in payment for his efforts to check the Macedonians, and indeed Aeschines is said to have referred to this in a speech when he taunted Demosthenes with his venality:“At the moment, it is true, his extravagance has been glutted by the king's gold, but even this will not satisfy him; no wealth has ever proved sufficient for a greedy character.”11 [9] Alexander addressed the Athenian envoys kindly and freed the people from their acute terror.

Then he called a meeting at Corinth of envoys and delegates, and when the usual representatives came, he spoke to them in moderate terms and had them pass a resolution appointing him general plenipotentiary of the Greeks and undertaking themselves to join in an expedition against Persia seeking satisfaction for the offences which the Persians had committed against Greece.12 Successful in this, the king returned to Macedonia with his army.

Now that we have described what took place in Greece, we shall shift our account to the events in Asia. Here, immediately after the death of Philip, Attalus actually had set his hand to revolt and had agreed with the Athenians to undertake joint action against Alexander, but later he changed his mind. Preserving the letter which had been brought to him from Demosthenes,13 he sent it off to Alexander and tried by expressions of loyalty to remove from himself any possible suspicion. [2] Hecataeus, however, following the instructions of the king literally, had him killed by treachery,14 and thereafter the Macedonian forces in Asia were free from any incitement to revolution, Attalus being dead and Parmenion completely devoted to Alexander. [3]

As our narrative is now to treat of the kingdom of the Persians, we must go back a little to pick up the thread.15 While Philip was still king, Ochus16 ruled the Persians and oppressed his subjects cruelly and harshly. Since his savage disposition made him hated, the chiliarch Bagoas, a eunuch in physical fact but a militant rogue in disposition, killed him by poison administered by a certain physician and placed upon the throne the youngest of his sons, Arses. [4] He similarly made away with the brothers of the new king, who were barely of age, in order that the young man might be isolated and tractable to his control. But the young king let it be known that he was offended at Bagoas's previous outrageous behaviour and was prepared to punish the author of these crimes, so Bagoas anticipated his intentions and killed Arses and his children also while he was still in the third year of his reign.17 [5] The royal house was thus extinguished, and there was no one in the direct line of descent to claim the throne. Instead Bagoas selected a certain Dareius, a member of the court circle, and secured the throne for him. He was the son of Arsanes, and grandson of that Ostanes who was a brother of Artaxerxes, who had been king.18 [6] As to Bagoas, an odd thing happened to him and one to point a moral. Pursuing his habitual savagery he attempted to remove Dareius by poison. The plan leaked out, however, and the king, calling upon Bagoas, as it were, to drink to him a toast and handing him his own cup compelled him to take his own medicine.

Dareius's selection for the throne was based on his known bravery, in which quality he far surpassed the other Persians. Once when King Artaxerxes19 was campaigning against the Cadusians, one of them with a wide reputation for strength and courage challenged a volunteer among the Persians to fight in single combat with him. No other dared accept, but Dareius alone entered the contest and slew the challenger, being honoured in consequence by the king with rich gifts, while among the Persians he was conceded the first place in prowess. [2] It was because of this prowess that he was thought worthy to take over the kingship. This happened about the same time as Philip died and Alexander became king. [3]

Such was the man whom fate had selected to be the antagonist of Alexander's genius, and they opposed one another in many and great struggles for the supremacy. These our detailed narrative will describe in each case. And we may now proceed with our story.

Dareius became king before the death of Philip and thought to turn the coming war back upon Macedonia, but when Philip died, Dareius was relieved of his anxiety and despised the youth of Alexander. [2] Soon, however, when Alexander's vigour and rapidity of action had secured for him the leadership of all Greece and made evident the ability of the young man, then Dareius took warning and began to pay serious attention to his forces. He fitted out a large number of ships of war and assembled numerous strong armies, choosing at the same time his best commanders, among whom was Memnon of Rhodes,20 outstanding in courage and in strategic grasp. [3] The king gave him five thousand21 mercenaries and ordered him to march to Cyzicus and to try to get possession of it. With this force, accordingly, Memnon marched on across the range of Mt. Ida. [4]

Some tell the story that this mountain got its name from Ida, the daughter of Melisseus.22 It is the highest mountain in the region of the Hellespont and there is in its midst a remarkable cave in which they say the goddesses were judged by Alexander.23 [5] On this mountain are supposed to have lived the Idaean Dactyls who first worked iron, having learned their skill from the Mother of the Gods.24 An odd occurrence has been observed in connection with this mountain which is known nowhere else. [6] About the time of the rising of the Dog Star,25 if one stands upon the highest peak, the stillness of the surrounding atmosphere gives the impression that the summit is elevated above the motion of the winds, and the sun can be seen rising while it is still night. Its rays are not circumscribed in a circular orb but its flame is dispersed in many places, so that you would think that there were many patches of fire burning along the horizon. [7] Presently, then, these draw together into one huge flame the width of which reaches three plethra.26 Finally, as the day dawns, the usually observed size of the sun's ball is attained and produces normal daylight.27 [8]

Memnon traversed this mountain and suddenly falling upon the city of Cyzicus came within an ace of taking it.28 Failing in this, he wasted its territory and collected much booty. [9] While he was thus occupied, Parmenion took by storm the city of Grynium and sold its inhabitants as slaves, but when he besieged Pitane29 Memnon appeared and frightened the Macedonians into breaking off the siege. [10] Later Callas with a mixed force of Macedonians and mercenaries joined battle in the Troad against a much larger force of Persians and, finding himself inferior, fell back on the promentory of Rhoeteium.30

That was the situation in Asia.

Now that the unrest in Greece had been brought under control, Alexander shifted his field of operations into Thrace.31 Many of the tribes in this region had risen but, terrified by his appearance, felt constrained to make their submission. Then he swung west to Paeonia and Illyria and the territories that bordered on them. Many of the local tribesmen had revolted, but these he overpowered, and established his control over all the natives in the area. [2] This task was not yet finished when messengers reached him reporting that many of the Greeks were in revolt.32 Many cities had actually taken steps to throw off the Macedonian alliance, the most important of these being Thebes. At this intelligence, the king was roused to return in haste to Macedonia in his anxiety to put an end to the unrest in Greece. [3]

The Thebans33 sought first of all to expel the Macedonian garrison from the Cadmeia and laid siege to this citadel; this was the situation when the king appeared suddenly before the city and encamped with his whole army near by. [4] Before the king's arrival, the Thebans had had time to surround the Cadmeia with deep trenches and heavy stockades so that neither reinforcements nor supplies could be sent in, and they had sent an appeal to the Arcadians, Argives, and Eleians for help. [5] They appealed for support from the Athenians also, and when they received from Demosthenes a free gift of weapons, they equipped all of their citizens who lacked heavy armour. [6] Of those who were asked for reinforcements, however, the Peloponnesians sent soldiers as far as the Isthmus and waited to see what would happen, since the king's arrival was now expected, and the Athenians, under the influence of Demosthenes, voted to support the Thebans, but failed to send out their forces, waiting to see how the war would go.34 [7] In the Cadmeia, the garrison commander Philotas observed the Thebans making great preparations for the siege, strengthened his walls as well as he could, and made ready a stock of missiles of all sorts.

So when the king appeared suddenly out of Thrace with all his army, the alliances of the Thebans had furnished them with only a hesitant support while the power of their opponents possessed an obvious and evident superiority. Nevertheless their leaders assembled in council and prepared a resolution about the war; they were unanimous in deciding to fight it out for their political freedom. The measure was passed by the assembly, and with great enthusiasm all were ready to see the thing through. [2]

At first the king made no move, giving the Thebans time to think things over and supposing that a single city would never dare to match forces with such an army. [3] For at that time Alexander had more than thirty thousand infantry and no less than three thousand cavalry, all battle-seasoned veterans of Philip's campaigns who had hardly experienced a single reverse. This was the army on the skill and loyalty of which he relied to overthrow the Persian empire. [4] If the Thebans had yielded to the situation and had asked the Macedonians for peace and an alliance, the king would have accepted their proposals with pleasure and would have conceded everything they asked, for he was eager to be rid of these disturbances in Greece so that he might without distraction pursue the war with Persia.

Finally, however, he realized that he was despised by the Thebans, and so decided to destroy the city utterly and by this act of terror take the heart out of anyone else who might venture to rise against him. [5] He made his forces ready for battle, then announced through a herald that any of the Thebans who wished might come to him and enjoy the peace which was common to all the Greeks. In response, the Thebans with equal spirit proclaimed from a high tower that anyone who wished to join the Great King and Thebes in freeing the Greeks35 and destroying the tyrant of Greece should come over to them. [6] This epithet stung Alexander. He flew into a towering rage and declared that he would pursue the Thebans with the extremity of punishment. Raging in his heart, he set to constructing siege engines and to preparing whatever else was necessary for the attack.

Elsewhere in Greece, as people learned the seriousness of the danger hanging over the Thebans, they were distressed at their expected disaster but had no heart to help them, feeling that the city by precipitate and ill-considered action had consigned itself to evident annihilation. [2] In Thebes itself, however, men accepted their risk willingly and with good courage, but they were puzzled by certain sayings of prophets and portents of the gods.

First there was the light spider's web in the temple of Demeter which was observed to have spread itself out to the size of an himation, and which all about shone iridescent like a rainbow in the sky. [3] About this, the oracle at Delphi gave them the response:“ The gods to mortals all have sent this sign; To the Boeotians first, and to their neighbours. ”The ancestral oracle of Thebes itself had given this response:“ The woven web is bane to one, to one a boon. ” [4]

This sign had occurred three months before Alexander's descent on the city, but at the very moment of the king's arrival the statues in the market place were seen to burst into perspiration and be covered with great drops of moisture. More than this, people reported to the city officials that the marsh at Onchestus was emitting a sound very like a bellow, while at Dirce a bloody ripple ran along the surface of the water. [5] Finally, travellers coming from Delphi told how the temple which the Thebans had dedicated from the Phocian spoils was observed to have blood-stains on its roof.36

Those who made a business of interpreting such portents stated that the spider web signified the departure of the gods from the city, its iridescence meant a storm of mixed troubles, the sweating of the statues was the sign of an overwhelming catastrophe, and the appearance of blood in many places foretold a vast slaughter throughout the city. [6] They pointed out that the gods were clearly predicting disaster for the city and recommended that the outcome of the war should not be risked upon the battlefield, but that a safer solution should be sought for in conversations.

Still the Thebans' spirits were not daunted. On the contrary they were so carried away with enthusiasm that they reminded one another of the victory at Leuctra and of the other battles where their own fighting qualities had won unhoped for victories to the astonishment of the Greek world. They indulged their nobility of spirit bravely rather than wisely, and plunged headlong into the total destruction of their country.

Now the king in the course of only three days made everything ready for the assault. He divided his forces into three parts and ordered one to attack the palisades which had been erected before the city, the second to face the Theban battle line, and the third as a reserve to support any hard pressed unit of his forces and to enter the battle in its turn. [2] For their part, the Thebans stationed the cavalry within the palisades, assigned their enfranchised slaves, along with refugees and resident aliens, to face those who drove at the walls, and themselves made ready to fight before the city with the Macedonian force about the king which was many times their number. [3] Their children and wives flocked to the temples and implored the gods to rescue the city from its dangers.

When the Macedonians approached and each division encountered the opposing force of Thebans, the trumpets blew the call to arms and the troops on both sides raised the battle cry in unison and hurled their missiles at the enemy. [4] These were soon expended and all turned to the use of the sword at close quarters, and a mighty struggle ensued. The Macedonians exerted a force that could hardly be withstood because of the numbers of their men and the weight of the phalanx, but the Thebans were superior in bodily strength and in their constant training in the gymnasium. Still more, in exaltation of spirit they were lifted out of themselves and became indifferent to personal danger. [5] Many were wounded in both armies and not a few fell facing the blows of the enemy. The air was filled with the roar of fighters locked in the struggle, moans and shouts and exhortations: on the Macedonian side, not to be unworthy of their previous exploits, and on the Theban, not to forget children and wives and parents threatened with slavery and their every household lying exposed to the fury of the Macedonians, and to remember the battles of Leuctra and of Mantineia and the glorious deeds which were household words throughout Greece. So for a long time the battle remained evenly poised because of the surpassing valour of the contestants.

At length Alexander saw that the Thebans were still fighting unflinchingly for their freedom, but that his Macedonians were wearying in the battle, and ordered his reserve division to enter the struggle. As this suddenly struck the tired Thebans, it bore heavily against them and killed many. [2] Still the Thebans did not concede the victory, but on the contrary, inspired by the will to win, despised all dangers. They had the courage to shout that the Macedonians now openly confessed to being their inferiors. Under normal circumstances, when an enemy attacks in relays, it is usual for soldiers to fear the fresh strength of the reinforcements, but the Thebans alone then faced their dangers ever more boldly, as the enemy sent against them new troops for those whose strength flagged with weariness. [3]

So the Theban spirit proved unshakable here, but the king took note of a postern gate that had been deserted by its guards and hurried Perdiccas with a large detachment of troops to seize it and penetrate into the city.37 [4] He quickly carried out the order and the Macedonians slipped through the gate into the city, while the Thebans, having worn down the first assault wave of the Macedonians, stoutly faced the second and still had high hopes of victory. When they knew that a section of the city had been taken, however, they began immediately to withdraw within the walls, [5] but in this operation their cavalry galloped along with the infantry into the city and trampled upon and killed many of their own men; they themselves rode into the city in disorder and, encountering a maze of narrow alleys and trenches, lost their footing and fell and were killed by their own weapons. At the same time the Macedonian garrison in the Cadmeia burst out of the citadel, engaged the Thebans, and attacking them in their confusion made a great slaughter among them.38

So while the city was being taken, many and varied were the scenes of destruction within the walls. Enraged by the arrogance of the Theban proclamation, the Macedonians pressed upon them more furiously than is usual in war, and shrieking curses flung themselves on the wretched people, slaying all whom they met without sparing any. [2] The Thebans, for their part, clinging desperately to their forlorn hope of victory, counted their lives as nothing and when they met a foeman, grappled with him and drew his blows upon themselves. In the capture of the city, no Theban was seen begging the Macedonians to spare his life, nor did they in ignoble fashion fall and cling to the knees of their conquerors. [3] But neither did the agony of courage elicit pity from the foe nor did the day's length suffice for the cruelty of their vengeance. All the city was pillaged. Everywhere boys and girls were dragged into captivity as they wailed piteously the names of their mothers.

In sum, households were seized with all their members, and the city's enslavement was complete. [4] Of the men who remained, some, wounded and dying, grappled with the foe and were slain themselves as they destroyed their enemy; others, supported only by a shattered spear, went to meet their assailants and, in their supreme struggle, held freedom dearer than life. [5] As the slaughter mounted and every corner of the city was piled high with corpses, no one could have failed to pity the plight of the unfortunates. For even Greeks—Thespians, Plataeans and Orchomenians and some others hostile to the Thebans who had joined the king in the campaign39—invaded the city along with him and now demonstrated their own hatred amid the calamities of the unfortunate victims. [6]

So it was that many terrible things befell the city. Greeks were mercilessly slain by Greeks, relatives were butchered by their own relatives, and even a common dialect induced no pity. In the end, when night finally intervened, the houses had been plundered and children and women and aged persons who had fled into the temples were torn from sanctuary and subjected to outrage without limit.

Over six thousand Thebans perished, more than thirty thousand were captured, and the amount of property plundered was unbelievable.40

The king gave burial to the Macedonian dead, more than five hundred in number, and then calling a meeting of the representatives of the Greeks put before the common council the question what should be done with the city of the Thebans. [2] When the discussion was opened, certain men who were hostile to the Thebans began to recommend that they should be visited with the direst penalties, and they pointed out that they had taken the side of the barbarians against the Greeks. For in the time of Xerxes they had actually joined forces with the Persians and campaigned against Greece, and alone of the Greeks were honoured as benefactors by the Persian kings, so that the ambassadors of the Thebans were seated on thrones set in front of the kings. [3] They related many other details of similar tenor and so aroused the feelings of the council against the Thebans that it was finally voted to raze the city, to sell the captives, to outlaw the Theban exiles from all Greece, and to allow no Greek to offer shelter to a Theban. [4] The king, in accordance with the decree of the council, destroyed the city, and so presented possible rebels among the Greeks with a terrible warning. By selling off the prisoners he realized a sum of four hundred and forty talents of silver.41

After this he sent men to Athens to demand the surrender of ten42 political leaders who had opposed his interest, the most prominent of whom were Demosthenes and Lycurgus. So an assembly was convened and the ambassadors were introduced, and after they had spoken, the people were plunged into deep distress and perplexity. They were anxious to uphold the honour of their city but at the same time they were stunned with horror at the destruction of Thebes and, warned by the calamities of their neighbours, were alarmed in face of their own danger. [2]

After many had spoken in the assembly, Phocion, the “Good,” who was opposed to the party of Demosthenes, said that the men demanded should remember the daughters of Leos and Hyacinthus43 and gladly endure death so that their country would suffer no irremediable disaster, and he inveighed against the faint-heartedness and cowardice of those who would not lay down their lives for their city. The people nevertheless rejected his advice and riotously drove him from the stand, [3] and when Demosthenes delivered a carefully prepared discourse, they were carried away with sympathy for their leaders and clearly wished to save them.

In the end, Demades, influenced, it is reported, by a bribe of five silver talents from Demosthenes's supporters, counselled them to save those whose lives were threatened, and read a decree that had been subtly worded. It contained a plea for the men and a promise to impose the penalty prescribed by the law, if they deserved punishment. [4] The people approved the suggestion of Demades, passed the decree and dispatched a delegation including Demades as envoys to the king, instructing them to make a plea to Alexander in favour of the Theban fugitives as well, that he would allow the Athenians to provide a refuge for them. [5] On this mission, Demades achieved all his objectives by the eloquence of his words and prevailed upon Alexander to absolve the men from the charges against them and to grant all the other requests of the Athenians.44

Thereupon the king returned with his army to Macedonia, assembled his military commanders and his noblest Friends and posed for discussion the plan for crossing over to Asia. When should the campaign be started and how should he conduct the war? [2] Antipater and Parmenion advised him to produce an heir first and then to turn his hand to so ambitious an enterprise, but Alexander was eager for action and opposed to any postponement, and spoke against them. It would be a disgrace, he pointed out, for one who had been appointed by Greece to command the war, and who had inherited his father's invincible forces, to sit at home celebrating a marriage and awaiting the birth of children.45 [3] He then proceeded to show them where their advantage lay and by appeals aroused their enthusiasm for the contests which lay ahead. He made lavish sacrifices to the gods at Dium in Macedonia and held the dramatic contests in honour of Zeus and the Muses which Archelaus, one of his predecessors, had instituted.46 [4] He celebrated the festival for nine days, naming each day after one of the Muses. He erected a tent to hold a hundred couches47 and invited his Friends and officers, as well as the ambassadors from the cities, to the banquet. Employing great magnificence, he entertained great numbers in person besides distributing to his entire force sacrificial animals and all else suitable for the festive occasion, and put his army in a fine humour. 48

When Ctesicles was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Gaius Sulpicius and Lucius Papirius.49 Alexander advanced with his army to the Hellespont and transported it from Europe to Asia. [2] He personally sailed with sixty fighting ships to the Troad, where he flung his spear from the ship and fixed it in the ground,50 and then leapt ashore himself the first of the Macedonians, signifying that he received Asia from the gods as a spear-won prize. [3] He visited the tombs of the heroes Achilles, Ajax, and the rest and honoured them with offerings and other appropriate marks of respect,51 and then proceeded to make an accurate count of his accompanying forces.

There were found to be, of infantry, twelve thousand Macedonians, seven thousand allies, and five thousand mercenaries, all of whom were under the command of Parmenion. [4] Odrysians, Triballians, and Illyrians accompanied him to the number of seven thousand; and of archers and the so-called Agrianians one thousand, making up a total of thirty-two thousand foot soldiers. Of cavalry there were eighteen hundred Macedonians, commanded by Philotas son of Parmenion; eighteen hundred Thessalians, commanded by Callas son of Harpalus; six hundred from the rest of Greece under the command of Erigyius; and nine hundred Thracian and Paeonian scouts with Cassander in command, making a total of forty-five hundred cavalry. These were the men who crossed with Alexander to Asia.52 [5] The soldiers who were left behind in Europe under the command of Antipater numbered twelve thousand foot and fifteen hundred horse.53 [6]

As the king began his march out of the Troad and came to the sanctuary of Athena,54 the sacrificant named Alexander noticed in front of the temple a statue of Ariobarzanes,55 a former satrap of Phrygia, lying fallen on the ground, together with some other favourable omens that occurred. [7] He came to the king and affirmed that he would be victor in a great cavalry battle and especially if he happened to fight within the confines of Phrygia; he added that the king with his own hands would slay in battle a distinguished general of the enemy. Such, he said, were the portents the gods disclosed to him, and particularly Athena who would help him in his success.

Alexander welcomed the prediction of the seer and made a splendid sacrifice to Athena, dedicating his own armour to the goddess. Then, taking the finest of the panoplies deposited in the temple, he put it on and used it in his first battle.56 And this he did in fact decide through his own personal fighting ability and won a resounding victory. But this did not take place till a few days later. [2]

Meanwhile, the Persian satraps and generals had not acted in time to prevent the crossing of the Macedonians,57 but they mustered their forces and took counsel how to oppose Alexander. Memnon, the Rhodian, famed for his military competence, advocated a policy of not fighting a pitched battle, but of stripping the countryside and through the shortage of supplies preventing the Macedonians from advancing further, while at the same time they sent naval and land forces across to Macedonia and transferred the impact of war to Europe.58 [3] This was the best counsel, as after-events made clear, but, for all that, Memnon failed to win over the other commanders, since his advice seemed beneath the dignity of the Persians. [4] So they decided to fight it out, and summoning forces from every quarter and heavily outnumbering the Macedonians, they advanced in the direction of Hellespontine Phrygia. They pitched camp by the river Granicus, using the bed of the river as a line of defence.

When Alexander learned of the concentration of the Persian forces, he advanced rapidly and encamped opposite the enemy, so that the Granicus flowed between the encampments. [2] The Persians, resting on high ground, made no move, intending to fall upon the foe as he crossed the river, for they supposed they could easily carry the day when the Macedonian phalanx was divided. [3] But Alexander at dawn boldly brought his army across the river and deployed in good order before they could stop him.59 In return, they posted their mass of horsemen all along the front of the Macedonians since they had decided to press the battle with these.60 [4] Memnon of Rhodes and the satrap Arsamenes held the left wing each with his own cavalry; Arsites was stationed next with the horsemen from Paphlagonia; then came Spithrobates satrap of Ionia at the head of the Hyrcanian cavalry. The right wing was held by a thousand Medes and two thousand horse with Rheomithres as well as Bactrians of like number.61 Other national contingents occupied the centre, numerous and picked for their valour. In all, the cavalry amounted to more than ten thousand. [5] The Persian foot soldiers were not fewer than one hundred thousand,62 but they were posted behind the line and did not advance since the cavalry was thought to be sufficient to crush the Macedonians.63 [6]

As the horse of each side joined battle spiritedly, the Thessalian cavalry posted on the left wing under the command of Parmenion gallantly met the attack of the troops posted opposite them; and Alexander, who had the finest of the riders on the right wing with him, personally led the attack upon the Persians and closing with them, began to inflict substantial losses upon them.

But the Persians resisted bravely and opposed their spirit to the Macedonian valour, as Fortune brought together in one and the same place the finest fighters to dispute the victory. [2] The satrap of Ionia Spithrobates, a Persian by birth and son-in-law of King Dareius, a man of superior courage, hurled himself at the Macedonian lines with a large body of cavalry, and with an array of forty companions, all Royal Relatives64 of outstanding valour, pressed hard on the opposite line and in a fierce attack slew some of his opponents and wounded others. [3] As the force of this attack seemed dangerous, Alexander turned his horse toward the satrap and rode at him.65

To the Persian, it seemed as if this opportunity for a single combat was god-given. He hoped that by his individual gallantry Asia might be relieved of its terrible menace, the renowned daring of Alexander arrested by his own hands, and the glory of the Persians saved from disgrace. He hurled his javelin first at Alexander with so mighty an impulse and so powerful a cast that he pierced Alexander's shield and right epomis and drove through the breastplate.66 [4] The king shook off the weapon as it dangled by his arm, then applying spurs to his horse and employing the favouring momentum of his charge drove his lance squarely into the satrap's chest. [5] At this, adjacent ranks in both armies cried out at the superlative display of prowess. The point, however, snapped off against the breastplate and the broken shaft recoiled, and the Persian drew his sword and drove at Alexander; but the king recovered his grip upon his lance in time to thrust at the man's face and drive the blow home. [6] The Persian fell, but just at this moment, Rhosaces, his brother, galloping up brought his sword down on Alexander's head with such a fearsome blow that it split his helmet and inflicted a slight scalp wound. [7] As Rhosaces aimed another blow at the same break, Cleitus, surnamed the Black, dashed up on his horse and cut off the Persian's arm.

The Relatives now pressed in a solid body about the two fallen men67; at first they rained their javelins on Alexander, and then closing went all out to slay the king. [2] But exposed as he was to many and fierce attacks he nevertheless was not overborne by the numbers of the foe. Though he took two blows on the breastplate, one on the helmet, and three on the shield68 which he had brought from the temple of Athena, he still did not give in, but borne up by an exaltation of spirit surmounted every danger. [3] After this, several of the other noble Persians fighting against him fell, of whom the most illustrious were Atizyes and Pharnaces, brother of Dareius's queen, and also Mithrobuzanes who commanded the Cappadocians.69 [4]

Now that many of their commanders had been slain and all the Persian squadrons were worsted by the Macedonians, those facing Alexander were put to flight first, and then the others also. Thus the king by common consent won the palm for bravery and was regarded as the chief author of the victory, and next to him the Thessalian cavalry won a great reputation for valour because of the skilful handling of their squadrons and their unmatched fighting quality. [5] After the rout of the cavalry, the foot soldiers engaged one another in a contest that was soon ended. For the Persians, dismayed by the rout of the cavalry and shaken in spirit, were quick to flee.70 [6] The total of the Persian infantry killed was more than ten thousand; of the cavalry not less than two thousand; and there were taken alive upwards of twenty thousand.71 After the battle the king gave magnificent obsequies to the dead,72 for he thought it important by this sort of honour to create in his men greater enthusiasm to face the hazards of battle. [7]

Recovering his forces, Alexander led them down through Lydia and took over the city of the Sardians with its citadels and, what is more, the treasures stored therein, for Mithrines the satrap surrendered them without resistance.73

Since the Persian survivors of the battle together with the general Memnon had taken refuge in Miletus, the king set up camp near the city and every day, using his men in relays, made continuous assaults on the walls. [2] At first the besieged easily defended themselves from the walls, for many soldiers were gathered in the city, and they had abundant provision of missiles and other things useful for the emergency. [3] But when the king, in a more determined fashion, brought up siege engines and rocked the walls and pressed the siege very actively both by land and by sea, and the Macedonians forced an entry through the crumbling walls, then at last yielding to superior force, they took to flight. [4] Immediately the Milesians, falling before the king with suppliant olive boughs, put themselves and their city into his hands. Some of the Persians were slain by the Macedonians, others, breaking out of the city, sought refuge in flight, and all the remainder were taken captive. [5] Alexander treated the Milesians kindly but sold all the rest as slaves.74 Since the naval force was now useless and entailed great expense, he dismissed the fleet with the exception of a few ships which he employed for the transport of his siege engines. Among these was the Athenian contingent of twenty ships.75

There are those who say that Alexander's strategic conception was sound, when he dismissed his fleet. For Dareius was still to be reckoned with and there was bound to be a great battle, and he judged that the Macedonians would fight more desperately if he deprived them of all hope of escape by flight. [2] He employed the same device, they say, at the battle of the Granicus, where he placed the stream at his rear, for no one could think of flight when destruction of any who were followed into the bed of the river was a certainty. There is also, they note, in later years the case of Agathocles, king of the Syracusans, who copied the strategy of Alexander and won an unexpected and decisive victory. [3] He had crossed to Libya with a small force and by burning his ships deprived his men of any hope of escape by flight, thus constraining them to fight like heroes and thereby win a victory over the Carthaginians, who had an army numbering many tens of thousands.76 [4]

After the capture of Miletus, the bulk of the Persians and mercenaries, as well as the most enterprising of the commanders, concentrated their forces at Halicarnassus. This was the largest city in Caria, containing the palace of the kings of the Carians, and was well provided with interior fortresses. [5] About the same time Memnon sent his wife77 and children to Dareius, because he calculated that leaving them in the king's care was a good way to ensure their safety, while at the same time the king, now that he had good hostages, would be more willing to entrust Memnon with the supreme command. And so it turned out. [6] For Dareius straightway sent letters to those who dwelt next the sea, directing them one and all to take orders from Memnon. Accordingly, having assumed the supreme command, he made all the necessary dispositions for a siege in the city of the Halicarnassians.

King Alexander had his siege engines and provisions conveyed by sea to Halicarnassus while he himself with all his army marched into Caria, winning over the cities that lay on his route by kind treatment. He was particularly generous to the Greek cities, granting them independence and exemption from taxation, adding the assurance that the freedom of the Greeks was the object for which he had taken upon himself the war against the Persians. [2] On his journey he was met by a woman named Ada, who belonged by blood to the ruling house of Caria.78 When she presented a petition to recover the position of her ancestors and requested his assistance, he gave orders that she should become the ruler of Caria. Thus he won the loyal support of the Carians by the favour that he bestowed on this woman. [3] For straightway all the cities sent missions and presented the king with golden crowns and promised to co-operate with him in everything.

Alexander encamped near the city and set in motion an active and formidable siege.79 [4] At first he made continued assaults on the walls with relays of attackers and spent whole days in active fighting. Later he brought up all sorts of engines of war, filled in the trenches in front of the city with the aid of sheds to protect the workers, and rocked the towers and the curtains between them with his battering rams. Whenever he overthrew a portion of the wall, he attempted by hand-to-hand fighting to force an entry into the city over the rubble. [5] But Memnon at first easily beat off the Macedonians assaulting the walls, for he had large numbers of men in the city. Where the siege engines were attacking, he issued from the city at night with numbers of soldiers and applied fire to the machines. [6] Fierce fights occurred in front of the city, in which the Macedonians showed far superior prowess, but the Persians had the advantage of numbers and of fire power. For they had the support of men who fought from the walls using engines to shoot darts, with which they killed some of the enemy and disabled others.

At the same moment, the trumpets sounded the battle signal on both sides and cheers came from all parts as the soldiers applauded in concert the feats of brave men on one side or the other. [2] Some tried to put out the fires that rose aloft among the siege engines; others joined with the foe in close combat and wrought great slaughter; others erected secondary walls behind those which crumbled, heavier by far in construction than the preceding. [3] The commanders under Memnon took their places in the front line and offered great rewards to those who distinguished themselves, so that the desire for victory rose very high on both sides. [4] There could be seen men encountering frontal wounds or being carried unconscious out of the battle, others standing over the fallen bodies of their companions and struggling mightily to recover them, while others who were on the point of yielding to the storm of terrors were again put in heart by the appeals of their officers and were renewed in spirit. [5] At length, some of the Macedonians were killed at the very gates, among them an officer Neoptolemus, a man of distinguished family.80

Presently two towers were levelled with the ground and two curtains overthrown, and some of Perdiccas's soldiers, getting drunk, made a wild night attack on the walls of the citadel.81 Memnon's men noticed the awkwardness of these attackers and issuing forth themselves in considerably larger numbers routed the Macedonians and killed many of them. [6] As this situation became known, large numbers of Macedonians rushed up to help and a great struggle took place, and when Alexander and his staff came up, the Persians, forced back, were confined within the city, and the king through a herald asked for a truce to recover the Macedonians who had fallen in front of the walls. Now Ephialtes and Thrasybulus,82 Athenians fighting on the Persian side, advised not to give up the dead bodies for burial, but Memnon granted the request.

After this at a council of the commanders, Ephialtes advised them not to wait till the city was taken and they found themselves captives; he proposed that the leaders of the mercenaries should go out themselves in the front rank and lead an attack on the enemy.83 [2] Memnon recognized that Ephialtes was eager to prove himself and, having great hopes of him because of his courage and bodily strength, allowed him to do as he wished. [3] Accordingly he collected two thousand picked men and, giving half of them lighted torches and forming the others so as to meet the enemy, he suddenly threw all the gates wide open. It was daybreak, and sallying forth with his band he employed the one group to set fire to the siege engines, causing a great conflagration to flame up at once,84 [4] while he personally led the rest deployed in a dense phalanx many ranks deep and charged the Macedonians as they issued forth to help extinguish the fire. When the king saw what was happening, he placed the best fighters of the Macedonians in front and stationed picked men in reserve. Behind these he posted a third group also consisting of others who had a good record for stout fighting. He himself85 at the head of all took command and made a stand against the enemy, who had supposed that because of their mass they would be invincible. He also sent men out to extinguish the fire and to rescue the siege engines. [5]

As violent shouts arose at the same time on both sides and the trumpets sounded the attack, a terrific contest ensued because of the valour of the contestants and their consummate fighting spirit. The Macedonians prevented the fire from spreading, [6] but Ephialtes's men had the advantage in the battle, and he himself, who had far greater bodily strength than the rest, slew with his own hand many who traded blows with him. From the top of the recently erected replacement wall, the defenders slew many of the Macedonians with dense showers of missiles—for there had been erected a wooden tower, a hundred cubits high, which was filled with dart-hurling catapults. [7] As many Macedonians fell and the rest recoiled before the thick fire of missiles, Memnon threw himself into the battle with heavy reinforcements and even Alexander found himself quite helpless.

Just at that moment as the men from the city were prevailing, the tide of battle was surprisingly reversed.86 For the oldest Macedonians, who were exempt from combat duty by virtue of their age, but who had served with Philip on his campaigns and had been victorious in many battles [2] were roused by the emergency to show their valour, and, being far superior in pride and war experience, sharply rebuked the faintheartedness of the youngsters who wished to avoid the battle. Then they closed ranks with their shields overlapping and confronted the foe, who thought himself already victorious. [3] They succeeded in slaying Ephialtes and many others, and finally forced the rest to take refuge in the city. [4] Night had already fallen as the Macedonians pushed within the walls along with their fleeing enemies, but the king ordered the trumpeter to sound the recall and they withdrew to their camp.87 [5] Memnon, however, assembled his generals and satraps, held a meeting, and decided to abandon the city.88 They installed their best men in the acropolis with sufficient provision and conveyed the rest of the army and the stores to Cos. [6] When Alexander at daybreak learned what had taken place he razed the city and surrounded the citadel with a formidable wall and trench.89 A portion of his force under certain generals he dispatched into the interior with orders to subdue the neighbouring tribes.90

These commanders, campaigning vigorously, subdued the whole region as far as greater Phrygia, supporting their men on the land. [7] Alexander, for his part, overran the littoral as far as Cilicia, acquiring many cities and actively storming and reducing the strong points. One of these he captured surprisingly with such a curious reversal of fortune that the account of it cannot be omitted.91

Near the frontiers of Lycia there is a great rock fortress92 of unusual strength inhabited by people named Marmares. As Alexander marched by, these people attacked the Macedonian rear guard and killed many, carrying off as booty numerous men and pack animals. [2] The king was enraged at this, established a siege, and exerted every effort to take the place by force. The Marmares were very brave and had confidence in the strength of their fortifications, and manfully withstood the attack. For two whole days there were constant assaults and it was clear that the king would not leave until he had captured the “rock.” [3]

First, then, the older men of the Marmares advised their younger countrymen to end their resistance and make peace with the king on whatever terms were possible. They would have none of this, however, but all were eager to die together simultaneously with the end of the freedom of their state, so next the elders urged upon them that they should kill with their own hands their children and wives and aged relatives, and those who were strong enough to save themselves should break out through the midst of the enemy at night and take refuge in the neighbouring mountain. [4] The young men agreed, and consequently gave orders to go each to his own house and there, enjoying the best of food and drink with their families, await the dread event. Some of them, however (these were about six hundred), decided not to kill their relatives with their own hands, but to burn them in the houses, and so issuing forth from the gates to make their way to the mountain. [5] These carried out their decision and so caused each family to be entombed at its own hearth, while they themselves slipped through the midst of the enemy encamped about them and made their way to the near-by hills under cover of darkness.

This is what happened in this year. 93

When Nicocrates was archon at Athens, Caeso Valerius and Lucius Papirius became consuls at Rome.94 In this year Dareius sent money to Memnon and appointed him commanding general of the whole war. [2] He gathered a force of mercenaries, manned three hundred ships, and pursued the conflict vigorously. He secured Chios, and then coasting along to Lesbos easily mastered Antissa and Methymna and Pyrrha and Eressus. Mitylene also, large and possessed of rich stores of supplies as well as plenty of fighting men, he nevertheless captured with difficulty by assault after a siege of many days and with the loss of many of his soldiers. [3] News of the general's activity spread like wildfire and most of the Cyclades sent missions to him. As word came to Greece that Memnon was about to sail to Euboea with his fleet, the cities of that island became alarmed, while those Greeks who were friendly to Persia, notably Sparta, began to have high hopes of a change in the political situation. [4] Memnon distributed bribes freely and won many Greeks over to share the Persian hopes, but Fortune nevertheless put an end to his career. He fell ill and died, seized by a desperate malady, and with his death Dareius's fortunes also collapsed.95

The king had counted on Memnon's transferring the impact of the war from Asia into Europe, but learning of his death called a session of his Council of Friends and laid before them the alternatives, either to send generals with an army down to the coast or for himself, the king, to march down with all his armed forces and fight the Macedonians in person. [2] Some said that the king must join in battle personally, and they argued that the Persians would fight better in that event. Charidemus,96 however, the Athenian, a man generally admired for his bravery and skill as a commander—he had been a comrade-in-arms of King Philip and had led or counselled all his successes97—recommended that Dareius should on no account stake his throne rashly on a gamble, but should keep in his own hands the reserve strength and the control of Asia while sending to the war a general who had given proof of his ability. [3] One hundred thousand men would be an adequate force, so long as a third of these were Greek mercenaries, and Charidemus hinted that he himself would assume the responsibility for the success of the plan. [4]

The king was moved by his arguments at first but his Friends opposed them stoutly, and even brought Charidemus into suspicion of wanting to get the command so that he could betray the Persian empire to the Macedonians. At this, Charidemus became angry and made free with slurs on Persian lack of manliness. This offended the king, and as his wrath blinded him to his advantage, he seized Charidemus by the girdle according to the custom of the Persians, turned him over to the attendants, and ordered him put to death. [5] So Charidemus was led away, but as he went to his death, he shouted that the king would soon change his mind and would receive a prompt requital for this unjust punishment, becoming the witness of the overthrow of the kingdom.

Charidemus's prospects had been high, but he missed their fulfilment because of his ill-timed frankness and he ended his life in this fashion. [6] Once the king's passion had cooled he promptly regretted his act and reproached himself for having made a serious mistake, but all his royal power was not able to undo what was done. [7] He was haunted by dreams of the Macedonian fighting qualities and the vision of Alexander in action was constantly before his eyes. He searched for a competent general to take over Memnon's command but could find no one, and finally felt constrained to go down himself to take part in the contest for the kingdom.

He wasted no time in summoning his forces from all directions and ordered them to muster in Babylon. He canvassed his Friends and Relatives and selected those who were suitable, giving to some commands suited to their abilities and ordering others to fight at his side as his personal staff. [2] When the time set for the march had come, they had all arrived in Babylon. The number of the soldiers was over four hundred thousand98 infantry and not less than one hundred thousand cavalry.

This was the force with which Dareius marched out of Babylon in the direction of Cilicia; he had with him his wife and children—a son and two daughters—and his mother. [3] As to Alexander, he had been watching how, prior to his death, Memnon had won over Chios and the cities in Lesbos and had taken Mitylene by storm. He learned that Memnon planned to carry the war into Macedonia with three hundred ships of war and a land army also, while the greater part of the Greeks were ready to revolt. [4] This caused him no little anxiety, but when persons came with the news of Memnon's death, he was relieved of this fear; but shortly thereafter he became seriously ill,99 and, afflicted by severe pain, sent for his physicians. [5] All the rest were hesitant to treat him, but Philip the Arcarnanian offered to employ risky but quick-acting remedies and by the use of drugs to break the hold of the disease. [6] This proposal the king accepted gladly, for he had heard that Dareius had already left Babylon with his army. The physician gave him a drug to drink and, aided by the natural strength of the sufferer as well as by Fortune, promptly relieved Alexander of the trouble. Making an astonishing recovery, the king honoured the physician with magnificent gifts and assigned him to the most loyal category of Friends.100

Alexander's mother wrote at this time to him, giving him other useful advice and warning him to be on his guard against the Lyncestian Alexander.101 This was a man distinguished for bravery and high spirit who accompanied the king in the group of Friends in a trusted capacity. [2] There were many other plausible circumstances joining to support the charge, and so the Lyncestian was arrested and bound and placed under guard, until he should face a court.102

Alexander learned that Dareius was only a few days march away, and sent off Parmenion with a body of troops to seize the passage of the so-called . . . Gates.103 When the latter reached the place, he forced out the Persians who were holding the pass and remained master of it. [3] Dareius decided to make his army mobile and diverted his baggage train and the non-combatants to Damascus in Syria104; then, learning that Alexander was holding the passes and thinking that he would never dare to fight in the plain, made his way quickly to meet him. [4] The people of the country, who had little respect for the small numbers of the Macedonians but were much impressed with the great size of the Persian army, abandoned Alexander and came over to Dareius. They brought the Persians food and other materials with great goodwill, and mentally predicted victory for them. Alexander, however, occupied Issus, a considerable city, which was terrified into submission.

When his scouts reported that Dareius was only thirty stades away105 and advancing in alarming fashion with his forces drawn up for battle, a frightening spectacle, Alexander grasped that this was a god-given opportunity to destroy the Persian power in a single victory. He roused his soldiers with appropriate words for a decisive effort and marshalled the battalions of foot and the squadrons of horse appropriately to the location. He set the cavalry along the front of the whole army, and ordered the infantry phalanx to remain in reserve behind it. [2] He himself advanced at the head of the right wing to the encounter, having with him the best of the mounted troops. The Thessalian horse was on the left, and this was outstanding in bravery and skill. [3] When the armies were within missile range, the Persians launched at Alexander such a shower of missiles that they collided with one another in the air, so thickly did they fly, and weakened the force of their impact. [4] On both sides the trumpeters blew the signal of attack and then the Macedonians first raised an unearthly shout followed by the Persians answering, so that the whole hillside bordering the battlefield echoed back the sound, and this second roar in volume surpassed the Macedonian warcry as five hundred thousand men shouted with one voice.106 [5]

Alexander cast his glance in all directions in his anxiety to see Dareius, and as soon as he had identified him, he drove hard with his cavalry at the king himself, wanting not so much to defeat the Persians as to win the victory with his own hands. [6] By now the rest of the cavalry on both sides was engaged and many were killed as the battle raged indecisively because of the evenly matched fighting qualities of the two sides. The scales inclined now one way, now another, as the lines swayed alternately forward and backward. [7] No javelin cast or sword thrust lacked its effect as the crowded ranks offered a ready target. Many fell with wounds received as they faced the enemy and their fury held to the last breath, so that life failed them sooner than courage.

The officers of each unit fought valiantly at the head of their men and by their example inspired courage in the ranks. One could see many forms of wounds inflicted, furious struggles of all sorts inspired by the will to win. [2] The Persian Oxathres was the brother of Dareius and a man highly praised for his fighting qualities; when he saw Alexander riding at Dareius and feared that he would not be checked, he was seized with the desire to share his brother's fate. [3] Ordering the best of the horsemen in his company to follow him, he threw himself with them against Alexander, thinking that this demonstration of brotherly love would bring him high renown among the Persians. He took up the fight directly in front of Dareius's chariot and there engaging the enemy skillfully and with a stout heart slew many of them. [4] The fighting qualities of Alexander's group were superior, however, and quickly many bodies lay piled high about the chariot. No Macedonian had any other thought than to strike the king, and in their intense rivalry to reach him took no thought for their lives.107 [5]

Many of the noblest Persian princes perished in this struggle, among them Antixyes and Rheomithres and Tasiaces, the satrap of Egypt.108 Many of the Macedonians fell also, and Alexander himself was wounded109 in the thigh, for the enemy pressed about him. [6] The horses which were harnessed to the yoke of Dareius's chariot were covered with wounds and terrified by the piles of dead about them. They refused to answer to their bridles,110 and came close to carrying off Dareius into the midst of the enemy, but the king himself, in extreme peril, caught up the reins, being forced to throw away the dignity of his position and to violate the ancient custom of the Persian kings. [7] A second chariot was brought up by Dareius's attendants and in the confusion as he changed over to it in the face of constant attack he fell into a panic terror.111

Seeing their king in this state, the Persians with him turned to flee, and as each adjacent unit in turn did the same, the whole Persian cavalry was soon in full retreat. [8] As their route took them through narrow defiles and over rough country, they clashed and trampled on one another and many died without having received a blow from the enemy. For men lay piled up in confusion, some without armour, others in full battle panoply. Some with their swords still drawn killed those who spitted themselves upon them.112 Most of the cavalry, however, bursting out into the plain and driving their horses at full gallop succeeded in reaching the safety of the friendly cities. [9] Now the Macedonian phalanx and the Persian infantry were engaged only briefly, for the rout of the cavalry had been, as it were, a prelude of the whole victory. Soon all of the Persians were in retreat and as so many tens of thousands were making their escape through narrow passes the whole countryside was soon covered with bodies.

When night fell, the remainder of the Persian army easily succeeded in scattering in various directions while the Macedonians gave over the pursuit and turned to plunder, being particularly attracted by the royal pavilions because of the mass of wealth that was there.113 [2] This included much silver, no little gold, and vast numbers of rich dresses from the royal treasure, which they took, and likewise a great store of wealth belonging to the King's Friends, Relatives, and military commanders. [3] Not only the ladies of the royal house but also those of the King's Relatives and Friends, borne on gilded chariots, had accompanied the army according to an ancestral custom of the Persians, [4] and each of them had brought with her a store of rich furniture and feminine adornment, in keeping with their vast wealth and luxury.

The lot of these captured women was pathetic in the extreme.114 [5] They who previously from daintiness only with reluctance had been conveyed in luxurious carriages and had exposed no part of their bodies unveiled now burst wailing out of the tents clad only in a single chiton, rending their garments, calling on the gods, and falling at the knees of the conquerors. [6] Flinging off their jewelry with trembling hands and with their hair flying, they fled for their lives over rugged ground and, collecting into groups, they called to help them those who were themselves in need of help from others. [7] Some of their captors dragged these unfortunates by the hair, others, ripping off their clothing, drove them with blows of their hands or spear-butts against their naked bodies, thus outraging the dearest and proudest of the Persian possessions by virtue of Fortune's generosity to them.

Now the most prudent of the Macedonians looked on this reversal of fortune with compassion and felt pity for the case of those who had seen their former lot so violently changed; everything belonging to their high rank was far removed from them, and they were encompassed by what was foreign and hostile. (This, however, was not the attitude of most of the soldiery,)115 and the women were herded off into a luckless and humiliating captivity. [2]

What particularly moved to tears of pity those who saw it was the family of Dareius, his mother, wife, two daughters of marriageable age, and a son who was a mere boy.116 [3] In their case, the change in fortune and the magnitude of their loss of position, incredible as it was, was a spectacle that might well inspire compassion in those who beheld it. [4] They knew nothing of Dareius, whether he lived and survived or had perished in the general disaster, but they saw their tent plundered by armed men who were unaware of the identity of their captives and committed many improper acts through ignorance. They saw the whole of Asia taken prisoner with them, and as the wives of the satraps fell at their feet and implored their help, they were not able to assist any one of of them, but themselves sought the assistance of the others in their own misfortunes. [5]

The royal pages now took over the tent of Dareius and prepared Alexander's bath and dinner and, lighting a great blaze of torches, waited for him, that he might return from the pursuit and, finding ready for him all the riches of Dareius, take it as an omen for his conquest of the empire of all Asia.117 [6]

In the course of the battle there died on the Persian side more than one hundred thousand infantry and not less than ten thousand cavalry118; on the Macedonian side, the casualties were three hundred infantry and one hundred and fifty cavalry.119 This was the conclusion of the battle at Issus of Cilicia.

The kings, however, were still occupied. When he knew that he was decisively defeated, Dareius gave himself up to flight and mounting in turn one after another of his best horses galloped on at top speed, desperately seeking to escape from Alexander's grasp and anxious to reach the safety of the upper satrapies. [2] Alexander followed him with the companion cavalry120 and the best of the other horsemen, eager to get possession of Dareius's person. He continued on for two hundred furlongs and then turned back, returning to his camp about midnight. Having dispelled his weariness in the bath, he turned to relaxation and to dinner. [3]

Someone came to the wife and the mother of Dareius121 and told them that Alexander had come back from the pursuit after stripping Dareius of his arms. At this, a great outcry and lamentation arose among the women; and the rest of the captives, joining in their sorrow at the news, sent up a loud wail, so that the king heard it and sent Leonnatus, one of his Friends, to quiet the uproar and to reassure Sisyngambris122 by explaining that Dareius was still alive and that Alexander would show them the proper consideration. In the morning he would come to address them and to demonstrate his kindness by deeds. [4] As they heard this welcome and altogether unexpected good news, the captive women hailed Alexander as a god and ceased from their wailing. [5]

So at daybreak, the king took with him the most valued of his Friends, Hephaestion, and came to the women. They both were dressed alike, but Hephaestion was taller and more handsome. Sisyngambris took him for the king and did him obeisance. As the others present made signs to her and pointed to Alexander with their hands she was embarrassed by her mistake, but made a new start and did obeisance to Alexander. [6] He, however, cut in and said, “Never mind, Mother. For actually he too is Alexander.”123 By thus addressing the aged woman as “Mother,” with this kindliest of terms he gave the promise of coming benefactions to those who had been wretched a moment before. Assuring Sisyngambris that she would be his second mother he immediately ratified in action what he had just promised orally.

He decked her with her royal jewelry and restored her to her previous dignity, with its proper honours. He made over to her all the former retinue of servants which she had been given by Dareius and added more in addition not less in number than the preceding. He promised to provide for the marriage of the daughters even more generously than Dareius had promised and to bring up the boy as his own son and to show him royal honour. [2] He called the boy to him and kissed him, and as he saw him fearless in countenance and not frightened at all, he remarked to Hephaestion that at the age of six years the boy showed a courage beyond his years and was much braver than his father.124 As to the wife of Dareius, he said that he would see that her dignity should be so maintained that she would experience nothing inconsistent with her former happiness. [3]

He added many other assurances of consideration and generosity, so that the women broke out into uncontrolled weeping, so great was their unexpected joy. He gave them his hand as pledge of all this and was not only showered with praises by those who had been helped, but won universal recognition through out his own army for his exceeding propriety of conduct. [4] In general I would say that of many good deeds done by Alexander there is none that is greater or more worthy of record and mention in history than this. [5] Sieges and battles and the other victories scored in war are due for the most part either to Fortune or valour, but when one in a position of power shows pity for those who have been overthrown, this is an action due only to wisdom.125 [6] Most people are made proud by their successes because of their good fortune126 and becoming arrogant in their success, are forgetful of the common weakness of mankind. You can see how very many are unable to bear success, just as if it were a heavy burden. [7] Although Alexander lived many generations before our time, let him continue to receive in future ages also the just and proper praise for his good qualities.127

Dareius hurried to Babylon and gathered together the survivors of the battle at Issus. He was not crushed in spirit in spite of the tremendous setback he had received, but wrote to Alexander advising him to bear his success as one who was only human and to release the captives in return for a large ransom. He added that he would yield to Alexander the territory and cities of Asia west of the Halys River if he would sign a treaty of friendship with him. [2] Alexander summoned his Friends to a council and concealed the real letter. Forging another more in accord with his interests he introduced it to his advisers and sent the envoys away empty handed.128 [3] So Dareius gave up the attempt to reach an agreement with Alexander by diplomatic means and set to work on vast preparations for war. He re-equipped those who had lost their armour in the defeat and he enlisted others and assigned them to military units. He sent for the levies from the upper satrapies,129 which he had previously left unemployed because of the haste of the last campaign. [4] He took such pains over the constitution of the army that he ended up with one twice the size of that which had been engaged at Issus. He assembled eight hundred thousand infantry and two hundred thousand cavalry, and a force of scythe-bearing chariots in addition.

These were the events of this year. 130

When Niceratus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Atilius and Marcus Valerius, and the one hundred and twelfth Olympic Games were held, in which Grylus of Chalcis was the victor.131 In this year, Alexander buried the dead from his victory at Issus, including even those of the Persians who had distinguished themselves by courage. Then he performed rich sacrifices to the gods and rewarded those who had borne themselves well in battle with gifts appropriate to each, and rested the army for some days. [2] Then he marched on towards Egypt, and as he came into Phoenicia, received the submission of all the other cities, for their inhabitants accepted him willingly.

At Tyre, however, when the king wished to sacrifice to the Tyrian Heracles,132 the people overhastily barred him from entering the city; [3] Alexander became angry and threatened to resort to force, but the Tyrians cheerfully faced the prospect of a siege. They wanted to gratify Dareius and keep unimpaired their loyalty to him, and thought also that they would receive great gifts from the king in return for such a favour. They would draw Alexander into a protracted and difficult siege and give Dareius time for his military preparations, and at the same time they had confidence in the strength of their island and the military forces in it. They also hoped for help from their colonists, the Carthaginians.133 [4]

The king saw that the city could hardly be taken by sea because of the engines mounted along its walls and the fleet that it possessed, while from the land it was almost unassailable because it lay four furlongs away from the coast.134 Nevertheless he determined to run every risk and make every effort to save the Macedonian army from being held in contempt by a single undistinguished city. [5] Immediately he demolished what was called Old Tyre135 and set many tens of thousands of men to work carrying stones to construct a mole two plethra in width.136 He drafted into service the entire population of the neighbouring cities and the project advanced rapidly because the workers were numerous.

At first, the Tyrians sailed up to the mole and mocked the king, asking if he thought that he would get the better of Poseidon.137 Then, as the work proceeded with unexpected rapidity, they voted to transport their children and women and old men to Carthage, assigned the young and able-bodied to the defence of the walls, and made ready for a naval engagement with their eighty triremes. [2] They did succeed in getting a part of their children and women to safety with the Carthaginians,138 but they were outstripped by the abundance of Alexander's labour force, and, not being able to stop his advance with their ships, were compelled to stand the siege with almost their whole population still in the city. [3] They had a wealth of catapults and other engines employed for sieges and they had no difficulty in constructing more because of the engineers and artisans of all sorts who were in the city. [4] All kinds of novel devices were fashioned by them, so that the entire circuit of the walls was covered with machines, especially on that side where the mole was approaching the city.139 [5]

As the Macedonian construction came within range of their missiles, portents were sent by the gods to them in their danger. Out of the sea a tidal wave tossed a sea-monster of incredible size into the midst of the Macedonian operations. It crashed into the mole but did it no harm, remained resting a portion of its body against it for a long time [6] and then swam off into the sea again.140 This strange event threw both sides into superstition, each imagining that the portent signified that Poseidon would come to their aid, for they were swayed by their own interest in the matter. [7]

There were other strange happenings too, calculated to spread confusion and terror among people. At the distribution of rations on the Macedonian side, the broken pieces of bread had a bloody look.141 Someone reported, on the Tyrian side, that he had seen a vision in which Apollo told him that he would leave the city. [8] Everyone suspected that the man had made up the story in order to curry favour with Alexander, and some of the younger citizens set out to stone him; he was, however, spirited away by the magistrates and took refuge in the temple of Heracles, where as a suppliant he escaped the people's wrath, but the Tyrians were so credulous that they tied the image of Apollo to its base with golden cords, preventing, as they thought, the god from leaving the city.142

Now the Tyrians were alarmed at the advance of the mole, and they equipped many small vessels with both light and heavy catapults143 together with archers and slingers, and, attacking the workers on the mole, wounded many and killed not a few. [2] As missiles of all sorts in large numbers rained upon unarmed and densely packed men, no soldier missed his mark since the targets were exposed and unsuspecting. The missiles struck not only from the front but also from the back, as men were working on both sides of a rather narrow structure and no one could protect himself from those who shot from two directions. [3]

Alexander moved immediately to rectify what threatened to be a shocking disaster, and manning all his ships144 and taking personal command of them, made with all speed for the harbour of Tyre to cut off the retreat of the Phoenicians. [4] They in turn were terrified lest he seize the harbour and capture the city while it was empty of soldiers, and rowed back to Tyre as fast as they could. Both fleets plied their oars at a fast stroke in a fury of determination, and the Macedonians were already nearing the entrance, but the Phoenicians, by a narrow margin, escaped losing their whole force and, thrusting their way in, got safely to the city with the loss only of the ships at the tail of the column. [5]

So the king failed of this important objective, but nevertheless pushed on with the mole, protecting his workers with a thick screen of ships. As his engines drew close to the city and its capture seemed imminent, a powerful north-west gale blew up and damaged a large part of the mole.145 [6] Alexander was at a loss to deal with the harm done to his project by the forces of nature and thought of giving up the siege attempt, but driven by ambition he sent to the mountain and felling huge trees, he brought them branches and all and, placing them beside the mole, broke the force of the waves.146 [7] It was not long before he had restored the collapsed parts of the mole, and pushing on with an ample labour force until he came within missiles' range, he moved his engines out to the end of the causeway, and attacked the walls with his stone throwers, while he employed his light catapults against the men stationed along the battlements. The archers and slingers joined in the barrage, and wounded many in the city who rushed to the defence.

The Tyrians had bronze workers and machinists, and contrived ingenious counter-measures.147 Against the projectiles from the catapults they made wheels with many spokes, and, setting these to rotate by a certain device, they destroyed some of the missiles and deflected others, and broke the force of all. They caught the balls from the stone throwers in soft and yielding materials and so weakened their force. [2] While this attack was going on from the mole, the king sailed around the city with his whole fleet and inspected the walls, and made it clear that he was about to attack the city alike by land and sea. [3]

The Tyrians did not dare to put to sea again with their whole fleet but kept three ships moored at the harbour mouth.148 The king, however, sailed up to these, sank them all, and so returned to his camp. Wanting to double the security of their walls, the Tyrians built a second one at a distance of five cubits within the first; this was ten cubits in thickness, and the passage between the walls they filled with stones and earth, [4] but Alexander lashed triremes together, mounted his various siege engines upon them, and overthrew the wall for the space of a plethron.149 Through this breach the Macedonians burst into the city, [5] but the Tyrians rained on them a shower of missiles and managed to turn them back,150 and when night came, they rebuilt the fallen part of the wall.

Now the causeway had reached the wall and made the city mainland, and sharp fighting took place along the walls. [6] The Tyrians had the present danger before their eyes and easily imagined what a disaster the actual capture of the city would be, so that they spent themselves so freely in the contest as to despise mortal danger. [7] When the Macedonians moved up towers as high as the walls and in this way, extending bridges, boldly assaulted the battlements, the Tyrians fell back on the ingenuity of their engineers and applied many counter-measures to meet the assault. [8] They forged great tridents armed with barbs and struck with these at close range the assailants standing on the towers. These stuck in the shields, and as ropes were attached to the tridents, they could haul on the ropes and pull them in. [9] Their victims were faced with the alternative of releasing their arms and exposing their bodies to be wounded by the missiles which showered upon them, or clinging to their shields for shame and perishing in the fall from the lofty towers. [10] Other Tyrians cast fishing nets over those Macedonians who were fighting their way across the bridges and, making their hands helpless, pulled them off and tumbled them down from bridge to earth.

They thought of another ingenious device also to offset the Macedonian fighting qualities, by which they involved the bravest of the enemy in a horrible torment which could not be avoided. They fashioned shields of bronze and iron and, filling them with sand, roasted them continuously over a strong fire and made the sand red hot. [2] By means of a certain apparatus they then scattered this over those Macedonians who were fighting most boldly and brought those within its range into utter misery. The sand sifted down under breastplates and shirts, and scorching the skin with the intense heat inflicted upon them irremediable disaster. [3] They shrieked supplications like those under torture and there was no one to help them, but with the excruciating agony they fell into madness and died, the victims of a pitiable and helpless lot.151 [4]

At the same time, the Phoenicians poured down fire and flung javelins and stones, and by the volume of their missiles weakened the resolution of the attackers. They let down long poles or spars equipped with concave cutting edges and cut the ropes supporting the rams, thus rendering these instruments useless. With their fire-throwers they discharged huge red-hot masses of metal into the press of the enemy, and where so many men were packed together they did not miss their mark. With “crows” and “iron hands”152 they dragged over the edge many who were stationed behind the breastworks on the towers. [5] With many hands at work they kept all their engines busy and caused many deaths among the besiegers.

They caused extreme terror by all of this and the fury of their fighting became hardly resistible, but the Macedonians did not lose their boldness. As those in front kept falling, those behind moved up and were not deterred by the sufferings of their comrades. [2] Alexander mounted the stone-throwing catapults in proper places and made the walls rock with the boulders that they threw. With the dart-throwers on the wooden towers he kept up a constant fire of all kinds of missiles and terribly punished the defenders of the walls. [3] In response, the Tyrians rigged marble wheels in front of the walls and causing these to rotate by some mechanism they shattered the flying missiles of the catapults and, deflecting them from their course, rendered their fire ineffective.153 [4] In addition, they stitched up hides or pairs of skins and stuffed them with seaweed so as to receive the blows of the stones on these. As these were soft and yielding, the force of the flying stones was lessened. [5] In sum, the Tyrians defended themselves strongly in all regards and showed themselves well provided with the means of defence. They were bold in face of their enemies, and left the shelter of the walls and their positions within the towers to push out onto the very bridges and match the courage of the Macedonians with their own valour. [6] They grappled with the enemy and, fighting hand to hand, put up a stout battle for their city. Some of them used axes to chop off any part of the body of an opponent that presented itself.

There was one of the Macedonian commanders named Admetus who was a conspicuously brave and powerful man.154 He withstood the fury of the Tyrians with high courage and died heroically, killed instantly when his skull was split by the stroke of an axe. [7]

Alexander saw that the Macedonians were held in check by the resistance of the Tyrians, and, as it was now night, recalled his soldiers by a trumpet call. His first impulse was to break off the siege and march on to Egypt,155 but he changed his mind as he reflected that it would be disgraceful to leave the Tyrians with all the glory of the operation. He found support in only one of his Friends, Amyntas the son of Andromenes,156 but turned again to the attack.

Alexander addressed the Macedonians, calling on them to dare no less than he. Fitting out all his ships for fighting, he began a general assault upon the walls by land and sea and this was pressed furiously. He saw that the wall on the side of the naval base was weaker than elsewhere, and brought up to that point his triremes lashed together and supporting his best siege engines. [2] Now he performed a feat of daring which was hardly believable even to those who saw it.157 He flung a bridge across from the wooden tower to the city walls and crossing by it alone gained a footing on the wall, neither concerned for the envy of Fortune nor fearing the menace of the Tyrians. Having as witness of his prowess the great army which had defeated the Persians, he ordered the Macedonians to follow him, and leading the way he slew some of those who came within reach with his spear, and others by a blow of his sabre. He knocked down still others with the rim of his shield, and put an end to the high confidence of the enemy. [3]

Simultaneously in another part of the city the battering ram, put to its work, brought down a considerable stretch of wall; and when the Macedonians entered through this breach and Alexander's party poured over the bridge on to the wall, the city was taken. The Tyrians, however, kept up the resistance with mutual cries of encouragement and blocked the alleys with barricades, so that all except a few were cut down fighting, in number more than seven thousand.158 [4] The king sold the women and children into slavery and crucified all the men of military age.159 These were not less than two thousand. Although most of the non-combatants had been removed to Carthage, those who remained to become captives were found to be more than thirteen thousand.160 [5]

So Tyre had undergone the siege bravely rather than wisely and come into such misfortunes, after a resistance of seven months.161 [6] The king removed the golden chains and fetters from Apollo and gave orders that the god should be called “Apollo Philalexander.”162 He carried out magnificent sacrifices to Heracles, rewarded those of his men who had distinguished themselves, and gave a lavish funeral for his own dead. He installed as king of Tyre a man named Ballonymus,163 the story of whose career I cannot omit because it is an example of a quite astonishing reversal of fortune.

The former king, Straton, was deprived of his throne because of his friendship for Dareius, and Alexander invited Hephaestion to nominate as king of Tyre any personal guest-friend whom he wished. [2] At first he favoured the host with whom he found pleasant lodging, and proposed that he should be designated master of the city. He was prominent among the citizens in wealth and position, but not being related to those who had been kings he would not accept the offer. [3] Hephaestion then asked him to make a choice from among the members of the royal family, and he said that he knew a man of royal descent who was wise and good in all respects, but he was poor in the extreme. [4] Hephaestion nevertheless agreed that he should be given the royal power, and the one who had been given the choice went off to find the man he had named, bearing with him the royal dress, and came upon him drawing water for hire in a garden, dressed in common rags. [5] He informed him of the transformation in his position, dressed him in the king's robe, and gave him the other appropriate trappings of office. Then he conducted him to the market place and proclaimed him king of Tyre. [6] Everyone accepted him with enthusiasm and marvelled at the vicissitudes of Fortune. Thus he became a Friend of Alexander's and took over the kingdom, an instructive example to those who do not know the incredible changes which Fortune can effect.

Now that we have described Alexander's activity, we shall turn our narrative in another direction.

In Europe, Agis king of Sparta engaged the services of those mercenaries who had escaped from the battle at Issus, eight thousand in number, and sought to change the political situation in Greece in favour of Dareius. [2] He received from the Persian king ships and money and sailed to Crete, where he captured most of the cities and forced them to take the Persian side.164

That Amyntas who had fled from Macedonia and had gone up to Dareius had fought on the Persian side in Cilicia. He escaped, however, from the battle at Issus with four thousand mercenaries165 and got to Tripolis in Phoenicia before Alexander's arrival. Here he chose from the whole Persian fleet enough ships to transport his soldiers, and burned the rest. [3] He sailed over to Cyprus, took on additional soldiers and ships, and continued on down to Pelusium. Becoming master of that city, he proclaimed that he had been sent by King Dareius as military commander because the satrap of Egypt had been killed fighting at Issus in Cilicia.166 [4] He sailed up the river to Memphis and defeated the local forces in a battle before the city, but then, as his soldiers turned to plunder, the Egyptians issued out of the city, attacked his men as they were scattered looting estates located in the countryside, and killed Amyntas and all who came with him to the last man. [5] And that was the end of Amyntas, who had set his hand to great undertakings and failed when he had every prospect of success.

His experience was paralleled by those of the other officers and troop leaders who escaped at the head of their military units from the battle at Issus and attempted to maintain the Persian cause. [6] Some got to important cities and held them for Dareius, others raised tribes167 and furnishing themselves with troops from them performed appropriate duties in the time under review.

The delegates of the League of Corinth voted to send fifteen envoys with a golden wreath as a prize of valour from Greece to Alexander,168 instructing them to congratulate him on his victory in Cilicia. [7] Alexander, in the meantime, marched down to Gaza, which was garrisoned by the Persians, and took the city by storm after a siege of two months.169 170

In the archonship of Aristophanes at Athens, the consuls at Rome were Spurius Postumius and Titus Veturius.171 In this year King Alexander set in order the affairs of Gaza and sent off Amyntas with ten ships to Macedonia,172 with orders to enlist the young men who were fit for military service. He himself with all his army marched on to Egypt and secured the adhesion of all its cities without striking a blow. [2] For since the Persians had committed impieties against the temples and had governed harshly, the Egyptians welcomed the Macedonians.173

Having settled the affairs of Egypt, Alexander went off to the Temple of Ammon, where he wished to consult the oracle of the god. When he had advanced half way along the coast, he was met by envoys from the people of Cyrene,174 who brought him a crown and magnificent gifts, among which were three hundred chargers and five handsome four-horse chariots. [3] He received the envoys cordially and made a treaty of friendship and alliance with them; then he continued with his travelling companions on to the temple. When he came to the desert and waterless part, he took on water and began to cross a country covered with an infinite expanse of sand. In four days their water had given out and they suffered from fearful thirst. [4] All fell into despair, when suddenly a great storm of rain burst from the heavens,175 ending their shortage of water in a way which had not been foreseen, and which, therefore, seemed to those so unexpectedly rescued to have been due to the action of divine Providence. [5] They refilled their containers from a hollow in the ground, and again with a four days' supply in hand marched for four days and came out of the desert.176 At one point, when their road could not be traced because of the sand dunes, the guide pointed out to the king that crows cawing on their right were calling their attention to the route which led to the temple.177 [6] Alexander took this for an omen, and thinking that the god was pleased by his visit pushed on with speed. First he came to the so-called Bitter Lake, and then, proceeding another hundred furlongs, he passed by the Cities of Ammon.178 Then, after a journey of one day, he approached the sanctuary.

The land where this temple lies is surrounded by a sandy desert and waterless waste, destitute of anything good for man. The oasis is fifty furlongs in length and breadth and is watered by many fine springs, so that it is covered with all sorts of trees, especially those valued for their fruit. It has a moderate climate like our spring and, surrounded as it is by very hot regions, alone furnishes to its people a contrasting mildness of temperature.179 [2] It is said that the sanctuary was built by Danaus the Egyptian. The land, which is sacred to the god, is occupied on the south and west by Ethiopians, and on the north by the Libyans, a nomadic people, and the so-called Nasamonians who reach on into the interior.180 [3]

All the people of Ammon dwell in villages. In the midst of their country there is a fortress secured by triple walls.181 The innermost circuit encloses the palace of the ancient rulers; the next, the women's court, the dwellings of the children, women, and relatives, and the guardrooms of the scouts, as well as the sanctuary of the god and the sacred spring, from the waters of which offerings addressed to the god take on holiness; the outer circuit surrounds the barracks of the king's guards and the guardrooms of those who protect the person of the ruler.182 [4]

Outside of the fortress at no great distance there is another temple of Ammon shaded by many large trees, and near this is the spring which is called the Spring of the Sun from its behaviour.183 Its waters change in temperature oddly in accordance with the times of day. [5] At sunrise it sends forth a warm stream, but as the day advances it grows cooler proportionally with the passage of the hours, until under the noon-day heat it reaches its extreme degree of cold. Then again in the same proportion it grows warmer toward evening and as the night advances it continues to heat up until midnight when again the trend is reversed, and at daybreak once more the waters have returned to their original temperature. [6]

The image of the god is encrusted with emeralds and other precious stones, and answers those who consult the oracle in a quite peculiar fashion. It is carried about upon a golden boat by eighty priests, and these, with the god on their shoulders, go without their own volition wherever the god directs their path. [7] A multitude of girls and women follows them singing paeans as they go and praising the god in a traditional hymn.184

When Alexander was conducted by the priests into the temple and had regarded the god for a while, the one who held the position of prophet, an elderly man, came to him and said, “Rejoice, son185 take this form of address as from the god also.” [2] He replied, “I accept, father; for the future I shall be called thy son. But tell me if thou givest me the rule of the whole earth.” The priest now entered the sacred enclosure and as the bearers now lifted the god and were moved according to certain prescribed sounds of the voice,186 the prophet cried that of a certainty the god had granted him his request, and Alexander spoke again: “The last, O spirit, of my questions now answer; have I punished all those who were the murderers of my father or have some escaped me?” [3] The prophet shouted: “Silence! There is no mortal who can plot against the one who begot him. All the murderers of Philip, however, have been punished. The proof of his divine birth will reside in the greatness of his deeds; as formerly he has been undefeated, so now he will be unconquerable for all time.” [4] Alexander was delighted with these responses. He honoured the god with rich gifts and returned to Egypt.187

He decided to found a great city in Egypt, and gave orders to the men left behind with this mission to build the city between the marsh and the sea.188 [2] He laid out the site and traced the streets skilfully and ordered that the city should be called after him Alexandria. It was conveniently situated near the harbour of Pharos, and by selecting the right angle of the streets, Alexander made the city breathe with the etesian winds189 so that as these blow across a great expanse of sea, they cool the air of the town, and so he provided its inhabitants with a moderate climate and good health. [3] Alexander also laid out the walls so that they were at once exceedingly large and marvellously strong. Lying between a great marsh and the sea, it affords by land only two approaches, both narrow and very easily blocked.

In shape, it is similar to a chlamys, and it is approximately bisected by an avenue remarkable for its size and beauty. From gate to gate it runs a distance of forty furlongs190; it is a plethron191 in width, and is bordered throughout its length with rich facades of houses and temples. [4] Alexander gave orders to build a palace notable for its size and massiveness. And not only Alexander, but those who after him ruled Egypt down to our own time, with few exceptions have enlarged this with lavish additions. [5] The city in general has grown so much in later times that many reckon it to be the first city of the civilized world, and it is certainly far ahead of all the rest in elegance and extent and riches and luxury. [6] The number of its inhabitants surpasses that of those in other cities. At the time when we were in Egypt, those who kept the census returns of the population said that its free residents were more than three hundred thousand,192 and that the king received from the revenues of the country more than six thousand talents. [7]

However that may be, King Alexander charged certain of his Friends with the construction of Alexandria, settled all the affairs of Egypt, and returned with his army to Syria.193

By the time he heard of his arrival, Dareius had already assembled his forces from all directions and made everything ready for the battle. He had fashioned swords and lances much longer than his earlier types because it was thought that Alexander had had a great advantage in this respect in the battle in Cilicia. He had also constructed two hundred scythe-bearing chariots well designed to astonish and terrify the enemy.194 [2] From each of these there projected out beyond the trace horses scythes three spans long,195 attached to the yoke, and presenting their cutting edges to the front. At the axle housings there were two more scythes pointing straight out with their cutting edges turned to the front like the others, but longer and broader. Curved blades were fitted to the ends of these.196 [3]

All of the force the king adorned with shining armour and with brilliant commanders. As he marched out of Babylon, he had with him eight hundred thousand infantry and no less than two hundred thousand cavalry.197 He kept the Tigris on the right of his route and the Euphrates on the left, and proceeded through a rich country capable of furnishing ample fodder for the animals and food enough for so many soldiers.198 [4] He had in mind to deploy for battle in the vicinity of Nineveh, since the plains there were well suited to his purpose and afforded ample manoeuvre room for the huge forces at his disposal. Pitching camp at a village named Arbela, he drilled his troops daily and made them well disciplined by continued training and practice. He was most concerned lest some confusion should arise in the battle from the numerous peoples assembled who differed in speech.

On the other hand, just as he had previously199 sent envoys to Alexander to treat for peace, offering to concede to him the land west of the Halys River, and also to give him twenty thousand talents of silver, [2] but Alexander would not agree, so now again Dareius sent other envoys praising Alexander for his generous treatment of Dareius's mother and the other captives and inviting him to become a friend. He offered him all the territory west of the Euphrates, thirty thousand talents of silver,200 and the hand of one of his daughters. Alexander would become Dareius's son-in-law and occupy the place of a son, while sharing in the rule of the whole empire.201 [3] Alexander brought together all his Friends into a council and laid before them the alternatives. He urged each to speak his own mind freely. [4] None of the rest, however, dared to give an opinion in a matter of this importance, but Parmenion spoke up and said: “If I were Alexander, I should accept what was offered and make a treaty.” [5] Alexander cut in and said: “So should I, if I were Parmenion.”

He continued with proud words and refuted the arguments of the Persians, preferring glory to the gifts which were extended to him. Then he told the envoys that the earth could not preserve its plan and order if there were two suns nor could the inhabited world remain calm and free from war so long as two kings shared the rule.202 [6] He bade them tell Dareius that, if he desired the supremacy, he should do battle with him to see which of them would have sole and universal rule. If, on the other hand, he despised glory and chose profit and luxury with a life of ease, then let him obey Alexander, but be king over all other rulers,203 since this privilege was granted him by Alexander's generosity. [7]

Alexander dismissed the council and ordering his forces to resume their march, he advanced on the camp of the enemy. At this juncture the wife of Dareius died and Alexander gave her a sumptuous funeral.204

Dareius heard Alexander's answer and gave up any hope of a diplomatic settlement. He continued drilling his troops each day and brought their battle discipline to a satisfactory state. He sent off one of his Friends, Mazaeus, with a picked body of men to guard the crossing of the river and to seize and hold the ford. Other troops he sent out to scorch the earth over which the enemy must come. He thought of using the bed of the Tigris as a defence against the advance of the Macedonians.205 [2] Mazaeus, however, looked upon the river as uncrossable because of its depth and the swiftness of the current,206 and neglected to guard it. Instead he joined forces with those who were burning the countryside, and having wasted a great stretch of it, judged that it would be unusable by the enemy because of the lack of forage. [3]

Alexander, nevertheless, when he came to the crossing of the Tigris River, learned of the ford from some of the local natives, and transferred his army to the east bank. This was accomplished not only with difficulty but even at substantial risk. [4] The depth of the water at the ford was above a man's breast and the force of the current swept away many who were crossing and deprived them of their footing, and as the water struck their shields, it bore many off their course and brought them into extreme danger. [5] But Alexander contrived a defence against the violence of the river. He ordered all to lock arms with each other and to construct a sort of bridge out of the compact union of their persons.207 [6] Since the crossing had been hazardous and the Macedonians had had a narrow escape, Alexander rested the army that day, and on the following he deployed it and led it forward toward the enemy, then pitched camp not far from the Persians.208

Casting over in his mind the number of the Persian forces and the decisive nature of the impending battle, since success or failure lay now entirely in the strength of their arms, Alexander lay awake throughout the night occupied with concern for the next day. About the morning watch he fell asleep, and slept so soundly that he could not be wakened when the sun rose.209 [2] At first his Friends were delighted thinking that the king would be all the keener for the battle for his thorough relaxation. As time passed, however, and sleep continued to possess him, Parmenion, the senior among the Friends, issued on his own responsibility the order to the troops to make ready for the battle, [3] and since his sleep continued, the Friends came to Alexander and at last succeeded in wakening him. As all expressed astonishment at the matter and pressed him to tell the reason for his unconcern, Alexander said that Dareius had freed him from all anxiety by assembling all his forces into one place. [4] Now in one day the decision would be reached on all issues, and they would be saved toils and dangers extending over a long period of time. Nevertheless, Alexander summoned his officers and encouraged them for the battle which they faced with suitable words, and then led out his army deployed for battle against the Persians, ordering the cavalry squadrons to ride ahead of the infantry phalanx.

On the right wing Alexander stationed the royal squadron under the command of Cleitus the Black (as he was called), and next to this the other Friends210 under the command of Parmenion's son Philotas, then in succession the other seven squadrons under the same commander. [2] Behind these was stationed the infantry battalion of the Silver Shields,211 distinguished for the brilliance of their armour and the valour of the men; they were led by Nicanor, the son of Parmenion. Next to them was the battalion from Elimiotis,212 as it was called, under the command of Coenus; next he stationed the battalion of the Orestae and the Lyncestae, of which Perdiccas held the command. Meleager commanded the next battalion and Polyperchon the one after that, the people called Stymphaeans being under him. [3] Philip the son of Balacrus held the next command and, after him, Craterus. As for the cavalry, the line of the squadrons which I have mentioned was continued with the combined Peloponnesian and Achaean horse, then cavalry from Phthiotis and Malis, then Locrians and Phocians, all under the command of Erigyius of Mitylene. [4] Next were posted the Thessalians who had Philip as commander; they were far superior to the rest in their fighting qualities and in their horsemanship. And next to these he stationed the Cretan archers and the mercenaries from Achaia. [5]

On both flanks he kept his wings back so that the enemy with their superior numbers could not envelop the shorter line of the Macedonians. [6] Against the threat of the scythed chariots, he ordered the infantry of the phalanx to join shields as soon as these went into action against them and to beat the shields with their spears, creating such a din as to frighten the horses into bolting to the rear, or, if they persevered, to open gaps in the ranks such that they might ride through harmlessly. He himself took personal command of the right wing and advancing obliquely planned to settle the issue of the battle by his own actions.213

Dareius based his formation for battle on the characteristics of his national contingents,214 and posting himself opposite Alexander gave the command to advance on the Macedonians. As the lines approached each other, the trumpeters on both sides sounded the attack and the troops charged each other with a loud shout. [2] First the scythed chariots swung into action at full gallop and created great alarm and terror among the Macedonians,215 especially since Mazaeus216 in command of the cavalry made their attack more frightening by supporting it with his dense squadrons of horse. [3] As the phalanx joined shields, however, all beat upon their shields with their spears as the king had commanded and a great din arose. [4] As the horses shied off, most of the chariots were turned about and bore hard with irresistible impact against their own ranks. Others continued on against the Macedonian lines, but as the soldiers opened wide gaps in their ranks the chariots were channelled through these. In some instances the horses were killed by javelin casts and in others they rode through and escaped, but some of them, using the full force of their momentum and applying their steel blades actively, wrought death among the Macedonians in many and various forms. [5] Such was the keenness and the force of the scythes ingeniously contrived to do harm that they severed the arms of many, shields and all, and in no small number of cases they cut through necks and sent heads tumbling to the ground with the eyes still open and the expression of the countenance unchanged, and in other cases they sliced through ribs with mortal gashes and inflicted a quick death.217

As the main bodies now neared each other and, employing bows and slings and throwing javelins, expended their missiles, they turned to hand to hand fighting. [2] The cavalry first joined battle, and as the Macedonians were on the right wing, Dareius, who commanded his own left, led his kinsman cavalry against them. These were men chosen for courage and for loyalty, the whole thousand included in one squadron.218 [3] Knowing that the king was watching their behaviour, they cheerfully faced all of the missiles which were cast in his direction. With them were engaged the Apple Bearers,219 brave and numerous, and in addition to these Mardi and Cossaei, who were admired for their strength and daring, [4] as well as all the household troops belonging to the palace and the best fighters among the Indians. They all raised a loud battle cry and, attacking, engaged the enemy valiantly and pressed hard upon the Macedonians because of their superior numbers. [5]

Mazaeus was in command of the Persian right wing with the best of the cavalry under him and killed not a few of his opponents at the first onslaught, but sent off two thousand Cadusii and a thousand picked Scythian horsemen with orders to ride around the enemy's flank and to continue on to their camp and capture the baggage. [6] This they did promptly, and as they burst into the camp of the Macedonians, some of the captives seized weapons and aided the Scythians in seizing the baggage. There was shouting and confusion throughout the whole camp area at this unexpected event. [7] Most of the female captives rushed off to welcome the Persians, but the mother of Dareius, Sisyngambris, did not heed when the women called upon her, but remained placidly where she was, since she neither trusted the uncertain turns of Fortune nor would sully her gratitude toward Alexander. [8] Finally, after the Scythians had rounded up much of the baggage, they rode off to Mazaeus to report their success.220 During this time, also, part of the cavalry of Dareius in superior numbers continued their pressure on the opposing Macedonians and forced them to give ground.

This was a second success for the Persians, and Alexander saw that it was time for him to offset the discomfiture of his forces by his own intervention221 with the royal squadron and the rest of the elite horse guards, and rode hard against Dareius.222 [2] The Persian king received their attack and fighting from a chariot hurled javelins against his opponents, and many supported him. As the kings approached each other, Alexander flung a javelin at Dareius and missed him, but struck the driver standing beside him and knocked him to the ground. [3] A shout went up at this from the Persians around Dareius, and those at a greater distance thought that the king had fallen. They were the first to take to flight, and they were followed by those next to them, and steadily, little by little, the solid ranks of Dareius's guard disintegrated. As both flanks became exposed, the king himself was alarmed and retreated. The flight thus became general. [4] Dust raised by the Persian cavalry rose to a height, and as Alexander's squadrons followed on their heels, because of their numbers and the thickness of the dust, it was impossible to tell in what direction Dareius was fleeing. The air was filled with the groans of the fallen, the din of the cavalry, and the constant sound of lashing of whips.223 [5]

At this time Mazaeus, the commander of the Persian right wing, with the most and the best of the cavalry, was pressing hard on those opposing him, but Parmenion with the Thessalian cavalry and the rest of his forces put up a stout resistance. [6] For a time, fighting brilliantly, he even seemed to have the upper hand thanks to the fighting qualities of the Thessalians, but the weight and numbers of Mazaeus's command brought the Macedonian cavalry into difficulties. [7] A great slaughter took place, and despairing of withstanding the Persian power, Parmenion sent off some of his horsemen to Alexander, begging him to come to their support quickly. They carried out their orders with dispatch, but finding that Alexander was already in full pursuit at a great distance from the battlefield they returned without accomplishing their mission. [8] Nevertheless Parmenion handled the Thessalian squadrons with the utmost skill and finally, killing many of the enemy, routed the Persians who were by now much disheartened by the withdrawal of Dareius.224

Dareius was a clever strategist. He took advantage of the great cloud of dust and did not withdraw to the rear like the other barbarians, but swinging in the opposite direction and covering his movement by the dust, got away safely himself and brought all his troops into villages which lay behind the Macedonian position.225 [2] Finally all the Persians had fled, and as the Macedonians kept slaughtering the stragglers, before long the whole region in which the battle had taken place was covered with dead. [3] On the Persian side in the battle fell, cavalry and infantry together, more than ninety thousand.226 About five hundred of the Macedonians were killed and there were very many wounded.227 Of the most prominent group of commanders, Hephaestion was wounded with a spear thrust in the arm; he had commanded the bodyguards.228 Perdiccas and Coenus, of the general's group, were also wounded, so also Menidas and others of the higher commanders.229

That was the outcome of the battle near Arbela. 230

When Aristophon was archon at Athens, the consular office at Rome was assumed by Gaius Domitius and Aulus Cornelius.231 In this year word was brought to Greece about the battle near Arbela, and many of the cities became alarmed at the growth of Macedonian power and decided that they should strike for their freedom while the Persian cause was still alive. [2] They expected that Dareius would help them and send them much money so that they could gather great armies of mercenaries, while Alexander would not be able to divide his forces. [3] If, on the other hand, they watched idly while the Persians were utterly defeated, the Greeks would be isolated and never again be able to think of recovering their freedom. [4]

There was also an upheaval in Thrace at just this time which seemed to offer the Greeks an opportunity for freeing themselves. [5] Memnon, who had been designated governor-general there, had a military force and was a man of spirit. He stirred up the tribesmen, revolted against Alexander, quickly possessed a large army, and was openly bent on war. [6] Antipater was forced to mobilize his entire army and to advance through Macedonia into Thrace to settle with him.232

While Antipater was occupied with this,233 the Lacedaemonians thought that the time had come to undertake a war and issued an appeal to the Greeks to unite in defence of their freedom. [7] The Athenians had been favoured beyond all the other Greeks by Alexander and did not move. Most of the Peloponnesians, however, and some of the northern Greeks reached an agreement and signed an undertaking to go to war. According to the capacity of the individual cities they enlisted the best of their youth and enrolled as soldiers not less than twenty thousand infantry and about two thousand cavalry. [8] The Lacedaemonians had the command and led out their entire levy for the decisive battle, their king Agis having the position of commander in chief.

When Antipater learned of this Greek mobilization, he ended the Thracian campaign on what terms he could and marched down into the Peloponnesus with his entire army. He added soldiers from those of the Greeks who were still loyal and built up his force until it numbered not less than forty thousand.234 [2] When it came to a general engagement, Agis was struck down fighting, but the Lacedaemonians fought furiously and maintained their position for a long time; when their Greek allies were forced out of position they themselves fell back on Sparta. [3] More than five thousand three hundred of the Lacedaemonians and their allies were killed in the battle, and three thousand five hundred of Antipater's troops. [4]

An interesting event occurred in connection with Agis's death. He had fought gloriously and fell with many frontal wounds. As he was being carried by his soldiers back to Sparta, he found himself surrounded by the enemy. Despairing of his own life, he ordered the rest to make their escape with all speed and to save themselves for the service of their country, but he himself armed and rising to his knees defended himself, killed some of the enemy and was himself slain by a javelin cast; he had reigned nine years.235 (This is the end of the first half of the seventeenth book.)236 [5]

Now that we have run through the events in Europe, we may in turn pass on to what occurred in Asia.

After his defeat in the battle near Arbela, Dareius directed his course to the upper satrapies, seeking by putting distance between himself and Alexander to gain a respite and time enough to organize an army. He made his way first to Ecbatana in Media and paused there, picking up the stragglers from the battle and rearming those who had lost their weapons.237 [2] He sent around to the neighbouring tribes demanding soldiers, and he posted couriers to the satraps and generals in Bactria and the upper satrapies, calling upon them to preserve their loyalty to him. [3]

After the battle, Alexander buried his dead and entered Arbela,238 finding there abundant stores of food, no little barbaric dress and treasure, and three thousand talents of silver.239 Judging that the air of the region would be polluted by the multitude of unburied corpses,240 he continued his advance immediately and arrived with his whole army at Babylon. [4] Here the people received him gladly, and furnishing them billets feasted the Macedonians lavishly.241 Alexander refreshed his army from its previous labours and remained more than thirty days in the city because food was plentiful and the population friendly. [5]

At this time he designated Agathon of Pydna242 to guard the citadel, assigning to him seven hundred Macedonian soldiers. He appointed Apollodorus of Amphipolis and Menes of Pella as military governors of Babylon and the other satrapies as far as Cilicia, giving them one thousand talents of silver with instructions to enlist as many soldiers as possible.243 [6] He assigned Armenia as a province to Mithrines, who had surrendered to him the citadel of Sardes.244 From the money which was captured he distributed to each of the cavalrymen six minas, to each of the allied cavalrymen five, and to the Macedonians of the phalanx two, and he gave to all the mercenaries two months' pay.245

After the king had marched out of Babylon and while he was still on the road, there came to him, sent by Antipater, five hundred Macedonian cavalry and six thousand infantry, six hundred Thracian cavalry and three thousand five hundred Trallians, and from the Peloponnese four thousand infantry and little less than a thousand cavalry.246 From Macedonia also came fifty247 sons of the king's Friends sent by their fathers to serve as bodyguards. [2] The king welcomed all of these, continued his march, and on the sixth day crossed over into the province of Sittacene.248

This was a rich country abounding in provisions of all sorts, and he lingered here for a number of days, at once anxious to rest his army from the fatigue of their long marches and concerned to review the organization of his army. He wanted to advance some officers and to strengthen the forces by the number and the ability of the commanders. [3] This he effected. He scrutinized closely the reports of good conduct and promoted many from a high military command to an even higher responsibility, so that by giving all the commanders greater prestige he bound them to himself by strong ties of affection. [4] He also examined the situation of the individual soldiers and introduced many improvements by considering what was useful. He brought the whole force up to an outstanding devotion to its commander and obedience to his commands, and to a high degree of effectiveness, looking toward the battles to come.249 [5]

From there he entered Susiane without opposition and took over the fabulous palace of the kings. The satrap Abuleutes250 surrendered the city to him voluntarily, and some have written that he did this in compliance with orders given by Dareius to his trusted officials. The king of Persia hoped by this policy, it is suggested, that Alexander would be kept busy with dazzling distractions and the acquisition of brilliant cities and huge treasures, while he, Dareius, won time by his flight to prepare for a renewed warfare.251

Alexander entered the city and found the treasure in the palace to include more than forty thousand talents of gold and silver bullion, [2] which the kings had accumulated unused over a long period of time as a protection against the vicissitudes of Fortune. In addition there were nine thousand talents of minted gold in the form of darics.252 [3]

A curious thing happened to the king when he was shown the precious objects. He seated himself upon the royal throne, which was larger than the proportions of his body.253 When one of the pages saw that his feet were a long way from reaching the footstool which belonged to the throne, he picked up Dareius's table and placed it under the dangling legs. [4] This fitted, and the king was pleased by the aptness of the boy, but a eunuch standing by was troubled in his heart at this reminder of the changes of Fortune and wept. [5] Alexander noticed him and asked, “What wrong have you seen that you are crying?” The eunuch replied, “Now I am your slave as formerly I was the slave of Dareius. I am by nature devoted to my masters and I was grieved at seeing what was most held in honour by your predecessor now become an ignoble piece of furniture.” [6]

This answer reminded the king how great a change had come over the Persian kingdom. He saw that he had committed an act of arrogance quite the reverse of his gentleness to the captives, [7] and calling the page who had placed the table ordered him to remove it. Then Philotas, who was present, said, “But this was not insolence, for the action was not commanded by you; it occurred through the providence and design of a good spirit.” So the king took this remark for an omen, and ordered the table to be left standing at the foot of the throne.

After this Alexander left Dareius's mother, his daughters, and his son in Susa,254 providing them with persons to teach them the Greek language, and marching on with his army on the fourth day reached the Tigris River.255 [2] This flows down from the mountains of the Uxii and passes at first for a thousand furlongs through rough country broken by great gorges, but then traverses a level plain and becomes ever quieter, and after six hundred furlongs empties into the Persian sea. [3] This he crossed, and entered the country of the Uxii, which was rich, watered by numerous streams, and productive of many fruits of all kinds. At the season when the ripe fruit is dried, the merchants who sail on the Tigris are able to bring down to Babylonia all sorts of confections good for the pleasures of the table.256 [4]

Alexander found the passages guarded by Madetes, a cousin of Dareius, with a substantial force, and he saw at once the difficulty of the place. The sheer cliffs offered no passage, but an Uxian native who knew the country offered to lead soldiers by a narrow and hazardous path to a position above the enemy. [5] Alexander accepted the proposal and sent off with him a body of troops, while he himself expedited the move as far as possible and attacked the defenders in waves. The assault was pressed vigorously and the Persians were preoccupied with the struggle when to their astonishment above their heads appeared the flying column of Macedonians. The Persians were frightened and took to their heels. Thus Alexander won the pass and soon after took all the cities in Uxiane.257

Thereafter Alexander marched on in the direction of Persis and on the fifth day258 came to the so-called Susian Rocks.259 Here the passage was held by Ariobarzanes with a force of twenty-five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry.260 [2] The king first thought to force his way through and advanced to the pass through narrow defiles in rough country, but without opposition. The Persians allowed him to proceed along the pass for some distance, but when he was about half-way through the hard part, they suddenly attacked him and rolled down from above huge boulders, which falling suddenly upon the massed ranks of the Macedonians killed many of them. Many of the enemy threw javelins down from the cliffs into the crowd, and did not miss their mark. Still others coming to close quarters flung stones at the Macedonians who pressed on. The Persians had a tremendous advantage because of the difficulty of the country, killed many and injured not a few. [3]

Alexander was quite helpless to avert the sufferings of his men and seeing that no one of the enemy was killed or even wounded, while of his own force many were slain and practically all the attacking force were disabled, he recalled the soldiers from the battle with a trumpet signal. [4] Withdrawing from the pass for a distance of three hundred furlongs,261 he pitched camp and from the natives sought to learn whether there was any other route through the hills. All insisted that there was no other way through, although it was possible to go around them at the cost of several days' travel. It seemed to Alexander, however, discreditable to abandon his dead and unseemly to ask for them, since this carried with it the acknowledgement of defeat, so he ordered all his captives to be brought up. [5] Among these came hopefully a man who was bilingual,262 and knew the Persian language.

He said that he was a Lycian, had been brought there as a captive, and had pastured goats in these mountains for a number of years. He had come to know the country well and could lead a force of men over a path concealed by bushes263 and bring them to the rear of the Persians guarding the pass. [6] The king promised that he would load him with gifts,264 and under his direction Alexander did make his way over the mountain at night struggling through deep snow.265 The route crossed a very broken country, seamed by deep ravines and many gorges. [7] Coming into sight of the enemy outposts, he cut down their first line and captured those who were stationed in the second position, then routed the third line and won the pass, and killed most of the troops of Ariobarzanes.266

Now he set out on the road to Persepolis, and while he was on the road received a letter from the governor of the city, whose name was Tiridates.267 It stated that if he arrived ahead of those who planned to defend the city for Dareius, he would become master of it, for Tiridates would betray it to him. [2] Accordingly Alexander led his army on by forced marches; he bridged the Araxes River and so brought his men to the other bank.268

At this point in his advance the king was confronted by a strange and dreadful sight, one to provoke indignation against the perpetrators and sympathetic pity for the unfortunate victims.269 [3] He was met by Greeks bearing branches of supplication. They had been carried away from their homes by previous kings of Persia and were about eight hundred in number, most of them elderly. All had been mutilated, some lacking hands, some feet, and some ears and noses. [4] They were persons who had acquired skills or crafts and had made good progress in their instruction; then their other extremities had been amputated and they were left only those which were vital to their profession. All the soldiers, seeing their venerable years and the losses which their bodies had suffered, pitied the lot of the wretches. Alexander most of all was affected by them and unable to restrain his tears. [5]

They all cried with one voice and besought Alexander to help them in their misfortunes. The king called their leaders to come forward and, greeting them with a respect in keeping with his own greatness of spirit, promised to make it a matter of utmost concern that they should be restored to their homes. [6] They gathered to debate the matter, and decided that it would be better for them to remain where they were rather than to return home. If they were brought back safely, they would be scattered in small groups, and would find their abuse at the hands of Fortune an object of reproach as they lived on in their cities. If, however, they continued living together, as companions in misfortune, they would find a solace for their mutilation in the similar mutilation of the others. [7] So they again appeared before the king, told him of their decision, and asked him to give them help appropriate to this proposal. [8] Alexander applauded their decision and gave each of them three thousand drachmae, five men's robes and the same number for women,270 two yoke of oxen, fifty sheep, and fifty bushels of wheat. He made them also exempt from all royal taxes and charged his administrative officials to see that they were harmed by no one. [9]

Thus Alexander mitigated the lot of these unfortunate persons by such benefactions in keeping with his natural kindness.

Persepolis was the capital of the Persian kingdom. Alexander described it to the Macedonians as the most hateful of the cities of Asia,271 and gave it over to his soldiers to plunder, all but the palaces. [2] It was the richest city under the sun and the private houses had been furnished with every sort of wealth over the years. The Macedonians raced into it slaughtering all the men whom they met and plundering the residences; many of the houses belonged to the common people and were abundantly supplied with furniture and wearing apparel of every kind. [3] Here much silver was carried off and no little gold, and many rich dresses gay with sea purple or with gold embroidery became the prize of the victors. The enormous palaces, famed throughout the whole civilized world, fell victim to insult and utter destruction. [4]

The Macedonians gave themselves up to this orgy of plunder for a whole day and still could not satisfy their boundless greed for more. [5] Such was their exceeding lust for loot withal that they fought with each other and killed many of their fellows who had appropriated a greater portion of it. The richest of the finds some cut through with their swords so that each might have his own part. Some cut off the hands of those who were grasping at disputed property, being driven mad by their passions. [6] They dragged off women, clothes and all, converting their captivity into slavery.272

As Persepolis had exceeded all other cities in prosperity, so in the same measure it now exceeded all others in misery.273

Alexander ascended to the citadel terrace and took possession of the treasure there. This had been accumulated from the state revenues, beginning with Cyrus, the first king of the Persians, down to that time, and the vaults were packed full of silver and gold. The total was found to be one hundred and twenty thousand talents, when the gold was estimated in terms of silver.274 [2] Alexander wanted to take some money with him to meet the costs of the war, and to deposit the rest in Susa and keep it under guard in that city. Accordingly he sent for a vast number of mules from Babylon and Mesopotamia, as well as from Susa itself, both pack and harness animals as well as three thousand pack camels. By these means Alexander transported everything to the desired places. [3] He felt bitter enmity to the inhabitants.275 He did not trust them, and he meant to destroy Persepolis utterly.

I think that it is not inappropriate to speak briefly about the palace area of the city because of the richness of its buildings.276 [4] The citadel is a noteworthy one, and is surrounded by a triple wall. The first part of this is built over an elaborate foundation. It is sixteen cubits in height and is topped by battlements. [5] The second wall is in all other respects like the first but of twice the height. The third circuit is rectangular in plan, and is sixty cubits in height,277 built of a stone hard and naturally durable. [6] Each of the sides contains a gate with bronze doors, beside each of which stand bronze poles twenty cubits high278; these were intended to catch the eye of the beholder, but the gates were for security. [7]

At the eastern side of the terrace at a distance of four plethra279 is the so-called royal hill in which were the graves of the kings. This was a smooth rock hollowed out into many chambers in which were the sepulchres of the dead kings. These have no other access but receive the sarcophagi of the dead which are lifted by certain mechanical hoists. [8] Scattered about the royal terrace were residences of the kings and members of the royal family as well as quarters for the great nobles,280 all luxuriously furnished, and buildings suitably made for guarding the royal treasure.

Alexander held games in honour of his victories. He performed costly sacrifices to the gods and entertained his friends bountifully. While they were feasting and the drinking was far advanced, as they began to be drunken a madness took possession of the minds of the intoxicated guests.281 [2] At this point one of the women present, Thais by name and Attic by origin, said that for Alexander it would be the finest of all his feats in Asia if he joined them in a triumphal procession, set fire to the palaces, and permitted women's hands in a minute to extinguish the famed accomplishments of the Persians. [3] This was said to men who were still young and giddy with wine, and so, as would be expected, someone shouted out to form the comus and to light torches, and urged all to take vengeance for the destruction of the Greek temples.282 [4] Others took up the cry and said that this was a deed worthy of Alexander alone. When the king had caught fire at their words, all leaped up from their couches and passed the word along to form a victory procession in honour of Dionysus. [5]

Promptly many torches were gathered. Female musicians were present at the banquet, so the king led them all out for the comus to the sound of voices and flutes and pipes, Thais the courtesan leading the whole performance. [6] She was the first, after the king, to hurl her blazing torch into the palace. As the others all did the same, immediately the entire palace area was consumed, so great was the conflagration. It was most remarkable that the impious act of Xerxes, king of the Persians, against the acropolis at Athens should have been repaid in kind after many years by one woman, a citizen of the land which had suffered it, and in sport.

When all this was over, Alexander visited the cities of Persis, capturing some by storm and winning over others by his own fair dealing.283 Then he set out after Dareius. [2] The Persian king had planned to bring together the armed forces of Bactria and the other satrapies, but Alexander was too quick for him. Dareius directed his flight toward the city of Bactra with thirty thousand Persians284 and Greek mercenaries, but in the course of this retirement he was seized and murdered by Bessus, the satrap of Bactria. [3] Just after his death, Alexander rode up in hot pursuit with his cavalry, and, finding him dead, gave him a royal funeral. [4] Some, however, have written that Alexander found him still breathing and commiserated with him on his disasters. Dareius urged him to avenge his death, and Alexander, agreeing, set out after Bessus, but the satrap had a long start and got away into Bactria, so Alexander suspended the chase and returned.285

That was the situation in Asia. [5]

In Europe the Lacedaemonians were forced by their defeat in a decisive battle to make overtures to Antipater.286 He referred his reply to the council of the Hellenic League.287 When the delegates came together in Corinth, there was a long discussion on both sides, and they decided to pass the issue on without a decision to Alexander. [6] Antipater took as hostages fifty of the most notable of the Spartiates, and the Lacedaemonians sent envoys288 to Asia asking forgiveness for their mistakes. 289

After this year was over, Cephisophon became archon at Athens, and Gaius Valerius and Marcus Clodius consuls in Rome.290 In this year, now that Dareius was dead, Bessus with Nabarnes and Barxaes291 and many others of the Iranian nobles got to Bactria, eluding the hands of Alexander. Bessus had been appointed satrap of this region by Dareius and being known to everyone because of his administration, now called upon the population to defend their freedom. [2] He pointed out that the nature of their country would assist them very much, since the region was hard for an enemy to penetrate and furnished enough men for them to establish their independence. He proclaimed that he would take personal command of the war and designated himself king, with the approval of the people. Then he set to work enrolling soldiers, manufacturing an adequate stock of weapons, and busily making everything ready for the approaching time of need.292 [3]

Alexander, for his part, was aware that the Macedonians regarded Dareius's death as the end of the campaign and were impatient to go home. He called them all to a meeting and, addressing them with effective arguments, made them willing to follow him in the part of the war which remained,293 but he assembled the allied troops from the Greek cities294 and praising them for their services released them from their military duty. He gave to each of the cavalry a talent and to each of the infantry ten minas.295 Besides this he paid them their wages up to date and added more to cover the period of their march back until they should return to their homes. [4] To those who would remain with him in the royal army, he gave a bonus of three talents each. He treated the soldiers with such lavishness in part because of his native generosity and in part because he had come into possession of very much money in the course of his pursuit of Dareius. [5] He had received from the royal treasurers the sum of eight thousand talents. Apart from this, what was distributed to the soldiers, including clothing and goblets, came to thirteen thousand talents,296 while what was stolen or taken as plunder was thought to be even more still.

Alexander started out for Hyrcania and on the third day encamped near a city called Hecatontapylus.297 This was a wealthy city with a profusion of everything contributing to pleasure, so he rested his army there for some days. [2] Then, advancing one hundred and fifty furlongs, he encamped near a huge rock298; under its base there was a marvellous cave from which flowed a great river known as the Stiboeites.299 This tumbles out with a rapid current for a distance of three furlongs, and then divides into two courses on either side of a breast-shaped “rock,” beneath which there is a vast cavern. Into this the river plunges with a great roar, foaming from its clash against the rock. After flowing underground a distance of three hundred furlongs, it again breaks its way to the surface.300 [3]

Alexander entered Hyrcania with his army and took possession of all the cities there as far as the so-called Caspian Sea, which some name the Hyrcanian. In this they say are spawned many large serpents and fish of all sorts quite different in colour from ours.301 [4] He passed through Hyrcania and came to the Fortunate Villages, as they are called, and truly such they are, for their land produces crops far more generously than elsewhere. [5] They say that each vine produces a metretes of wine, while there are some fig trees which produce ten medimni of dried figs.302 The grain which is overlooked at the harvest and falls to the ground germinates without being sown and brings to maturity an abundant harvest. [6] There is a tree known to the natives like an oak in appearance, from the leaves of which honey drips; this some collect and take their pleasure from it abundantly.303 [7] There is a winged animal in this country which they call anthredon, smaller than the bee but very useful. It roams the mountains gathering nectar from every kind of flower. Dwelling in hollow rocks and lightning-blasted trees it forms combs of wax and fashions a liquor of surpassing sweetness, not far inferior to our honey.304

Thus Alexander acquired Hyrcania and the tribes which were its neighbours, and many of the Iranian commanders who had fled with Dareius came to him and gave themselves up.305 He received them kindly and gained wide repute for fair dealing; [2] for instance, the Greeks who had served with Dareius, one thousand five hundred in number, and accomplished soldiers, also promptly turned themselves over to Alexander, and receiving a full pardon for their previous hostility were assigned to units of his army on the same pay scale as the rest.306 [3]

Alexander followed the coastline to the west and entered the country of the people known as Mardians.307 They prided themselves on their fighting ability and thinking little of Alexander's growth in power sent him no petition or mark of honour, [4] but held the passes with eight thousand soldiers and confidently awaited the Macedonian approach. The king attacked them and joining battle killed most of them and drove the rest into the fastnesses of the mountains. [5]

As he was wasting the countryside with fire and the pages who led the royal horses were at a little distance from the king, some of the natives made a sudden rush and carried off the best one of them.308 [6] This animal had come to Alexander as a gift from Demaratus of Corinth309 and had carried the king in all of his battles in Asia. So long as he was not caparisoned, he would permit only the groom to mount him, but when he had received the royal trappings, he would no longer allow even him, but for Alexander alone stood quietly and even lowered his body to assist in the mounting. [7] Because of the superior qualities of this animal the king was infuriated at his loss and ordered that every tree in the land be felled, while he proclaimed to the natives through interpreters that if the horse were not returned, they should see the country laid waste to its furthest limit and its inhabitants slaughtered to a man. [8] As he began immediately to carry out these threats, the natives were terrified and returned the horse and sent with it their costliest gifts. They sent also fifty men to beg forgiveness. Alexander took the most important of these as hostages.310

When Alexander returned to Hyrcania,311 there came to him the queen of the Amazons named Thallestris, who ruled all the country between the rivers Phasis and Thermodon. She was remarkable for beauty and for bodily strength, and was admired by her countrywomen for bravery. She had left the bulk of her army on the frontier of Hyrcania312 and had arrived with an escort of three hundred Amazons in full armour. [2] The king marvelled at the unexpected arrival and the dignity of the women. When he asked Thallestris why she had come, she replied that it was for the purpose of getting a child. [3] He had shown himself the greatest of all men in his achievements, and she was superior to all women in strength and courage, so that presumably the offspring of such outstanding parents would surpass all other mortals in excellence. At this the king was delighted and granted her request and consorted with her for thirteen days, after which he honoured her with fine gifts and sent her home.313 [4]

It seemed to Alexander that he had accomplished his objective and now held his kingdom without contest, and he began to imitate the Persian luxury and the extravagant display of the kings of Asia.314 First he installed ushers of Asiatic race in his court, and then he ordered the most distinguished persons to act as his guards; among these was Dareius's brother Oxathres.315 [5] Then he put on the Persian diadem316 and dressed himself in the white robe and the Persian sash and everything else except the trousers and the long-sleeved upper garment.317 He distributed to his companions cloaks with purple borders and dressed the horses in Persian harness. [6] In addition to all this, he added concubines to his retinue in the manner of Dareius, in number not less than the days of the year and outstanding in beauty as selected from all the women of Asia. [7] Each night these paraded about the couch of the king so that he might select the one with whom he would lie that night.318 Alexander, as a matter of fact, employed these customs rather sparingly and kept for the most part to his accustomed routine, not wishing to offend the Macedonians.

Many, it is true, did reproach him for these things, but he silenced them with gifts. At this juncture he learned that the satrap of Areia, Satibarzanes, had put to death the soldiers who were left with him,319 had made common cause with Bessus and with him had decided to attack the Macedonians, so Alexander set out against the man. This Satibarzanes had brought his forces into Chortacana,320 a notable city of that region and one of great natural strength, [2] but as the king approached, he became alarmed at the size of the latter's forces and at the fighting reputation of the Macedonians. He himself with two thousand horsemen321 rode off to the protection of Bessus, asking him to send help with all speed, but told his other followers to take refuge in a mountain called . . .,322 which afforded difficult terrain and a secure refuge for those who did not dare to meet their enemies face to face. [3] After they had done so, and had secured themselves upon a steep and high “rock,”323 the king with his accustomed spirit invested the place, attacked them vigorously, and compelled them to surrender. [4] In the course of thirty days thereafter, he brought into submission all the cities of the satrapy.324 Then he left Hyrcania and marched to the capital of Drangine,325 where he paused and rested his army.326

At this same time, Alexander stumbled into a base action which was quite foreign to his goodness of nature.327 One of the king's Friends named Dimnus328 found fault with him for some reason, and in a rash fit of anger formed a plot against him. [2] He had a beloved named Nicomachus and persuaded him to take part in it. Being very young, the boy disclosed the plan to his brother Cebalinus,329 who, however, was terrified lest one of the conspirators should get ahead of the rest in revealing the plot to the king, and decided himself to be the informer. [3]

He went to the court, met Philotas and talked with him, and urged him to tell the whole story to the king as quickly as he could. It may be that Philotas was actually a party to the plot330; he may merely have been slow to act. At all events, he heard Cebalinus with indifference, and although he visited Alexander and took part in a long conversation on a variety of subjects, said no word about what had just been told him. [4] When he returned to Cebalinus, he said that he had not found a suitable occasion to mention it, but would surely see the king alone the next day and tell him everything. Philotas did the same thing on the next day also, and Cebalinus, to insure himself against someone else betraying the plot and putting him in danger, dropped Philotas and accosted one of the royal pages, telling him all that had happened and begging him to report it to the king immediately. [5]

The page brought Cebalinus into the armoury and hid him there,331 went on in to the king as he was bathing and told him the story, adding that he had Cebalinus concealed in the vicinity. The king's reaction was sharp. He arrested Dimnus at once and learned everything from him; then he sent for Cebalinus and Philotas. [6] The whole story was investigated and the fact established. Dimnus stabbed himself on the spot,332 but Philotas, while acknowledging his carelessness, nevertheless denied that he had had any part in the plot and agreed to leave judgement concerning him to the Macedonians.

After many arguments had been heard, the Macedonians condemned Philotas and the other accused persons to death. Among these was Parmenion, he who seemed to be the first of Alexander's Friends; he was not with the army, but it was thought that he had contrived the conspiracy by means of his son Philotas. [2] Philotas, then, was first tortured and confessed to the plot, and then was killed in the Macedonian manner with the other condemned persons.333

This was the occasion for bringing up the case of Alexander the Lyncestian. He was charged with the crime of plotting against the king and had been kept for three years under guard. He had been delayed a hearing because of his relationship to Antigonus, but now he was brought before the court of the Macedonians and was put to death, lacking words to defend himself.334 [3]

Alexander dispatched riders on racing camels, who travelled faster than the report of Philotas's punishment and murdered his father Parmenion.335 He had been appointed governor of Media and was in charge of the royal treasures in Ecbatana, amounting to one hundred and eighty thousand talents. [4] Alexander selected from among the Macedonians those who made remarks hostile to him and those who were distressed at the death of Parmenion, as well as those who wrote in letters sent home to Macedonia to their relatives anything contrary to the king's interests. These he assembled into one unit which he called the Disciplinary Company, so that the rest of the Macedonians might not be corrupted by their improper remarks and criticism.336

After his hands were free of this affair and he had settled things in Drangine, Alexander marched with his army against a people who used to be called Arimaspians but are now known as Benefactors for the following reason. That Cyrus who had transferred the rule from the Medes to the Persians was once engaged in a campaign in the desert and running out of provisions was brought into extreme danger, so that for lack of food the soldiers were constrained to eat each other, when the Arimaspians appeared bringing thirty thousand wagons laden with provisions. Saved from utter despair, then, Cyrus gave them exemption from taxation and other marks of honour, and abolishing their former appellation, named them Benefactors. [2] So now, when Alexander led his army into their country, they received him kindly and he honoured the tribe with suitable gifts.337

Their neighbours, the so-called Cedrosians,338 did the same, and them too he rewarded with appropriate favours. He gave the administration of these two peoples to Tiridates.339 [3] While he was thus occupied reports were brought to him that Satibarzanes had returned from Bactria with a large force of cavalry to Areia, and had caused the population to revolt from Alexander. At this news, the king dispatched against him a portion of his army under the command of Erigyius and Stasanor, while he himself conquered Arachosia and in a few days made it subject to him.340 341

When this year was over, Euthycritus became archon at Athens and at Rome Lucius Platius and Lucius Papirius became consuls. The one hundred and thirteenth Olympic Games were held.342 In this year Alexander marched against the so-called Paropanisadae, [2] whose country lies in the extreme north; it is snow-covered and not easily approached by other tribes because of the extreme cold. The most of it is a plain and woodless, and divided up among many villages.343 [3] These contain houses with roofs of tile drawn up at the top into a peaked vault.344 In the middle of each roof an aperture is left through which smoke escapes, and since the building is enclosed all around the people find ample protection against the weather. [4] Because of the depth of the snow, they spend the most of the year indoors, having their own supplies at hand. They heap up soil about vines and fruit trees, and leave it so for the winter season, removing the earth again at the time of budding. [5] The landscape nowhere shows any verdure or cultivation; all is white and dazzling because of the snow and the ice which form in it. No bird, therefore, alights there nor does any animal pass, and all parts of the country are unvisited and inaccessible.345 [6]

The king, nevertheless, in spite of all those obstacles confronting the army, exercised the customary boldness and hardihood of the Macedonians and surmounted the difficulties of the region. [7] Many of the soldiers and of the camp followers became exhausted and were left behind. Some too because of the glare of the snow and the hard brilliance of the reflected light lost their sight. [8] Nothing could be seen clearly from a distance. It was only as the villages were revealed by their smoke that the Macedonians discovered where the dwellings were, even when they were standing right on top of them. By this method the villages were taken and the soldiers recovered from their hardships amidst a plenty of provisions. Before long the king made himself master of all the population.346

Now in his advance Alexander encamped near the Caucasus, which some call Mt. Paropanisum.347 In sixteen days he marched across this range from side to side, and founded a city in the pass which leads down to Media,348 calling it Alexandria. In the midst of the Caucasus there is a “rock”349 ten furlongs in perimeter and four furlongs in height, in which the cave of Prometheus was pointed out by the natives, as well as the nesting place of the eagle in the story and the marks of the chains.350 [2]

Alexander founded other cities also at the distance of a day's march from Alexandria. Here he settled seven thousand natives, three thousand of the camp followers, and volunteers from among the mercenaries.351 [3] Then he marched his forces into Bactria, since news came that Bessus had assumed the diadem and was enrolling an army.

Such was the state of Alexander's affairs. [4]

The generals who had been sent back to Areia found that the rebels had gathered substantial forces under the command of Satibarzanes, who was distinguished both for generalship and for personal bravery, and they encamped near them.352 There was constant skirmishing for a time, and numerous small engagements ; [5] then it came to a general battle. The Iranians were holding their own when their general Satibarzanes raised his hands and removed his helmet so that all could see who he was, and challenged any of the Macedonian generals who wished to fight with him alone. [6] Erigyius accepted and a contest of heroic nature ensued, which resulted in Erigyius's victory. Disheartened at the death of their commander, the Iranians sought their safety in surrender, and gave themselves up to Alexander. [7]

Bessus proclaimed himself king, sacrificed to the gods, and invited his friends to a banquet.353 In the course of the drinking, he fell into an argument with one of them, Bagodaras354 by name. As the quarrel increased, Bessus lost his temper and proposed to put Bagodaras to death, but was persuaded by his friends to think better of it. [8] Bagodaras, however, saved from this danger, escaped by night to Alexander. His safe reception and the gifts promised by Alexander attracted Bessus's leading generals. They banded together, seized Bessus, and carried him off to Alexander.355 [9] The king gave them substantial gifts, and turned Bessus over to Dareius's brother356 and his other relatives for punishment. They inflicted upon him every humiliation and abuse, and cutting his body up into little pieces they scattered them abroad. … 357

A truce was concluded on these terms, and the queen, impressed by Alexander's generosity, sent him valuable gifts and promised to follow his orders in everything.358

The mercenaries straightway under the terms of the truce left the city and encamped without interference at a distance of eighty furlongs, without an inkling of what would happen.359 [2] Alexander, nevertheless, nursed an implacable hostility toward them; he held his forces in readiness, followed them, and falling upon them suddenly wrought a great slaughter. At first they kept shouting that this attack was in contravention of the treaty and they called to witness the gods against whom he had transgressed. Alexander shouted back that he had granted them the right to leave the city but not that of being friends of the Macedonians forever. [3]

Not daunted at the greatness of their danger, the mercenaries joined ranks and, forming a full circle, placed their children and women in the centre so that they might effectively face those who were attacking from all directions. Filled with desperate courage and fighting stoutly with native toughness and the experience of previous contests, they were opposed by Macedonians anxious not to show themselves inferior to barbarians in fighting ability, so that the battle was a scene of horror. [4] They fought hand to hand, and as the contestants engaged each other every form of death and wounds was to be seen. The Macedonians thrust with their long spears through the light shields of the mercenaries and pressed the iron points on into their lungs, while they in turn flung their javelins into the close ranks of their enemies and could not miss the mark, so near was the target. [5]

As many were wounded and not a few killed, the women caught up the weapons of the fallen and fought beside their men, since the acuteness of the danger and the fierceness of the action forced them to be brave beyond their nature. Some of them, clad in armour, sheltered behind the same shields as their husbands, while others rushed in without armour, grasped the opposing shields, and hindered their use by the enemy. [6] Finally, fighting women and all, they were overborne by numbers and cut down, winning a glorious death in preference to basely saving their lives at any cost. Alexander removed the feeble and unarmed together with the surviving women to another place, and put the cavalry in charge of them.

After he had taken a number of other cities360 by storm and had slaughtered their defenders, he came to the “rock” called Aornus.361 Here the surviving natives had taken refuge because of its great strength. [2] It is said that Heracles of old thought to lay siege to this “rock” but refrained because of the occurrence of certain sharp earthquake shocks and other divine signs, and this made Alexander even more eager to capture the stronghold when he heard it, and so to rival the god's reputation.362 [3]

The circumference of the “rock” was one hundred furlongs, and its height sixteen. Its surface was even and circular on all sides. Its southern side was washed by the Indus River, the largest of those in India, and on the other sides it was surrounded by deep gorges and sheer cliffs. [4] Alexander surveyed these difficulties and decided that its forcible capture was impossible, but then there came to him an old man with two sons.363 [5] He lived in extreme poverty and had for a long time supported himself in the region, occupying a cave in which three beds had been cut out of the rock. Here the old man camped with his sons, and had come to know the country intimately. When he appeared before the king, he told his story and offered to guide the king through the hills and bring him to a point where he would be above the people who occupied the rock. [6]

Alexander promised him rich gifts.364 Using the old man as a guide, he first occupied the path which led up to the rock ; since there was no other egress, he had thus enclosed the defenders in a hopeless siege. Then he put many hands to work filling up the chasm at the foot of the rock, drew near to it, and mounted a vigorous attack, assaulting continuously for seven days and seven nights with relays of troops.365 [7] At first the defenders had the advantage because of holding the higher ground, and they killed many of those who attacked rashly. As the embankment was finished, however, and the dart-throwing catapults and other engines were emplaced, and the king also made it evident that he would not break off the siege, the Indians were alarmed, and Alexander, craftily anticipating what would happen, removed the guard which had been left in the path, allowing those who wished to withdraw from the rock. In fear of the Macedonian fighting qualities and the king's determination, the Indians left the rock under cover of darkness.

So Alexander employed the false alarms of war to outgeneral the Indians and to gain possession of the “rock” without further fighting. He gave the promised reward to his guide and marched off with his army.366 [2]

About this time, a certain Indian named Aphrices with twenty thousand troops and fifteen elephants was encamped in the vicinity.367 Some of his followers killed him and cut off his head and brought it to Alexander, and saved their own lives by this favour. [3] The king took them into his service, and rounded up the elephants, which were wandering about the countryside.368

Alexander now advanced to the Indus River and found his thirty-oared boats in readiness and fully equipped, and the stream spanned by a floating bridge.369 He rested his army for thirty days and offered splendid sacrifices to the gods, then moved his army across and experienced a startling fright and relief. [4] Taxiles, the king, had died, and his son Mophis370 had succeeded to the throne. He had sent word to Alexander earlier when he was in Sogdiana, promising to join him in a campaign against his enemies among the Indians, and now he stated through his messengers that he turned his kingdom over to him. [5] When Alexander was still forty furlongs off, Mophis deployed his force as if for war and marched forward, his elephants gaily caparisoned, surrounded by his Friends. Alexander saw a great army in warlike array approaching and concluded at once that the Indian's promises were made in order to deceive him, so that the Macedonians might be attacked before they had time to prepare themselves. He ordered the trumpeters to sound the call to arms, and when the soldiers had found their battle stations, marched against the Indians. [6] Mophis saw the excited activity of the Macedonians and guessed the reason. He left his army and accompanied only by a few horsemen galloped forward, corrected the misapprehension of the Macedonians, and gave himself and his army over to the king. [7] Alexander, much relieved, restored his kingdom to him and thereafter held him as a friend and ally. He also changed his name to Taxiles.371

That is what happened in that year. 372

In the archonship of Chremes at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Publius Cornelius and Aulus Postumius.373 In this year Alexander repaired his army in the land of Taxiles and then marched against Porus, the king of the neighbouring Indians.374 [2] He had more than fifty thousand infantry, about three thousand cavalry, more than a thousand chariots of war, and one hundred and thirty elephants.375 He had enlisted the support of a second king of the neighbouring regions, whose name was Embisarus376; he had an army little smaller than that of Porus. [3]

When Alexander received word that this king was four hundred furlongs away, he decided to attack Porus before the arrival of his ally. [4] As he approached the Indians, Porus learned of his advance and deployed his forces promptly. He stationed his cavalry upon both flanks, and arranged his elephants, arrayed so as to strike terror in an opponent, in a single line at equal intervals along his front. Between these beasts he placed the rest of his infantry, with the mission of helping them and preventing their being attacked with javelins from the sides. [5] His whole array looked very much like a city, for the elephants resembled towers, and the soldiers between them curtain walls.377 Alexander viewed the enemy's dispositions and arranged his own troops appropriately.

The fighting began, and practically all of the Indians' chariots were put out of action by Alexander's cavalry. Then the elephants came into play, trained to make good use of their height and strength. Some of the Macedonians were trodden under foot, armour and all, by the beasts and died, their bones crushed. Others were caught up by the elephants' trunks and, lifted on high, were dashed back down to the ground again, dying a fearful death.378 Many soldiers were pierced through by the tusks and died instantly, run through the whole body. [2] Nevertheless the Macedonians faced the frightening experience manfully. They used their long spears to good effect against the Indians stationed beside the elephants, and kept the battle even.379 [3] Then, as javelins began to find their marks in the sides of the great beasts and they felt the pain of the wounds, the Indian riders were no longer able to control their movements. The elephants veered and, no longer manageable, turned upon their own ranks and trampled friendly troops.380 [4]

As his formations grew more confused, Porus observed what was happening. He was mounted on the largest of the elephants and gathered about him forty others which were not yet out of hand, then attacked the enemy with their combined weight and inflicted many losses. He was himself outstanding in bodily strength beyond any of his followers, being five cubits381 in height and with a breadth of chest double that of his mightiest soldiers. [5] His javelins were flung with such force that they were little inferior to the darts of the catapults. The Macedonians who opposed him were amazed at his fighting ability, but Alexander called up the bowmen and other light armed troops and ordered them to concentrate their fire upon Porus. [6] This was done promptly. Many weapons flew toward the Indian at the same time and none missed its mark because of his great size. He continued to fight heroically until, fainting from loss of blood from his many wounds, he collapsed upon his elephant and fell to the ground.382 [7] The word went about that the king was killed, and the rest of the Indians fled.

Many were slain in their flight, but then Alexander, satisfied with his brilliant victory, ordered the trumpets to sound the recall. Of the Indians, there fell in the battle more than twelve thousand, among whom were the two sons of Porus and his best generals and officers.383 [2] Above nine thousand men were taken alive, together with eighty elephants. Porus himself was still breathing, and was turned over to the Indians for medical attention. [3] On the Macedonian side, the losses were two hundred and eighty cavalry and more than seven hundred infantry.384 The king buried the dead, rewarded those who had distinguished themselves in accordance with their deserts, and sacrificed to Helius who had given him the eastern regions to conquer. [4]

There were mountains not far away where grew thriving firs in quantity, together with no little cedar and pine and an ample supply of other woods suitable for shipbuilding, and Alexander constructed a large number of ships. [5] He intended to reach the borders of India and to subdue all of its inhabitants, and then to sail downstream to the Ocean. [6] He founded two cities, one beyond the river where he had crossed and the other on the spot where he had defeated Porus. These were built quickly because there was a plentiful supply of labour.385 When Porus had recovered, Alexander appointed him, in recognition of his valour, king over the country where he formerly ruled. The Macedonian army rested for thirty days in the midst of a vast plenty of provisions.

Odd phenomena were observed in these mountains. In addition to the wood for shipbuilding, the region contained a large number of snakes remarkable for their size; they reached a length of sixteen cubits.386 There were also many varieties of monkey, differing in size, which had themselves taught the Indians the method of their capture. [2] They imitate every action that they see, but cannot well be taken by force because of their strength and cleverness. The hunters, however, in the sight of the beasts, smear their eyes with honey, or fasten sandals about their ankles, or hang mirrors about their necks.387 Then they go away, having attached fastenings to the shoes, having substituted birdlime for honey, and having fastened slip nooses to the mirrors. [3] So when the animals try to imitate what they had seen, they are rendered helpless, their eyes stuck together, their feet bound fast, and their bodies held immovable. That is the way in which they become easy to catch.388 [4]

Sasibisares,389 the king who had not moved in time to help Porus in the battle, was frightened, and Alexander forced him to accept his orders. Then Alexander resumed his march to the east, crossed the river, and continued on through a region of remarkable fertility. [5] It possessed strange kinds of trees which reached a height of seventy cubits, were so thick that they could scarcely be embraced by four men, and cast a shadow of three plethra.390

This country possessed a multitude of snakes, small and variously coloured.391 [6] Some of them looked like bronze rods, others had thick, shaggy crests, and their bites brought sudden death. The person bitten suffered fearful pains and was covered with a bloody sweat. [7] The Macedonians, who were much affected by the bites, slung their hammocks from trees392 and remained awake most of the night. Later, however, they learned from the natives the use of a medicinal root and were freed from these fears.393

As he continued his march, word came to Alexander that King Porus (a cousin of the Porus who had been defeated) had left his kingdom and fled to the people of Gandara. [2] This annoyed Alexander, and he sent Hephaestion with an army into his country and ordered that the kingdom should be transferred to the friendly Porus.394

He campaigned against the people known as the Adrestians, and got possession of their cities, partly by force and partly by agreement.395 Then he came into the country of the Cathaeans, [3] among whom it was the custom for wives to be cremated together with their husbands. This law had been put into effect there because of a woman who had killed her husband with poison.396 [4] Here he captured their greatest and strongest city after much fighting and burned it. He was in process of besieging another notable city when the Indians came to him with suppliant branches and he spared them further attack.397

Next he undertook a campaign against the cities under the rule of Sopeithes. These are exceedingly well-governed. All the functions of this state are directed toward the acquiring of good repute, and beauty is valued there more than anything. [5] From birth, their children are subjected to a process of selection. Those who are well formed and designed by nature to have a fine appearance and bodily strength are reared, while those who are bodily deficient are destroyed as not worth bringing up. [6] So they plan their marriages without regard to dower or any other financial consideration, but consider only beauty and physical excellence. [7] In consequence, most of the inhabitants of these cities enjoy a higher reputation than those elsewhere.398

Their king Sopeithes was strikingly handsome and tall beyond the rest, being over four cubits in height.399 He came out of his capital city and gave over himself and his kingdom to Alexander, but received it back through the kindness of the conqueror. [8] Sopeithes with great goodwill feasted the whole army bountifully for several days.

To Alexander he presented many impressive gifts, among them one hundred and fifty dogs remarkable for their size and courage and other good qualities.400 People said that they had a strain of tiger blood. [2] He wanted Alexander to test their mettle in action, and he brought into a ring a full grown lion and two of the poorest of the dogs. He set these on the lion, and when they were having a hard time of it he released two others to assist them. [3] The four were getting the upper hand over the lion when Sopeithes sent in a man with a scimitar who hacked at the right leg of one of the dogs. At this Alexander shouted out indignantly and the guards rushed up and seized the arm of the Indian, but Sopeithes said that he would give him three other dogs for that one, and the handler, taking a firm grip on the leg, severed it slowly. The dog, in the meanwhile, uttered neither yelp nor whimper, but continued with his teeth clamped shut until, fainting with loss of blood, he died on top of the lion.

While all this was going on, Hephaestion returned with his army from his mission, having conquered a big piece of India.401 Alexander commended him for his successes, then invaded the kingdom of Phegeus where the inhabitants cheerfully accepted the appearance of the Macedonians.402 Phegeus himself met the king with many gifts and Alexander confirmed him in his rule. Alexander and the army were feasted bountifully for two days, and then advanced to the Hyphasis River, the width of which was seven furlongs, the depth six fathoms, and the current violent. This was difficult to cross. [2]

He questioned Phegeus about the country beyond the Indus River,403 and learned that there was a desert to traverse for twelve days, and then the river called Ganges, which was thirty-two furlongs in width404 and the deepest of all the Indian rivers. Beyond this in turn dwelt the peoples of the Tabraesians and the Gandaridae, whose king was Xandrames. He had twenty thousand cavalry, two hundred thousand infantry, two thousand chariots, and four thousand elephants equipped for war.405 Alexander doubted this information and sent for Porus, and asked him what was the truth of these reports. [3] Porus assured the king that all the rest of the acount was quite correct, but that the king of the Gandaridae was an utterly common and undistinguished character, and was supposed to be the son of a barber. His father had been handsome and was greatly loved by the queen; when she had murdered her husband, the kingdom fell to him.406 [4]

Alexander saw that the campaign against the Gandaridae would not be easy, but he was not discouraged. He had confidence in the fighting qualities of his Macedonians, as well as in the oracles which he had received, and expected that he would be victorious. He remembered that the Pythia had called him “unconquerable,” and Ammon had given him the rule of the whole world.407

Alexander observed that his soldiers were exhausted with their constant campaigns.408 They had spent almost eight years among toils and dangers, and it was necessary to raise their spirits by an effective appeal if they were to undertake the expedition against the Gandaridae. [2] There had been many losses among the soldiers, and no relief from fighting was in sight. The hooves of the horses had been worn thin by steady marching. The arms and armour were wearing out, and Greek clothing was quite gone. They had to clothe themselves in foreign materials, recutting the garments of the Indians.409 [3] This was the season also, as luck would have it, of the heavy rains. These had been going on for seventy days, to the accompaniment of continuous thunder and lightning.

All this he accounted adverse to his project, and he saw only one hope of gaining his wish, if he might gain the soldiers' great goodwill through gratitude. [4] Accordingly he allowed them to ravage the enemy's country, which was full of every good thing.410 During these days when the army was busy foraging, he called together the wives of the soldiers and their children; to the wives he undertook to give a monthly ration, to the children he distributed a service bonus in proportion to the military records of their fathers.411 [5] When the soldiers returned laden with wealth from their expedition, he brought them together to a meeting. He delivered a carefully prepared speech about the expedition against the Gandaridae but the Macedonians did not accept it, and he gave up the undertaking.412

Thinking how best to mark the limits of his campaign at this point, he first erected altars of the twelve gods each fifty cubits high413 and then traced the circuit of a camp thrice the size of the existing one. Here he dug a ditch fifty feet wide and forty feet deep, and throwing up the earth on the inside, constructed out of it a substantial wall. [2] He directed the infantry to construct huts each containing two beds five cubits long, and the cavalry, in addition to this, to build two mangers twice the normal size. In the same way, everything else which would be left behind was exaggerated in size.414 His idea in this was to make a camp of heroic proportions and to leave to the natives evidence of men of huge stature, displaying the strength of giants. [3]

After all this had been done, Alexander marched back with all his army to the Acesines River by the same route by which he had come.415 There he found the ships built which he had ordered. He fitted these out and built others. [4] At this juncture there arrived from Greece allied and mercenary troops under their own commanders, more than thirty thousand infantry and a little less than six thousand cavalry.416 They brought with them elegant suits of armour for twenty-five thousand foot soldiers, and a hundred talents of medical supplies. These he distributed to the soldiers. [5] Now the naval flotilla was ready; he had prepared two hundred open galleys and eight hundred service ships.417 He gave names to the two cities which had been founded on either side of the river, calling one of them Nicaea in celebration of his victory in war, and the other Bucephala in honour of his horse, who had died in the battle against Porus.418

He himself embarked with his Friends, and sailed down the river toward the southern Ocean.419 The bulk of his army marched along the bank of the river, under the command of Craterus and Hephaestion.420

When they came to the junction of the Acesines and the Hydaspes,421 he disembarked his soldiers and led them against the people called Sibians. [2] They say that these are the descendants of the soldiers who came with Heracles to the rock of Aornus and were unsuccessful in its siege,422 and then were settled in this spot by him. Alexander encamped beside a very fine city, and the leading notables of the citizens came out to see him. They were brought before the king, renewed their ties of kinship, and undertook to help him enthusiastically in every way, as being his relatives. They also brought him magnificent gifts. [3] Alexander accepted their goodwill, declared their cities to be free, and marched on against the next tribes.

He found that the Agalasseis, as they were called, were drawn up in battle formation.423 Their strength was forty thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry. He engaged them and, conquering, cut down most of them. Those who escaped into the neighbouring cities he besieged, captured, and sold as slaves. [4] Other groups of natives had collected also. He took by storm a large city in which twenty thousand persons had taken refuge. The Indians barricaded the streets and fought stoutly from the houses, and he lost not a few Macedonians in pressing his victory home. [5] This made him angry. He set fire to the city and burned up most of the inhabitants with it.424 The remaining natives to the number of three thousand had fled to the citadel, whence they appealed for mercy with suppliant branches. Alexander pardoned them.

Again he embarked with his Friends upon the ships and continued his voyage down the river until he came to the confluence of the rivers named above with the Indus.425 As these mighty streams flowed together, many dangerous eddies were created and these, making the ships collide with each other, caused much damage. The current was swift and violent and overcame the skill of the helmsmen. Two of the galleys were sunk and not a few of the other vessels ran aground. [2] The flagship was swept into a great cataract and the king was brought into extreme danger. With death staring him in the face, Alexander flung off his clothing and leaping into the water naked saved himself as best he could.426 His Friends swam with him, concerned to help the king to safety now that his ship was foundering. [3] Aboard the ship itself there was wild confusion. The crew struggled against the might of the water but the river was superior to all human skill and power. Nevertheless, Alexander and the ships427 with him got safely ashore with difficulty. Thus narrowly escaping, he sacrificed to the gods as having come through mortal danger, reflecting that he, like Achilles, had done battle with a river.428

Next Alexander undertook a campaign against the Sydracae429 and the people known as Mallians, populous and warlike tribes. He found them mobilized in force, eighty thousand infantry, ten thousand cavalry, and seven hundred chariots. Before the arrival of Alexander they had been at war with each other; but as he approached, they patched up their quarrel and made peace, giving and receiving ten thousand young women to establish a friendly relationship through marriage.430 [2] Even so they did not come out to fight together but fell into a dispute over the command and retired into the neighbouring cities.

Alexander neared the first city and thought to take it by storm, but one of the seers, named [3] Demophon431 came to him and reported that there had been revealed to him by numerous portents a great danger which would come to the king from a wound in the course of the operation. He begged Alexander to leave that city alone for the present and to turn his mind to other activities. [4] The king scolded him for dampening the enthusiasm of the soldiers, and then, disposing his army for the attack, led the way in person to the city, eager to reduce it by force. The engines of war were slow to come up, but he broke open a postern gate and was the first to burst into the city.432 He struck down many defenders and, driving the others before him, pursued them to the citadel. [5]

The Macedonians were still busy fighting along the wall. Alexander seized a ladder, leaned it against the walls of the citadel, and clambered up holding a light shield above his head. So quick was he to act that he reached the top of the wall before the defenders could forestall him. [6] The Indians did not dare to come within his reach, but flung javelins and shot arrows at him from a distance. He was staggering under the weight of their blows when the Macedonians raised two ladders and swarmed up in a mass, but both broke and the soldiers tumbled back upon the ground.

Thus the king was left alone, and boldly took a step which was as little expected as it is worthy of mention. It seemed to him out of keeping with his tradition of success to descend from the wall to his troops without accomplishing anything. In stead, he leapt down with his armour alone inside the city. [2] As the Indians thronged about him, he withstood their attack undismayed. He protected himself on the right by a tree433 which grew close by the wall and on the left by the wall itself and kept the Indians off, displaying such courage as you would expect from a king who had his record of achievement. He was eager to make this, if it were the last feat of his life, a supremely glorious one. [3] He took many blows upon the helmet, not a few upon the shield. At length he was struck by an arrow434 below the breast and fell upon one knee, overborne by the blow. Straightway the Indian who had shot him, thinking that he was helpless, ran up and struck at him; Alexander thrust his sword up into the man's side, inflicting a mortal wound. The Indian fell, and the king caught hold of a branch close by and getting on his feet, defied the Indians to come forward and fight with him.435 [4]

At this point Peucestes, one of the guards, who had mounted another ladder, was the first to cover the king with his shield. After him a good many appeared together, which frightened the natives and saved Alexander.436 The city was taken by storm. In a fury at the injury to their king, the Macedonians killed all whom they met and filled the city with corpses. [5]

For many days the king lay helpless under his treatment,437 and the Greeks who had been settled in Bactria and Sogdiana, who had long borne unhappily their sojourn among peoples of another race and now received word that the king had died of his wounds, revolted against the Macedonians. [6] They formed a band of three thousand men and underwent great hardship on their homeward route. Later they were massacred by the Macedonians after Alexander's death.438

Alexander recovered from his wound, sacrificed to the gods, and held a great banquet for his Friends. In the course of the drinking a curious event occurred which is worth mention.439 [2] Among the king's companions there was a Macedonian named Coragus, strong in body, who had distinguished himself many times in battle. His temper was sharpened by the drink, and he challenged to single combat Dioxippus the Athenian, an athlete who had won a crown in the foremost games. [3] As you would expect, the guests at the banquet egged them on and Dioxippus accepted. The king set a day for the contest, and when the time came, many myriads of men gathered to see the spectacle. [4] The Macedonians and Alexander backed Coragus because he was one of them, while the Greeks favoured Dioxippus. The two advanced to the field of honour, the Macedonian clad in his expensive armour but the Athenian naked, his body oiled, [5] carrying a well-balanced club.

Both men were fine to look upon with their magnificent physiques and their ardour for combat. Everyone looked forward, as it were, to a battle of gods. By his carriage and the brilliance of his arms, the Macedonian inspired terror as if he were Ares, while Dioxippus excelled in sheer strength and condition; still more because of his club he bore a certain resemblance to Heracles. [6]

As they approached each other, the Macedonian flung his javelin from a proper distance, but the other inclined his body slightly and avoided its impact. Then the Macedonian poised his long lance and charged, but the Greek, when he came within reach, struck the spear with his club and shattered it. [7] After these two defeats, Coragus was reduced to continuing the battle with his sword, but as he reached for it, the other leaped upon him and seized his swordhand with his left, while with his right hand the Greek upset the Macedonian's balance and made him lose his footing. [8] As he fell to the earth, Dioxippus placed his foot upon his neck and, holding his club aloft, looked to the spectators.

The crowd was in an uproar because of the stunning quickness and superiority of the man's skill, and the king signed to let Coragus go, then broke up the gathering and left. He was plainly annoyed at the defeat of the Macedonian. [2] Dioxippus released his fallen opponent, and left the field winner of a resounding victory and bedecked with ribands by his compatriots, as having brought a common glory to all Greeks. Fortune, however, did not allow him to boast of his victory for long. [3]

The king continued more and more hostile to him, and Alexander's friends and all the other Macedonians about the court, jealous of the accomplishment, persuaded one of the butlers to secrete a golden cup under his pillow440; then in the course of the next symposium they accused him of theft, and pretending to find the cup, placed Dioxippus in a shameful and embarrassing position. [4] He saw that the Macedonians were in league against him and left the banquet. After a little he came to his own quarters, wrote Alexander a letter about the trick that had been played on him, gave this to his servants to take to the king, and then took his own life. He had been ill-advised to undertake the single combat, but he was much more foolish to make an end of himself in this way. [5] Hence many of those who reviled him, mocking his folly, said that it was a hard fate to have great strength of body but little sense. [6]

The king read the letter and was very angry at the man's death. He often mourned his good qualities, and the man whom he had neglected when he was alive, he regretted when he was dead. After it was no longer of use, he discovered the excellence of Dioxippus by contrast with the vileness of his accusers.

Alexander gave orders to the army to march beside the river and escort the ships, while he resumed his river voyage in the direction of the ocean and sailed down to the country of the people called Sambastae.441 [2] These, in numbers of men and in good qualities, were inferior to none of the Indian peoples. They lived in cities governed in a democratic manner, and learning of the coming of the Macedonians assembled sixty thousand infantry, six thousand cavalry, and five hundred armoured chariots. [3]

When the fleet put in to them, they were amazed at the strange and unanticipated manner of its arrival and trembled at the great reputation of the Macedonians. Besides, their own older men advised them not to risk a fight, so they sent out fifty of their leading citizens as envoys, begging Alexander to treat them kindly. [4] The king praised them and agreed to a peace, and was showered with large gifts and heroic honours by them.

Next Alexander received the submission of those who dwelt on either side of the river; they were called Sodrae and Massani.442 Here he built a city Alexandria by the river, and selected for it ten thousand inhabitants.443 [5] Next he came to the country of King Musicanus; getting him into his hands he killed him and made the country subject.444 Then he invaded the kingdom of Porticanus,445 took two cities by storm, allowed the soldiers to plunder the houses, and then set them on fire. Porticanus himself escaped to a stronghold, but Alexander captured it and slew him, still fighting. Then he proceeded to take all of the other cities of his kingdom and destroyed them, and spread the terror of his name throughout the whole region. [6]

Next he ravaged the kingdom of Sambus.446 He enslaved the population of most of the cities and, after destroying the cities, killed more than eighty thousand of the natives.447 [7] He inflicted a similar disaster upon the tribe of the Brahmins, as they are called; the survivors came supplicating him with branches in their hands, and punishing the most guilty he forgave the rest. King Sambus fled with thirty elephants into the country beyond the Indus and escaped.

The last city of the Brahmins, called Harmatelia,448 was proud of the valour of its inhabitants and of the strength of its location. Thither he sent a small force of mobile troops with orders to engage the enemy and retire if they came out against them. [2] These were five hundred in number, and were despised when they attacked the walls.449 Some three thousand soldiers issued out of the city, whereupon Alexander's task force pretended to be frightened and fled. [3] Presently the king launched an unexpected attack against the pursuing natives and charging them furiously killed some of the natives, and captured others.

A number of the king's forces were wounded, and these met a new and serious danger.450 [4] The Brahmins had smeared their weapons with a drug of mortal effect; that was their source of confidence when they joined the issue of battle. The power of the drug was derived from certain snakes which were caught and killed and left in the sun. [5] The heat melted the substance of the flesh and drops of moisture formed; in this moisture the poison of the animals was secreted. When a man was wounded, the body became numb immediately and then sharp pains followed, and convulsions and shivering shook the whole frame. The skin became cold and livid and bile appeared in the vomit, while a black froth was exuded from the wound and gangrene set in. As this spread quickly and overran to the vital parts of the body, it brought a horrible death to the victim. [6] The same result occurred to those who had received large wounds and to those whose wounds were small, or even a mere scratch.

So the wounded were dying in this fashion, and for the rest Alexander was not so much concerned, but he was deeply distressed for Ptolemy, the future king, who was much beloved by him. [7] An interesting and quite extraordinary event occurred in the case of Ptolemy, which some attributed to divine Providence. He was loved by all because of his character and his kindnesses to all, and he obtained a succour appropriate to his good deeds. The king saw a vision in his sleep. It seemed to him that a snake appeared carrying a plant in its mouth, and showed him its nature and efficacy and the place where it grew. [8] When Alexander awoke, he sought out the plant, and grinding it up plastered it on Ptolemy's body. He also prepared an infusion of the plant and gave Ptolemy a drink of it. This restored him to health.451

Now that the value of the remedy had been demonstrated, all the other wounded received the same therapy and became well. Then Alexander prepared to attack and capture the city of Harmatelia, which was large and strongly fortified, but the inhabitants came to him with suppliant branches and handed themselves over. He spared them any punishment.

Now he resumed his voyage down the river and sailed out into the Ocean with his Friends.452 There he discovered two islands453 and on them performed rich sacrifices.454 He threw many large cups of gold into the sea following the libations which he poured from them. He erected altars to Tethys and Oceanus455 and judged that his projected campaign was at an end. Setting sail from there, he proceeded back up the river to Patala, a fine city.456 [2] It had a government organized very much like that of Sparta. Two kings descended from two houses inherited their office from their fathers. They had charge of all arrangements concerning war, while the council of elders was the principal administrative body.457 [3]

Alexander burned such of his boats as were damaged.458 The rest of the fleet he turned over to Nearchus and others of his Friends with orders to coast along through the Ocean and, having observed everything, to meet him at the mouth of the Euphrates River.459 [4] He set his army in motion and traversed much territory and defeated his opponents, while those who submitted were received kindly.460 He brought over without fighting the so-called Abritae461 and the tribesmen of Cedrosia. [5] Then he marched through a long stretch of waterless and largely desert country as far as the frontiers of Oreitis. There he divided his force into three divisions and named as commander of the first, Ptolemy, and of the second, Leonnatus. [6] He ordered Ptolemy to plunder the district by the sea and Leonnatus to lay waste the interior.462 He himself devastated the upper country and the hills. At one and the same time much country was wasted, so that every spot was filled with fire and devastation and great slaughter. [7] The soldiers soon became possessed of much booty, and the number of persons killed reached many myriads. By the destruction of these tribes, all their neighbours were terrified and submitted to the king. [8]

Alexander wanted to found a city by the sea. He found a sheltered harbour with suitable terrain near by, and established there a city called Alexandria.463

He advanced into the country of the Oreitae through the passes and quickly brought it all into submission.464 These Oreitae have the same customs as the Indians in other respects, but have one practice which is strange and quite unbelievable. [2] The bodies of the dead are carried out by their relatives, who strip themselves naked and carry spears. They place the bodies in the thickets which exist in the country and remove the clothing from them, leaving them to be the prey of wild beasts. They divide up the clothing of the dead, sacrifice to the heroes of the nether world, and give a banquet to their friends.465 [3]

Next Alexander advanced into Cedrosia, marching near the sea, and encountered a people unfriendly and utterly brutish.466 [4] Those who dwelt here let the nails of their fingers and toes grow from birth to old age. They also let their hair remain matted like felt. Their colour is burned black by the heat of the sun, and they clothe themselves in the skins of beasts. [5] They subsist by eating the flesh of stranded whales. They build up the walls of their houses from . . .467 and construct roofs with whale's ribs, which furnish them rafters eighteen cubits in length.468 In the place of tiles, they covered their roofs with the scales of these beasts.469 [6]

Alexander passed through this territory with difficulty because of the shortage of provisions and entered a region which was desert, and lacking in everything which could be used to sustain life.470 Many died of hunger. The army of the Macedonians was disheartened, and Alexander sank into no ordinary grief and anxiety. It seemed a dreadful thing that they who had excelled all in fighting ability and in equipment for war should perish ingloriously from lack of food in a desert country. [7] He determined, therefore, to send out swift messengers into Parthyaea and Drangine and Areia and the other areas bordering on the desert, ordering these to bring quickly to the gates of Carmania racing camels and other animals trained to carry burdens, loading them with food and other necessities.471 [8] These messengers hurried to the satraps of these provinces and caused supplies to be transported in large quantities to the specified place. Alexander lost many of his soldiers, nevertheless, first because of shortages that were not relieved, and then at a later stage of this march, when some of the Oreitae attacked Leonnatus's division and inflicted severe losses, after which they escaped to their own territory.472

So with great difficulty Alexander passed through the desert and came into a well-populated country provided with everything needful.473 Here he rested his army, and for seven days proceeded with his troops in festive dress. He himself led a Dionysiac comus, feasting and drinking as he travelled.474 [2]

After this celebration was over, Alexander learned that many of his officials who had used their powers arbitrarily and selfishly had committed serious offences, and he punished a number of his satraps and generals.475 As the word spread of his righteous indignation against his offending subordinates, many of the generals recalled acts of insolence or illegality which they had performed and became alarmed. Some who had mercenary troops revolted against the king's authority, and others got together sums of money and fled. [3] As news of this was brought to the king, he wrote to all his generals and satraps in Asia, ordering them, as soon as they had read his letter, to disband all their mercenaries instantly. [4]

At this juncture the king was resting in a seaside city called Salmus and was holding a dramatic contest in the theatre, when into the harbour there sailed the fleet which had been ordered to return by way of the Ocean and to explore the coastal waters.476 The officers came immediately into the theatre, greeted Alexander, and reported what they had done. [5] The Macedonians were delighted at their arrival and welcomed their safe return with loud applause, so that the whole theatre was filled with the wildest rejoicing. [6]

The mariners told how they had encountered astonishing ebbings and flowings in the Ocean.477 In the former case, many large and unsuspected islands appeared along the coast, but in the latter all such places were flooded over as a copious and strong current bore in towards the land, while the surface of the water was white with much foam. But their most remarkable experience was an encounter with a large school of incredibly big whales.478 [7] The sailors had been terrified and despaired of their lives, thinking that they would be dashed to pieces immediately ships and all. But when they all shouted in unison, beating upon their shields to make a great din, and the trumpets were blown loudly in addition, the beasts were alarmed by the strange noise and plunged into the depths of the sea.

After this recital, the king ordered the officers of the fleet to sail on to the Euphrates,479 while he continued on a great distance with the army, and came to the frontier of Susiane. Here the Indian Caranus,480 who had advanced far in philosophy and was highly regarded by Alexander, put a remarkable end to his life. [2] He had lived for seventy-three years without ever having experienced an illness, and now decided to remove himself from life, since he had received the utmost limit of happiness both from nature and from Fortune. [3] He had been taken ill and each day becoming more exhausted he asked the king to erect for him a huge pyre and, after he had ascended it, to order the attendants to ignite it. [4]

At first Alexander tried to dissuade him from this plan, but when he was unsuccessful, he agreed to do what was asked. After the project had become generally known, the pyre was erected, and everybody came to see the remarkable sight. [5] True to his own creed, Caranus cheerfully mounted the pyre and perished, consumed along with it. Some of those who were present thought him mad, others vain-glorious about his ability to bear pain, while others simply marvelled at his fortitude and contempt for death. [6]

The king gave Caranus a magnificent funeral and then proceeded to Susa, where he married Stateira, the elder daughter of Dareius, and gave her younger sister Drypetis as wife to Hephaestion. He prevailed upon the most prominent of his Friends to take wives also, and gave them in marriage the noblest Persian ladies.481

Now there came to Susa at this time a body of thirty thousand Persians, all very young and selected for their bodily grace and strength.482 [2] They had been enrolled in compliance with the king's orders and had been under supervisors and teachers of the arts of war for as long as necessary. They were splendidly equipped with the full Macedonian armament and encamped before the city, where they were warmly commended by the king after demonstrating their skill and discipline in the use of their weapons. [3] The Macedonians had not only mutinied when ordered to cross the Ganges River but were frequently unruly when called into an assembly483 and ridiculed Alexander's pretence that Ammon was his father.484 For these reasons Alexander had formed this unit from a single age-group of the Persians which was capable of serving as a counter-balance to the Macedonian phalanx.

These were the concerns of Alexander. [4]

Harpalus had been given the custody of the treasury in Babylon and of the revenues which accrued to it, but as soon as the king had carried his campaign into India, he assumed that Alexander would never come back, and gave himself up to comfortable living.485 Although he had been charged as satrap486 with the administration of a great country, he first occupied himself with the abuse of women and illegitimate amours with the natives and squandered much of the treasure under his control on incontinent pleasure. He fetched all the long way from the Red Sea a great quantity of fish and introduced an extravagant way of life, so that he came under general criticism. [5] Later, moreover, he sent and brought from Athens the most dazzling courtesan of the day, whose name was Pythonice.487 As long as she lived he gave her gifts worthy of a queen, and when she died, he gave her a magnificent funeral and erected over her grave a costly monument of the Attic type. [6]

After that, he brought out a second Attic courtesan named Glycera488 and kept her in exceeding luxury, providing her with a way of life which was fantastically expensive. At the same time, with an eye on the uncertainties of fortune, he established himself a place of refuge by benefactions to the Athenians.

When Alexander did come back from India and put to death many of the satraps who had been charged with neglect of duty, Harpalus became alarmed at the punishment which might befall him. He packed up five thousand talents of silver, enrolled six thousand mercenaries, departed from Asia and sailed across to Attica. [7] When no one there accepted him, he shipped his troops off to Taenarum in Laconia, and keeping some of the money with him threw himself on the mercy of the Athenians. Antipater and Olympias demanded his surrender, and although he had distributed large sums of money to those persons who spoke in his favour, he was compelled to slip away and repaired to Taenarum and his mercenaries. [8] Subsequently he sailed over to Crete, where he was murdered by Thibron, one of his Friends.489 At Athens, an accounting was undertaken of the funds of Harpalus, and Demosthenes and certain other statesmen were convicted of having accepted money from this source.490

While the Olympic Games were being celebrated, Alexander had it proclaimed in Olympia that all exiles should return to their cities, except those who had been charged with sacrilege or murder.491 He selected the oldest of his soldiers who were Macedonians and released them from service; there were ten thousand of these. [2] He learned that many of them were in debt, and in a single day he paid their obligations which were little short of ten thousand talents.492

The Macedonians who remained with him were becoming insubordinate, and when he called them to an assembly, they interrupted him by shouting.493 In a fury, he denounced them without regard to his own personal risk; then, having cowed the throng, he leaped down from the platform, seized the ringleaders of the tumult with his own hands, and handed them over to his attendants for punishment.494 [3] This made the soldiers' hostility even more acute, so that the king appointed generals from specially selected Persians and advanced them into positions of responsibility. At this, the Macedonians were repentant. Weeping, they urgently petitioned Alexander to forgive them, and with difficulty persuaded him to take them back into favour. 495

In the archonship of Anticles at Athens, the Romans installed as consuls Lucius Cornelius and Quintus Popillius.496 In this year Alexander secured replacements from the Persians equal to the number of these soldiers whom he had released, and assigned a thousand of them to the bodyguards497 stationed at the court. In all respects he showed the same confidence in them as in the Macedonians. [2] At this time Peucestes arrived with twenty thousand Persian bowmen and slingers. Alexander placed these in units with his other soldiers, and by the novelty of this innovation created a force blended and adjusted to his own idea.498 [3]

Since there were by now sons of the Macedonians born of captive women, he determined the exact number of these. There were about ten thousand, and he set aside for them revenues sufficient to provide them with an upbringing proper for freeborn children, and set over them teachers to give them their proper training.499

After this he marched with his army from Susa, crossed the Tigris, and encamped in the villages called Carae. [4] Thence for four days he marched through Sittacene and came to the place called Sambana.500 There he remained seven days and, proceeding with the army, came on the third day to the Celones, as they are called. There dwells here down to our time a settlement of Boeotians who were moved in the time of Xerxes's campaign, but still have not forgotten their ancestral customs. [5] They are bilingual and speak like the natives in the one language, while in the other they preserve most of the Greek vocabulary, and they maintain some Greek practices.501

After a stay of some days he resumed his march at length and diverging from the main road502 for the purpose of sight-seeing he entered the region called Bagistane, a magnificent country covered with fruit trees and rich in everything which makes for good living. [6] Next he came to a land which could support enormous herds of horses, where of old they say that there were one hundred and sixty thousand horses grazing, but at the time of Alexander's visit there were counted only sixty thousand.503 After a stay of thirty days he resumed the march and on the seventh day came to Ecbatana of Media. [7] They say that its circuit is two hundred and fifty stades. It contains the palace which is the capital of all Media and store-houses filled with great wealth.

Here he refreshed his army for some time and staged a dramatic festival, accompanied by constant drinking parties among his friends. [8] In the course of these, Hephaestion drank very much, fell ill, and died. The king was intensely grieved at this and entrusted his body to Perdiccas to conduct to Babylon, where he proposed to celebrate a magnificent funeral for him.504

During this period Greece was the scene of disturbances and revolutionary movements from which arose the war called Lamian.505 The reason was this. The king had ordered all his satraps to dissolve their armies of mercenaries,506 and as they obeyed his instructions, all Asia was overrun with soldiers released from service and supporting themselves by plunder. Presently they began assembling from all directions at Taenarum in Laconia, [2] whither came also such of the Persian satraps and generals as had survived, bringing their funds and their soldiers, so that they constituted a joint force. [3] Ultimately they chose as supreme commander the Athenian Leosthenes, who was a man of unusually brilliant mind, and thoroughtly opposed to the cause of Alexander. He conferred secretly with the council at Athens and was granted fifty talents to pay the troops and a stock of weapons sufficient to meet pressing needs. He sent off an embassy to the Aetolians, who were unfriendly to the king, looking to the establishment of an alliance with them, and otherwise made every preparation for war. [4]

So Leosthenes was occupied with such matters, being in no doubt about the seriousness of the proposed conflict, but Alexander launched a campaign with a mobile force against the Cossaeans, for they would not submit to him.507 This is a people outstanding in valour which occupied the mountains of Media; and relying upon the ruggedness of their country and their ability in war, they had never accepted a foreign master, but had remained unconquered throughout the whole period of the Persian kingdom, and now they were too proudly self-confident to be terrified of the Macedonian arms. [5] The king, nevertheless, seized the routes of access into their country before they were aware of it, laid waste most of Cossaea, was superior in every engagement, and both slew many of the Cossaeans and captured many times more.

So the Cossaeans were utterly defeated, and, distressed at the number of their captives, were constrained to buy their recovery at the price of national submission. [6] They placed themselves in Alexander's hands and were granted peace on condition that they should do his bidding. In forty days at most, he had conquered this people. He founded strong cities at strategic points and rested his army.508 …

After the conclusion of his war with the Cossaeans, Alexander set his army in motion and marched towards Babylon in easy stages, interrupting the march frequently and resting the army.509 [2] While he was still three hundred furlongs from the city, the scholars called Chaldaeans, who have gained a great reputation in astrology and are accustomed to predict future events by a method based on age-long observations, chose from their number the eldest and most experienced. By the configuration of the stars they had learned of the coming death of the king in Babylon, and they instructed their representatives to report to the king the danger which threatened. They told their envoys also to urge upon the king that he must under no circumstances make his entry into the city; [3] that he could escape the danger if he re-erected the tomb of Belus which had been demolished by the Persians,510 but he must abandon his intended route and pass the city by.

The leader of the Chaldaean envoys, whose name was Belephantes,511 was not bold enough to address the king directly but secured a private audience with Nearchus, one of Alexander's Friends, and told him everything in detail, requesting him to make it known to the king. [4] When Alexander, accordingly, learned from Nearchus512 about the Chaldaeans' prophecy, he was alarmed and more and more disturbed, the more he reflected upon the ability and high reputation of these people. After some hesitation, he sent most of his Friends into Babylon, but altered his own route so as to avoid the city and set up his headquarters in a camp at a distance of two hundred furlongs.513

This act caused general astonishment and many of the Greeks came to see him, notably among the philosophers Anaxarchus.514 [5] When they discovered the reason for his action, they plied him with arguments drawn from philosophy and changed him to the degree that he came to despise all prophetic arts, and especially that which was held in high regard by the Chaldaeans.515 It was as if the king had been wounded in his soul and then healed by the words of the philosophers, so that he now entered Babylon with his army. [6] As on the previous occasion,516 the population received the troops hospitably, and all turned their attention to relaxation and pleasure, since everything necessary was available in profusion.

These were the events of this year. 517

When Agesias was archon at Athens, the Romans installed as consuls Gaius Publius and Papirius, and the one hundred and fourteenth celebration of the Olympic Games took place, in which Micinas of Rhodes won the foot race.518 Now from practically all the inhabited world came envoys on various missions, some congratulating Alexander on his victories, some bringing him crowns, others concluding treaties of friendship and alliance, many bringing handsome presents, and some prepared to defend themselves against accusations. [2] Apart from the tribes and cities as well as the local rulers of Asia, many of their counterparts in Europe and Libya put in an appearance; from Libya, Carthaginians and Libyphoenicians and all those who inhabit the coast as far as the Pillars of Heracles; from Europe, the Greek cities and the Macedonians also sent embassies, as well as the Illyrians and most of those who dwell about the Adrfatic Sea, the Thracian peoples and even those of their neighbours the Gauls, whose people became known then first in the Greek world.519 [3]

Alexander drew up a list of the embassies and arranged a schedule of those to whom first he would give his reply and then the others in sequence.520 First he heard those who came on matters concerning religion; second, those who brought gifts; next, those who had disputes with their neighbours; fourth, those who had problems concerning themselves alone; and fifth, those who wished to present arguments against receiving back their exiles. [4] He dealt with the Eleians first, then with the Ammonians and the Delphians and the Corinthians, as well as with the Epidaurians and the rest, receiving their petitions in the order of importance of the sanctuaries. In all cases he made every effort to deliver replies which would be gratifying, and sent everyone away content so far as he was able.

When the embassies had been dismissed, Alexander threw himself into preparations for the burial of Hephaestion. He showed such zeal about the funeral that it not only surpassed all those previously celebrated on earth but also left no possibility for anything greater in later ages. He had loved Hephaestion most of the group of Friends who were thought to have been high in his affections, and after his death showed him superlative honour. In his lifetime, he had preferred him to all, although Craterus had a rival claim to his love; [2] so, for example, that when one of the companions said that Craterus was loved no less than Hephaestion, Alexander had answered that Craterus was king-loving, but Hephaestion was Alexander-loving.521 At their first meeting with Dareius's mother, when she from ignorance had bowed to Hephaestion supposing him to be the king and was distressed when this was called to her attention, Alexander had said: “Never mind, mother. For actually he too is Alexander.”522 [3]

As a matter of fact, Hephaestion enjoyed so much power and freedom of speech based on this friendship that when Olympias was estranged from him because of jealousy and wrote sharp criticisms and threats against him in her letters, he felt strong enough to answer her reproachfully and ended his letter as follows: “Stop quarrelling with us and do not be angry or menacing. If you persist, we523 shall not be much disturbed. You know that Alexander means more to us than anything.” [4]

As part of the preparations for the funeral, the king ordered the cities of the region to contribute to its splendour in accordance with their ability, and he proclaimed to all the peoples of Asia that they should sedulously quench what the Persians call the sacred fire, until such time as the funeral should be ended. This was the custom of the Persians when their kings died, [5] and people thought that the order was an ill omen, and that heaven was foretelling the king's own death. There were also at this time other strange signs pointing to the same event, as we shall relate shortly, after we have finished the account of the funeral.524

Each of the generals and Friends tried to meet the king's desires and made likenesses of Hephaestion in ivory and gold and other materials which men hold in high regard.525 Alexander collected artisans and an army of workmen and tore down the city wall to a distance of ten furlongs. He collected the baked tiles and levelled off the place which was to receive the pyre, and then constructed this square in shape, each side being a furlong in length. [2] He divided up the area into thirty compartments and laying out the roofs upon the trunks of palm trees wrought the whole structure into a square shape.526 Then he decorated all the exterior walls. Upon the foundation course were golden prows of quinqueremes in close order, two hundred and forty in all. Upon the catheads each carried two kneeling archers four cubits in height, and (on the deck) armed male figures five cubits high, while the intervening spaces were occupied by red banners fashioned out of felt. [3] Above these, on the second level, stood torches fifteen cubits high with golden wreaths about their handles. At their flaming ends perched eagles with outspread wings looking downward, while about their bases were serpents looking up at the eagles. On the third level were carved a multitude of wild animals being pursued by hunters. [4] The fourth level carried a centauromachy rendered in gold, while the fifth showed lions and bulls alternating, also in gold. The next higher level was covered with Macedonian and Persian arms, testifying to the prowess of the one people and to the defeats of the other. On top of all stood Sirens, hollowed out and able to conceal within them persons who sang a lament in mourning for the dead. [5] The total height of the pyre was more than one hundred and thirty cubits.

All of the generals and the soldiers and the envoys and even the natives rivalled one another in contributing to the magnificence of the funeral, so, it is said, that the total expense came to over twelve thousand talents.527 [6] In keeping with this magnificence and the other special marks of honour at the funeral, Alexander ended by decreeing that all should sacrifice to Hephaestion as god coadjutor.528 As a matter of fact, it happened just at this time that Philip, one of the Friends, came bearing a response from Ammon that Hephaestion should be worshipped as a god. Alexander was delighted that the god had ratified his own opinion, was himself the first to perform the sacrifice, and entertained everybody handsomely. The sacrifice consisted of ten thousand victims of all sorts.

After the funeral, the king turned to amusements and festivals, but just when it seemed that he was at the peak of his power and good fortune, Fate cut off the time allowed him by nature to remain alive. Straightway heaven also began to foretell his death, and many strange portents and signs occurred. [2]

Once when the king was being rubbed with oil and the royal robe and diadem were lying on a chair, one of the natives who was kept in bonds was spontaneously freed from his fetters, escaped his guards' notice, and passed through the doors of the palace with no one hindering.529 [3] He went to the royal chair, put on the royal dress and bound his head with the diadem, them seated himself upon the chair and remained quiet.530 As soon as the king learned of this, he was terrified at the odd event, but walked to the chair and without showing his agitation asked the man quietly who he was and what he meant by doing this. [4] When he made no reply whatsoever,531 Alexander referred the portent to the seers for interpretation and put the man to death in accordance with their judgment, hoping that the trouble which was forecast by his act might light upon the man's own head.532 He picked up the clothing and sacrificed to the gods who avert evil, but continued to be seriously troubled. He recalled the prediction of the Chaldaeans and was angry with the philosophers who had persuaded him to enter Babylon. He was impressed anew with the skill of the Chaldaeans and their insight, and generally railed at those who used specious reasoning to argue away the power of Fate. [5]

A little while later heaven sent him a second portent about his kingship.533 He had conceived the desire to see the great swamp of Babylonia and set sail with his friends in a number of skiffs.534 For some days his boat became separated from the others and he was lost and alone, fearing that he might never get out alive. [6] As his craft was proceeding through a narrow channel where the reeds grew thickly and overhung the water, his diadem was caught and lifted from his head by one of them and then dropped into the swamp. One of the oarsmen swam after it and, wishing to return it safely, placed it on his head and so swam back to the boat. [7] After three days and nights of wandering, Alexander found his way to safety just as he had again put on his diadem when this seemed beyond hope. Again he turned to the soothsayers for the meaning of all this.

They bade him sacrifice to the gods on a grand scale and with all speed, but he was then called away by Medius, the Thessalian, one of his Friends, to take part in a comus.535 There he drank much unmixed wine in commemoration of the death of Heracles, and finally, filling a huge beaker, downed it at a gulp. [2] Instantly he shrieked aloud as if smitten by a violent blow and was conducted by his Friends, who led him by the hand back to his apartments.536 His chamberlains put him to bed and attended him closely, [3] but the pain increased and the physicians were summoned. No one was able to do anything helpful and Alexander continued in great discomfort and acute suffering. When he, at length, despaired of life, he took off his ring and handed it to Perdiccas.537 [4] His Friends asked: “To whom do you leave the kingdom?” and he replied: “To the strongest.”538 He added, and these were his last words, that all of his leading Friends would stage a vast contest in honour of his funeral.539 [5] This was how he died after a reign of twelve years and seven months.540 He accomplished greater deeds than any, not only of the kings who had lived before him but also of those who were to come later down to our time.

Since some historians disagree about the death of Alexander, and state that this occurred in consequence of a draught of poison, it seems necessary for us to mention their account also.541

They say that Antipater, who had been left by Alexander as viceroy in Europe, was at variance with the king's mother Olympias. At first he did not take her seriously because Alexander did not heed her complaints against him, but later, as their enmity kept growing and the king showed an anxiety to gratify his mother in everything out of piety, Antipater gave many indications of his disaffection. This was bad enough, but the murder of Parmenion and Philotas struck terror into Antipater as into all of Alexander's Friends, so by the hand of his own son, who was the king's wine-pourer, he administered poison to the king.542 [2] After Alexander's death, Antipater held the supreme authority in Europe and then his son Casander took over the kingdom, so that many historians did not dare write about the drug. Casander, however, is plainly disclosed by his own actions as a bitter enemy to Alexander's policies. He murdered Olympias and threw out her body without burial, and with great enthusiasm restored Thebes, which had been destroyed by Alexander.543 [3]

After the king's death Sisyngambris, Dareius's mother, mourned his passing and her own bereavement, and coming to the limit of her life she refrained from food and died on the fifth day, abandoning life painfully but not ingloriously.544 [4]

Having reached the death of Alexander as we proposed to do at the beginning of the book, we shall try to narrate the actions of the Successors in the books which follow.

1 Plut. Alexander 2.1. Alexander's most prominent ancestor on his mother's side was Achilles. Both the Aeacids and the Argeads traced their ancestry back to Zeus.

2 335/4 B.C.

3 Evaenetus was archon from July 335 to June 334 B.C. Broughton (1.138) gives the consuls of 338 B.C. as L. Furius Camillus and C. Maenius.

4 Diodorus has not previously suggested that any others knew of the plans of Pausanias, who was killed immediately and so could not reveal any accomplices (Book 16.94.4). Alexander himself was the principal beneficiary of the murder, and he has been suspected of complicity, especially because, as only half of Macedonian blood, he was not universally popular. At all events, the known victims of this purge were Alexander's own rivals: his older cousin Amyntas, son of King Perdiccas III; the family of Alexander of Lyncestis, although he himself was spared; and Philip's wife Cleopatra and her infant daughter, killed by Olympias. These murders were not forgotten (Plut. Alexander 10.4; Plut. On the Fortune of Alexander 1.3.327c; Curtius 6.9.17, 10.24; Justin 11.2.1-3, 12.6.14). These events are ignored by Arrian, and Curtius's preserved narrative begins only when Alexander was in Phrygia.

5 Justin 11.1.8.

6 In Book 16.93.9, Attalus was called Cleopatra's nephew, but he was apparently her uncle and guardian (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2.94). He may well have been disaffected because of the murder of Cleopatra and her daughter, but he had no known claim upon the throne of Macedonia. He was, at all events, loyal to Philip and hostile to Philip's assassin (Book 16.93.5-9).

7 Justin 11.2.4-5. Aristarchus, presumably an Ambraciot, is otherwise unknown. Diodorus has inverted the roles of the Arcadians and the Lacedaemonians; it was the latter who had never been subject to Philip. Cp. further below, chap. 4.

8 Cp. below, chap. 8.1.

9 Arrian. 1.1.3 (with reference to Athens).

10 Justin 11.3.1-2. Alexander had in Achilles a common ancestor with the Aleuadae of Larissa.

11 Aeschin. 3.173, with a slightly different word order.

12 Justin 11.2.5.

13 Plut. Demosthenes 23.2.

14 Continued from chap. 2, above. It is incredible that the assassination of Attalus could have occurred without the connivance of Parmenion, who may have been pleased to be rid of the head of a rival faction at court (but Curtius 6.9.18 reports that Attalus was Parmenion's son-in-law). And Attalus could not be left alive after the execution of his niece.

15 Continued from Book 16.52. Cp. Justin 10.3.

16 Ochus has been mentioned previously by his throne name Artaxerxes.

17 The king lists give Arses two years, 338-336 B.C., but he was in his third regnal year at the time of his death. His second year, 337/6 B.C., was the only full one which he enjoyed.

18 Artaxerxes II, 405-359 B.C.

19 Artaxerxes III (Ochus), 359-338 B.C.

20 See Book 16.52.4.

21 This number seems small for the task assigned Memnon, but it is hardly likely that it should be emended to 50,000, the total number of the King's Greek mercenaries (Curtius 5.11.5). Polyaenus refers to Memnon's 4000 troops (Polyaenus 5.44.4).

22 Melisseus, king of Crete, is reported to have been the father of Adrasteia and Ida, to whom the infant Zeus was given to nurse (Book 5.70.2). See Apollod. 1.1.6.

23 The Judgement of Paris.

24 See Book 5.64.3-5.

25 According to the calculations of Mr. Alan E. Samuel, this would be the heliacal rising of Sirius, which occurred about 20th July (P. V. Neugebauer, Astronomische Chronologie, Berlin & Leipzig, 1929, Vol. 2, Tables E 58-62). Professor Otto Neugebauer writes that the rising would occur between 18th and 20th July, but that these references in the Greek authors are not to be pressed too closely.

26 The plethron was 100 Greek feet or somewhat less than 100 English feet, and varied somewhat. It is impossible to know its precise value in Diodorus or his source.

27 A somewhat different account of the same phenomenon is given by Pomponius Mela 1.18. Day began with the first appearance of the sun's rim above the horizon, and the previous streaks of light occurred while it was still, strictly speaking, night. Cp. C. Bailey on Lucretius, 3 (1947), 1426 f. (pointed out by Prof. Robert J. Getty).

28 Reported with some details by Polyaenus 5.44.5.

29 Grynium and Pitane were old Aeolian cities on the Bay of Elaea. Parmenion was pursuing Philip's mission of “liberation” (Book 16.91.2).

30 Rhoeteium is a promontory at the mouth of the Hellespont north of Ilium. Calas (as the name is properly spelled) was the son of a Harpalus, of a family prominent in the Elimiotis. Later he commanded the Thessalian cavalry in Alexander's army (chap. 17.4), and then remained in Asia Minor as satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia; cp. Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 397.

31 This campaign is described in detail by Arrian 1.1-6.

32 Justin 11.2.7-10.

33 The siege of Thebes is described more briefly in Justin 11.3.6-7; Plut. Alexander 11-12; Arrian 1.7-8.

34 Justin 11.3.3-5; Plut. Demosthenes 23.2.

35 Plut. Alexander 11.4. That is, according to the terms of the Peace of Antalcidas (Xen. Hell. 5.1.31). In a similar manner, the Athenians had appealed to the Greeks against Sparta in the decree of Aristoteles setting up the so-called Second Athenian League (377 B.C.; SIG 147).

36 The naos at Delphi was the great temple of Apollo which was under construction in the period 360-330 B.C. The epigraphical record is assembled by E. Bourguet in the Fouilles de Delphes, 3.5 (1932). Much was done in 346 in the archonship of Damoxenus, “when peace was established,” and there were Theban naopoioi in that year, along with many others. The Thebans had taken a hand in plundering the Phocians after Philip's victory, and the Phocians were obligated to make annual payments to restore what they had borrowed from the sanctuary (Book 16.60.2). But there is otherwise no suggestion that Phocian funds were applied to the temple construction, and it is quite certain that the Thebans themselves did not build or rebuild or dedicate the temple of Apollo.

37 Arrian. 1.8.1, quoting Ptolemy, places this incident at the beginning of the siege, before any other fighting, and says that Perdiccas acted on his own initiative. He may have tried to repeat the manoeuvre at Halicarnassus (chap. 25.5). As later, he was presumably in command of one of the six battalions of the phalanx.

38 Plut. Alexander 11.5.

39 Justin 11.3.8 names Phocians, Plataeans, Thespians, and Orchomenians; Plut. Alexander 11.5 and Arrian. 1.8.8, Phocians and Plataeans only.

40 The figures of the Theban losses are not elsewhere reported, and W. W. Tarn (Cambridge Ancient History, 6.356) regarded the second as conventional, referring to the figure given by Arrian. 2.24.5 after the capture of Tyre; but in that case Diodorus (chap. 46.4) gives 13,000. Diodorus (with Justin) omits the picturesque story of Timocleia, which would not have interested Arrian. It is given by Plut. Alexander 12.

41 The same figure appears in a fragment of Cleitarchus (Athenaeus 4.148d-f; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 137, F 1), but applying to the total wealth found in the city. This would be a rate of 88 drachmae a head for 30,000 slaves. Tarn suggests 8000, which would make the average price 330 drachmae, but there is no real evidence for the price of slaves at this time (W. L. Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity (1955), 28). Plut. Alexander 11.2 and Arrian. 1.9.10 report that Alexander spared the house of Pindar.

42 This number is given by Plut. Demosthenes, 23.3 as from Idomeneus and Duris, but he thinks eight rather, whom he names.

43 The Attic hero Leos sacrificed his daughters to avert danger to the city; so also Erechtheus, whose name may lie behind the unknown Hyacinthus. Cp. Lyc. 98-99; Demad. 37; Aeschin. 3.161; Plut. Phocion 17.

44 Justin (11.4.9-12) adds that the exiled Athenian leaders went off to Persia, and Arrian. 1.10.6 speaks particularly of Charidemus, while failing to mention the part played in this embassy by Demades. Plut. Alexander 13 states that Alexander was moved by his own clemency. The mission of Demades is described by Plut. Demosthenes 23.5.

45 This incident is not mentioned by Justin or Arrian, or by Plutarch in the Alexander, but is given in Plut. Demosthenes 23.5.

46 Arrian. 1.11.1, after mentioning the sacrifice to Olympian Zeus, adds: “others say that he held games in honour of the Muses.” That is to say, this was not mentioned by Ptolemy or (probably) Aristobulus, Arrian's primary sources.

47 The size of this structure may be judged from the fact that Agathocles's Hall of the Sixty Couches was one of the wonders of Sicily (Book 16.83.2). The tent accompanied Alexander on his expedition (Athenaeus 12.538c, 539d).

48 334/3 B.C.

49 Ctesicles was archon from July 334 to June 333 B.C. Broughton (1.138 f.) lists C. Sulpicius Longus as one of the consuls of 337, and L. Papirius Crassus as one of the consuls of 336. The latter is apparently repeated in chap. 29.1.

50 Justin 11.5.10.

51 Justin 11.5.12; Plut. Alexander 15.4; Arrian. 1.11.7.

52 Diodorus is our only source for the detailed troop list of Alexander. Justin 11.6.2 gives simply 32,000 foot and 4500 horse; Plut. Alexander 15.2, 30,000-43,000 foot and 4000-5000 horse; Arrian. 1.11.3 “not much more than” 30,000 foot and 5000 horse. Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 1.3.327d-e) states that Aristobulus gave 30,000 foot and 4000 horse, Ptolemy 30,000 foot and 5000 horse, and Anaximenes 43,000 foot and 5500 horse. Plut. Alexander 15.2 adds that Alexander had with him only seventy talents (from Aristobulus) and provisions for thirty days (Duris), while Onesicritus stated that he was in debt in the amount of 200 talents. It will be noted that Diodorus's figures for the cavalry add up to 5100, and not to 4500, as stated. Diodorus correctly states that Philotas commanded the Companion Cavalry and Callas the Thessalians, but Erigyius did not get command of the Allied Cavalry until the arrest of Alexander of Lyncestis in the winter of 334/3. “Cassander” is a mistake, or he is otherwise unknown; Ariston commanded the Scouts at the Granicus and later (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, nos. 138 and 302).

53 These figures are not given elsewhere.

54 The well-known temple at Ilium (Arrian. 1.11.7; Plut. Alexander 15.4).

55 It may be that Diodorus has garbled his source; no sacrificant Alexander is otherwise mentioned, and this may be a mistake for Aristander (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 117). Ariobarzanes was satrap of Phrygia in 388-361 B.C., and then arrested and punished as a rebel. His statue may have been overthrown at that time.

56 Cp. chap. 21.2, below, and Arrian. 1.11.7-8, who states that the arms were carried before him into battle. The shield was carried by Peucestes in the assault on the citadel of the Malli in 325 (Arrian. 6.9.3).

57 The battle of the Granicus is described by Justin 11.6.8-13, Plut. Alexander 16, and Arrian. 1.12.6-16.7. A good analysis of this and Alexander's other battles is given by Major General J. F. C. Fuller, The Generalship of Alexander the Great (1958).

58 Arrian. 1.12.9.

59 This account of the battle differs from that of Arrian 1.13 in two respects which cannot be reconciled. There, the attack takes place in the late afternoon and in the lower course of the Granicus, where the river flows through relatively flat country but in a deep and muddy bed. He, as Plutarch also (Plut. Alexander 16), describes the action as taking place between Macedonians trying to cross and Persians holding the river bank. Diodorus, in contrast, places the battle at dawn, and lets the Macedonians cross without difficulty and engage the Persians on the far bank. Probably he located the battle further upstream, in the foothills. According to Plut. Alexander 16.2, the battle would have occurred in the Macedonian month Daesius, but as that was unlucky militarily, Alexander ordered the intercalation of a second Artemisius. See further Book 16.94.3, note.

60 The novelty of this arrangement consisted in the fact that each army placed its cavalry in front at the point of contact. This may not have been specifically planned. Alexander threw his cavalry across the river to gain a bridgehead, and the Persians naturally countered with their cavalry, so that a piecemeal engagement followed.

61 Arsites was the satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia and Spithridates of Lydia and Ionia (Arrian. 1.12.8). Arrian names these Persians and adds Petines and Niphates, but does not give the Persian order of battle. He gives that of the Macedonians, which Diodorus omits, in 1.14.1-3. Arsamenes (Arsames, Curtius 3.4.3; Arrian. 2.4.5) was satrap of Cilicia.

62 Justin 11.6.11 gives the Persian strength as 600,000, Arrian. 1.14.4 as 20,000 foot and 20,000 horse.

63 This comment is a rationalization after the event. The Persian infantry would not move up to meet the Macedonian cavalry.

64 This was an honorary title of high nobility in the Persian Empire, as later in the Hellenistic kingdoms.

65 According to Arrian. 1.14.6-7, Alexander opened the battle with a mixed force under Ptolemy the son of Philip, probably the one of the bodyguards who was killed at Halicarnassus. He had light troops including the Scouts under Amyntas the son of Arrhabaeus, a battalion of the phalanx, and a squadron of the Companions. His mission was to open a gap in the Persian line. Then Alexander, as usual, charged with the Companions obliquely towards the Persian centre.

66 If Alexander may be assumed to have carried a shield on his left arm, it would have been possible for the javelin to pass through this and his breastplate and catch in his epomis on the right shoulder (not the shoulder itself, since Alexander was not wounded; Plut. Alexander 16.5), although this would have required a remarkably violent cast, especially since the weapon, dangling from the right arm, must have passed its entire length completely through the shield. This all suggests some exaggeration if not confusion, and it is doubtful if the Macedonian cavalry carried shields; Alexander is shown without one in the mosaic from the House of the Faun in Pompeii, which, of course, pictures the Battle of Issus, and not that at the Granicus (cp. Berve, Alexanderreich, 1.104, n. 4; such pictures as that in Doro Levy, Antioch Mosaic Pavements, 2 (1947), LXIX, c, however, show that cavalry could carry shields; so also Polybius 6.25; but in Arrian. 1.6.5 and 4.23.2, mounted troops carried shields only when they expected to fight on foot). If this shield is the same as the hoplon taken from Ilium and mentioned below, chap. 21.2, it may be that, as Arrian reports (Arrian. 1.11.7-8), it was actually carried before him by an attendant (this does not, of course, make the course of the javelin any more easily explicable). In the mosaic, Alexander wears the chlamys over his breastplate, and fastened with a fibula on his right shoulder.

67 That is, Spithridates and Rhosaces. This incident is variously reported. In Plut. Alexander 16.4-5, Rhosaces and Spithridates attacked Alexander simultaneously; the king killed the former, while the latter cracked his helmet and was run through by Cleitus's spear. In Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 1.1.326f, the antagonists are Spithridates and Mithridates. In Arrian. 1.15.7-8, Mithridates is Dareius's son-in-law. Alexander dismounted him with his lance. Rhosaces cracked Alexander's helmet but was overborne by the king, while it was Spithridates whose arm was severed by Cleitus. The text of Diodorus here might allow one to suppose that Alexander also was thrown to the ground, and a figure appearing in two of the reliefs of the Alexander Sarcophagus in Constantinople, with cracked helmet and broken spear, has been thought to be Alexander at the Battle of the Granicus, but this is all very uncertain.

68 Cp. chap. 18.1 above.

69 Arrian. 1.16.3, gives a longer list of Persian casualties, but omits the name of Atizyes. Diodorus gives this name also among the Persians who fell at Issus (chap. 34.5).

70 By allowing their entire cavalry force to be first contained and then routed by the Macedonians, the Persian commanders left their infantry without protection from the flanks and rear, and with little chance of withdrawal. Arrian. 1.16.2 speaks only of the annihilation of the Greek mercenary phalanx. According to Diodorus, the Persian infantry would have got away with a loss of some thirty per cent of its effectives.

71 Plut. Alexander 16.7, gives the Persian casualties as 2500 horse and 20,000 foot; Arrian as 1000 horse and the most of the Greek phalanx, except for 2000 who were captured.

72 The Macedonian casualties were 9 foot and 120 horse (Justin 11.6.12), 9 foot and 25 horse (Plut. Alexander 16.7), or 30 foot and 60 horse (including 25 “Companions,” Arrian. 1.16.4). These were honoured with statues (Justin, Plutarch, Arrian, loc. cit.; Velleius Paterculus 1.11.3-4.

73 Plut. Alexander 17.1. The account of Arrian 1.17-18.2 is fuller.

74 Plut. Alexander 17.1; Arrian. 1.18.3-19.6.

75 Arrian. 1.20.1. Naval operations were resumed six months later under the command of Hegelochus and Amphoterus (Curtius 3.1.19).

76 See Book 20.7.

77 This wife, Barsine the daughter of Artabazus, was captured after Issus and was believed later to have born Alexander a son, Heracles.

78 Arrian. 1.23.7-8. Ada had been “dynast” of Caria previously on the death of her elder brother and husband, Idrieus (Book 16.69.2) but had been ousted by her younger brother Pixodarus (Book 16.74.2; cp. Strabo 14.2.17).

79 Arrian. 1.20.5-23.6. Diodorus omits Alexander's abortive attack on Myndus (Arrian. 1.20.5-7), and his narrative is told rather from the Persian than from the Macedonian side (W. W. Tarn, Alexander the Great, 2 (1948), 73 f.).

80 According to Arrian. 1.20.10, Neoptolemus, the son of Arrhabaeus and brother of that Amyntas who accompanied Alexander as a staff officer (Arrian. 1.12.7; 14.1; 28.4), had deserted to the Persians and was killed in the attack on Halicarnassus. Diodorus here places him on the Macedonian side—and in view of the continued trust reposed by Alexander in his brother, this is a more reasonable account.

81 Two men only of Perdiccas's battalion; the event took place some days later (Arrian. 1.21.1). Was Perdiccas trying to repeat his success at Thebes (chap. 12.3)? It was the kind of exploit which Alexander would reward liberally. The drunkenness may have been a fiction, since Perdiccas acted without orders.

82 Two of the Athenian generals whose surrender had been demanded after the capture of Thebes (chap. 15.1). Cp. Realencyclopädie, 5 (1905), 2852 f.; 5 A (1936), 575. Arrian. 1.10.4 mentions Ephialtes but not Thrasybulus.

83 Arrian mentions two sallies of the besieged, one or the other of which may be identified with this (Arrian. 1.21.5-6; 22.1-3).

84 Arrian. 1.22.1.

85 Arrian. 1.21.5.

86 Cp. Arrian. 1.22.4-6, who simply refers to Ptolemaeus with two battalions of the phalanx.

87 Arrian. 1.22.7, giving as the reason a desire to spare the citizens of Halicarnassus the horrors of a sack.

88 Arrian. 1.23.1.

89 Arrian. 1.23.6.

90 Arrian. 1.24.3, states only that Parmenion was sent back to Sardes with mostly non-Macedonian troops, to proceed thence into Phrygia.

91 Presumably Diodorus means to say that this story was in his source, and too interesting to be omitted. He does actually at this point omit all the other events of Alexander's Pisidian campaign including the miraculous passage of the Climax, as well as the famous story of the Gordian knot. These are told by Curtius 3.1, Justin 11.7, Plut. Alexander 17-18.2), and Arrian. 1.24.3-2.4.6. Tarn's argument (Alexander the Great, 2, 72) that these popular stories were not in Diodorus's source of the moment is untenable if his source was Trogus.

92 Here and elsewhere, Diodorus uses the term petra for the abrupt and isolated rocky hills which are not uncommon in Asia, and which made excellent fortresses. This story is not otherwise reported. Freya Stark (Journal of Hellenistic Studies, 78 (1958), 116; cp. Alexander's Path (1958), 250 f.) identifies this place with Chandir in Pamphylia.Appian Bell. Civ. 4.10.80 tells the same story of Xanthus, traditionally destroyed in this way three times (Hdt. 1.176; Plut. Brutus 31, and it was something of a literary topos (also Diodorus, Book 18.22.4-7; Strabo 14.5.7. Strabo (Strabo 14.3.9) remarks that this destruction was necessary to open the passes.

93 333/2 B.C.

94 Nicocrates was archon from July 333 to June 332 B.C. Broughton (1.139) lists the consuls of 336 B.C. as L. Papirius Crassus and K. Duillius. The former has apparently already been named by Diodorus, chap. 17.1.

95 Arrian 2.1, gives a similar account, but states that Mitylene was not captured until after Memnon's death.

96 Curtius 3.2.10-19, with strong reminiscences of the role of Demaratus in Herodotus. Charidemus is not mentioned in Justin, Plutarch, or Arrian except earlier, Arrian. 1.10.4-6.

97 It seems impossible that Diodorus can be right here. Charidemus was not always a dutiful Athenian, but he was one of the generals whom Alexander had demanded after the capture of Thebes, and who had had to flee like Ephialtes and Thrasybulus (chap. 25.6). It is possible that Charidemus had visited Philip's court about 354 B.C., when his patron Cersobleptes became Philip's friend, but most of Charidemus's career was spent in operations against the Macedonians (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 823).

98 Justin 11.9.1 also gives 400,000. The unknown writer of the Alexander History P. Oxyrhynchus 1798 (Frag. 44, col. 2.2/3) and Arrian. 2.8.8 give the Persian strength as 600,000.

99 Either from fatigue, as Aristobulus, or from swimming in the cold river Cydnus (Arrian. 2.4.7).

100 Other writers add that Alexander was warned against the physician by Parmenion, but that Alexander showed the letter to Philip only as he drank the medicine (Curtius 3.5-6; Justin 11.8.3-9; Plut. Alexander 19; Arrian. 2.4.7-11; P. Oxyrhynchus 1798, Frag. 44, col. 1).

101 Justin 11.7.1-2 and Arrian 1.25 say that the plot of Alexander was revealed by a Persian captive, and place the incident earlier. Perhaps for this reason, Tarn (Alexander the Great, 2.68) thought that the “king's mother” here was Dareius's mother, Sisygambis. But he recognized that she did not yet know Alexander and had no motive for such a warning; Olympias, on the other hand, was both in close touch with and watchful over her son. Diodorus's account is very credible.

102 Alexander belonged to the ruling family of Lyncestis. His two brothers had been executed by King Alexander at his accession, but this Alexander had demonstrated his loyalty and remained a trusted friend of the king. He was, however, a possible rival for the throne of Macedonia, and doubtless suspected by Olympias. He was executed without facing specific charges at the time of Philotas's conspiracy (chap. 80.2).

103 Actually, the Syrian Gates; cp. Arrian. 2.5.1, who calls them simply “the other gates.”

104 Curtius 3.8.12; Arrian. 2.11.9-10.

105 A little less than four miles (Curtius 3.8.23). Of all the historians, Diodorus alone fails to state that Dareius occupied Issus in Alexander's rear, and his narrative is very conventional. Actually, Dareius established a fortified line along the north bank of the river Pinarus, and Alexander was compelled to turn the position by a movement through the hills to the east. Cp. Polybius 12.17-23; Curtius 3.8-11.15; Justin 11.9.1-9; Plut. Alexander 20.1-5; Arrian 2.8-11. The battle was fought in the Attic month Maimacterion, perhaps in November, 333 B.C. (Arrian. 2.11.10), or somewhat earlier (M. J. Fontana, Kokalos, 2 (1956), 47).

106 This is the total Persian strength as given above, chap. 31.2.

107 Curtius 3.11.8. This is the scene pictured in the Alexander Mosaic from the House of the Faun at Pompeii.

108 Rheomithres was mentioned as a cavalry commander on the Persian right wing at the Granicus (chap. 19.4). Curtius 3.11.10 mentions the death of Atizyes, Rheomithres, and Sabaces, satrap of Egypt; Arrian. 2.11.8 names Arsames, Rheomithres, Atizyes, Sabaces of Egypt, and Bubaces. Although Diodorus has reported Atizyes dead at the Granicus (chap. 21.3), it is possible that he is the otherwise unknown Antixyes here.

109 By Dareius himself, according to Chares (Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 2.9.341b). Alexander's wound is mentioned by Curtius 3.11.10, Justin 11.9.9, Plut. Alexander 20.2, and Arrian. 2.12.1.

110 A more literal rendering would be “they shook off (or out) their bits,” but it is hard to see how horses could do this. Curtius 3.11.11 renders the same idiom as “iugum quatere,” “toss the yoke.” If, as has been suggested in the Introduction, Diodorus was using Trogus as a source, it may be that he was put to it to translate a Latin saying. We may assume that the horses reared and tossed and shook their heads, making their control almost impossible. This is how they are represented in the Alexander Mosaic.

111 The Alexander Mosaic shows Dareius about to mount a horse to make his escape, as in Curtius 3.11.11 and Arrian. 2.11.5. In chap. 37.1, also, Dareius makes his escape on horseback. Perhaps he intended to continue the battle in the second chariot.

112 Arrian. 2.11.8 quotes Ptolemy as reporting that Alexander's cavalry in the pursuit crossed a deep gully on the piled up bodies of the dead. Even a king, it seems, might draw the long bow on occasion in writing history.

113 This capture of the personal baggage and retinue of the king and his nobles was followed by that of the military train at Damascus (chap. 32.3), which Diodorus does not mention (Arrian. 2.11.10).

114 The same picture is sketched by Curtius 3.11.21-23.

115 There seems to be an omission in the manuscript here. The words in parenthesis represent what may have been the original sense.

116 In chap. 38.2, he is said to have been six years old.

117 Curtius 3.11.23; Justin 11.10.1-5; Plut. Alexander 20.6-8. Justin and Plut. Alexander 21.4 state that Alexander married Barsine at this time (above, 23.5, note). Curtius mentions Barsine (Curtius 3.13.14) but not the marriage.

118 These same figures are given by Curtius 3.11.27, Plut. Alexander 20.2, and Arrian. 2.11.8. Justin gives (Justin 11.9.10) 61,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry killed and 40,000 captured.

119 Curtius gives 4500 wounded, 302 missing, 150 killed (Curtius 3.11.27); Justin 11.9.10, 130 infantry killed and 150 cavalry; Arrian. 2.10.7, 120 Macedonians killed.

120 This is the usual term for the Macedonian royal horse guards.

121 Curtius 3.11.24-12.18; Justin 11.9.12-16; Plut. Alexander 21; Arrian. 2.12.3-8. According to the last, Ptolemy and Aristobulus wrote that Alexander sent Leonnatus to the queens, but did not visit them himself; this is the version followed by Plutarch. The personal visit of Alexander and Hephaestion is attributed to another source, not identified.

122 The usual spelling is Sisigambis, as in Curtius 3.3.22.

123 This recalls the proverbial Greek definition of a friend as a “Second Self,” ascribed to Zenon in Diogenes Laertius, 7.23. Cp. also Plut. De amicorum multitudine 2.93e.

124 Curtius 3.12.26.

125 This was a well-known cliche in later Greek literature; cp. Plut. Per. 38.4; Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 1.7.329d; 11.332c; 2.7.339a-b.

126 The words “because of their good fortune” are out of place here, and may belong after “a position of power” three lines before.

127 If we follow the manuscript reading here (ἱστορίαις for ἀρεταῖς) we should translate, “he should receive from future writers also just praise proper to their narrative.” Arrian. 2.12.8 is not sure that this incident occurred, but approves it if so. It is praised by Curtius 3.12.18-23 and Plut. Alexander 21.4-5.

128 Diodorus is the only author to report this forgery. Three approaches by Dareius to Alexander are mentioned. (1) After the battle of Issus. Justin 11.12.1-2, Arrian 2.14, and Curtius 4.1.7-14 state that this letter of Dareius demanded that Alexander withdraw from Asia and release his captives with (Curtius, Justin) or without (Arrian) a ransom. Curtius adds that this letter was cast in an insulting tone, suggesting the manner of the one here stated to have been forged by Alexander. (2) After the capture of Tyre. Dareius now offered the hand of one of his daughters and all the territory west of the Halys River (Curtius 4.5.1-8) or a share in the kingdom (Justin 11, 12.3-4). This is approximately the same as the true letter which Diodorus mentions here. Arrian locates at this point what appears elsewhere as the third letter. (3) After the departure from Egypt and before Gaugamela, and connected with Alexander's kindly treatment of Dareius's queen. This took the form of an embassy, probably (Diodorus, 17.54.1-6; Curtius 4.11; Arrian 2.25), rather than a letter (Justin 11.12.7-16); Plut. Alexander 29.4). Dareius offered the hand of another daughter in marriage, cession of all territory west of the Euphrates, and a ransom for the royal women of 10,000 (Plutarch, Arrian) or 30,000 (Diodorus, Curtius, Justin) talents. An extensive correspondence, largely fictional, between Alexander and Dareius was in circulation in antiquity, and fragments of it occur in the papyri (cp. PSI, 12.1285). Much of if found a place in or contributed to the Alexander Romance.

129 These are listed by Arrian. 3.8.3-6.

130 332/1 B.C.

131 Nicetes was archon at Athens from July 332 to June 331 B.C. (Arrian. 2.24.6, calls him Anicetus). The consuls of 335 B.C. (Broughton, 1.139) were M. Atilius Regulus Calenus and M. Valerius Corvus. The 112th Olympic Games were held in July 332 B.C.

132 For this Heracles cp. B. C. Brundage, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 17 (1958), 225-236. The siege of Tyre is described by Curtius 4.2.1-4.18; Justin 11.10.10-14; Plut. Alexander 24.2-25.2; Arrian 2.16-24). It was the time of the great annual festival of the god (Curtius 4.2.10), and the Tyrians may have felt that to allow Alexander to sacrifice at that time would have meant acknowledging his sovereignty.

133 Justin 11.10.12. Curtius 4.3.19 reports that the Carthaginians were unable to send reinforcements.

134 Curtius 4.2.7.

135 Curtius 4.2.18.

136 Two hundred feet.

137 Curtius 4.2.20.

138 Curtius 4.3.20; Justin 11.10.14. Below, in chap. 46.4, Diodorus states that most of these persons were actually removed to safety.

139 Curtius 4.2.12.

140 Curtius 4.4.3-4 places this event a little later in the siege.

141 Curtius 4.2.14. Diodorus omits Alexander's favouring dream of Heracles (Curtius 4.2.17; Arrian. 2.18.1).

142 Curtius 4.3.22; Plut. Alexander 24.3-4.

143 Probably the oxybeleis were armed with heavy wooden arrows or quarrels, while the catapeltae threw balls of stone.

144 Alexander was by now in possession of the fleets of the other Phoenician cities (Arrian. 2.20.7).

145 Curtius 4.3.6-7.

146 Curtius 4.3.9.

147 These “counter-measures” do not appear elsewhere in the sources, and Tarn (Alexander the Great, 2.120 f.) may be right in tracing them ultimately to a technical military manual. It is not impossible that they may be insertions of Diodorus himself and were lacking in his source; Diodorus was interested in curiosities. The wheels appear again below (chap. 45.3) in somewhat different form. They are otherwise unknown in antiquity (Tarn, p. 121). Apparently they were made to whirl in front of the men on the walls, giving them observation through the spokes but protecting them from missiles. The translation here offers difficulties; “wheels divided by thick diaphragms” or “with many barriers at close intervals.” Possibly the diaphragms were screens between the wheels.

148 Curtius 4.3.12; Arrian. 2.20.9.

149 The distances are seven and one-half feet, fifteen feet, and one hundred feet respectively.

150 Arrian. 2.22.7.

151 Curtius 4.3.25-26.

152 Two forms of grappling irons.

153 Cp. chap. 43.1 above, and note.

154 He commanded the hypaspistae or infantry of the guard (Arrian. 2.23.2-5). He was killed by a spear thrust, according to Arrian. 2.24.4.

155 Curtius 4.4.1.

156 A prominent Macedonian noble, who served Alexander in various positions of trust until his death in 330 or 329 B.C. (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 57).

157 Curtius 4.4.10-11. Tarn comments (Alexander the Great, 2, p. 120) that this description would fit better the description of a land siege. Arrian's account (Arrian. 2.23.5) is quite different.

158 Curtius 4.4.16 gives the total as 6000, Arrian. 2.24.4 as 8000. Justin 11.10.14 states that Tyre was taken by treachery.

159 Curtius 4.4.17 reports that 2000 men were “crucibus affixi.”

160 Arrian. 2.24.5 gives the number of survivors as 30,000, and the Macedonian losses as 400. In chap. 41.2 above, Diodorus stated that only a few of the non-combatants were removed to Carthage.

161 This length of the siege is given by Plutarch also (Plut. Alexander 24.3), and the city was taken in Hecatombacon (July; Arrian. 2.24.6), probably, if the Macedonian months were equated to the Athenian, on the 29th day. Plut. Alexander 25.2 reports that Alexander, to save a prophecy of Aristander, redesignated that day as the 28th and not the 30th. (In other words, it was a “hollow” month and had no 29th day; Alexander intercalated a second 28th and was prepared to continue the process until the city was taken.)

162 Another version of the same story is given by Plut. Alexander 24.4. The Tyrians suspected that Apollo intended to desert them (chap. 41.8), and tied him to his base, calling him an Ἀλεξανδριστής.

163 Presumably the correct form of the name, Abdalonymus, is preserved in Curtius 4.1.15-26 and Justin 11.10.8, and it is a proper Phoenician nomenclature, with the meaning “Servant of the gods.” Some have wished to see this king as the owner of the Alexander Sarcophagus from Sidon, now in Istanbul; cp., e.g., I. Kleemann, Der Satrapen-Sarkophag aus Sidon (1958), pp. 28 f. In any case, the mention of King Straton shows that the incident occurred in Sidon, not in Tyre. Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 2.8.340c-e, locates it in Paphos (rendering the name Aralynomus).

164 The narrative is continued later, chaps. 62.6-63.4; 73.5-6. Cp. Curtius 4.1.38-40; Arrian. 2.13.4-6; 3.6.3.

165 A prominent Macedonian, son of Antiochus, suspected of hostility to Alexander because of his association with Alexander's cousin Amyntas (SIG （3） 258). Amyntas had deserted to the Persians about 335 B.C. (Berve, Alexanderreich 2, no. 58). Curtius 4.1.27-33 also gives him 4000 troops, Arrian. 2.13.2-3 8000.

166 His name was Sabaces or Tasiaces (chap. 34.5).

167 Tarn (Alexander the Great, 2, p. 73) sees here very plausibly a reference to the revolt of Cappadocia (Curtius 4.1.34-35; 5.13).

168 Curtius 4.5.11-12.

169 Full accounts of the siege of Gaza are given by Curtius 4.6.7-30 and Arrian. 2.25.4-27. Cp. Plut. Alexander 25.3-4.

170 331/0 B.C.

171 Aristophanes was archon at Athens from July 331 to June 330 B.C. The Roman consuls of 334 B.C. were Sp. Postumius Albinus and T. Veturius Calvinus (Broughton, 1, p. 140).

172 This was Amyntas the son of Andromenes (chap. 45.7). Curtius 4.6.30 mentions the same incident. His brother Simmias took over his battalion of the phalanx in his absence. He rejoined Alexander in 331 (chap. 65.1; cp. Arrian. 3.16.10).

173 Curtius 4.7.1. Arrian. 3.1.2 limits this friendliness to Mazaces, the Persian satrap.

174 Curtius 4.7.9. This incident is omitted by Arrian. For the Siwah visit in general see Curtius 4.7.6-32; Justin 11.11.2-12; Plut. Alexander 26.6-27; Arrian 3.3-4.

175 Curtius 4.7.14; Plut. Alexander 27.1; Arrian. 3.3.4.

176 The four days are mentioned by Curtius 4.7.15.

177 The crows come from Aristobulus; Arrian. 3.3.6; cp. Curtius 4.7.15; Plut. Alexander 27.2-3.

178 These localities are not mentioned by the other sources, and the first looks like a mistake for the salt lakes at the Wadi Natrun. There is a small oasis between Mersa Matruh and Siwah, but this could hardly be the “Cities of Ammon.” The total map distance from the coast to Siwah is about 90 miles.

179 Curtius 4.7.17.

180 Curtius's account (Curtius 4.7.18-19) is more systematic: Ethiopians on the east and west, Trogodytes on the south, Nasamonians on the north. Strabo (Strabo 17.3.20) calls the Nasamonians a Libyan people, and states (Strabo 2.5.33) that they live on the coast near the Syrtes.

181 Curtius 4.7.20-21. For a description of Siwah and its antiquities see Ahmed Fakhry, Siwa Oasis, Its History and Antiquities (1944); The Oasis of Siwa, Its Customs, History and Monuments (1950). The fortress and the shrine of the oracle were on the hill called Aghurmi, never systematically excavated.

182 Curtius' description of the fortress (Curtius 4.7.21) is clearer. The inner walls enclosed the palace; the second, the dwellings of wives, concubines, and children, and the shrine of the oracle; the third, the quarters of the guards.

183 Curtius 4.7.22; Arrian. 3.4.2.

184 Curtius 4.7.23-24. The god gave his responses by nods and signs, as Callisthenes reported (Strabo 17.1.43), just as did later the Apollo of Hierapolis (Lucian De Dea Syria 36). The temple procedure is quite typical of the Egyptian temples, where the god's image was carried about in a boat-shaped litter or tray.

185 Curtius 4.7.25; Justin 11.11.2-12; Plut. Alexander 27.5.

186 It is not clear whose voice this was which uttered “symbols.” Perhaps the automatic movements of the bearers were symbols which could be interpreted in oral responses.

187 Curtius 4.7.27-28; Justin 11.11.9; Plut. Alexander 27.3-4.

188 Curtius 4.8.1-6; Justin 11.11.13; Plut. Alexander 26.2-6; Arrian. 3.1.5-2.2. Diodorus, Curtius, and Justin follow the tradition of Aristobulus (Arrian. 3.4.5) in placing the foundation of Alexandria after Alexander's visit to Siwah; Plutarch and Arrian follow Ptolemy in locating it before the visit. The marsh is Lake Mareotis.

189 The north-western winds of summer. This description of Alexandria is based on Diodorus's own observation, and is lacking in the other Alexander histories.

190 The contemporary description of Strabo (Strabo 17.1.7-10 says thirty furlongs. The ancient circuit of the walls has not been traced.

191 One hundred feet.

192 A papyrus of later date has been interpreted as stating that the citizens of Alexandria numbered 180,000, but this is very uncertain (H. A. Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan Martyrs, 1954, no. III, col. i. 15).

193 Further details are given by Curtius 4.8.4-9; Arrian. 3.5.2-7. Alexander reached Thapsacus in the Attic month Hecatombaeon (Arrian. 3.7.1; about July/August 331; see below, 55.6, note).

194 Curtius 4.9.3-5; Arrian. 3.8.6.

195 About twenty-seven inches.

196 Curtius 4.9.5 is a little clearer than Diodorus. He adds that a spear projected forward from the end of the chariot pole and that blades below the chariot reached towards the ground. He also mentions swords projecting from both ends of the yoke, as would be possible in a two-horse chariot. But Diodorus's trace horses would seem to make these impossible.

197 The Persian forces numbered 500,000 according to Justin 11.12.5, 1,000,000 according to Plut. Alexander 31.2, 1,000,000 foot and 40,000 horse according to Arrian. 3.8.6. Curtius gives the totals later (Curtius 4.12.13) and more reasonably: 45,000 horse and 200,000 infantry.

198 In Curtius also (Curtius 4.9.6), Dareius started his march from the left bank of the Euphrates at Babylon and crossed over to the left bank of the Tigris at some unspecified point upstream. Arrian suggests (Arrian. 3.8.3-6) that Dareius's army mustered east of the Tigris, perhaps not far from the actual battlefield.

199 The diplomatic exchanges between Dareius and Alexander are discussed above on chap. 39.2, note.

200 These figures are variously reported in the manuscripts.

201 It was a common practice among the Persians as later among the Seleucids for the king to share the administration of his huge realm with the crown prince. According to this offer, Dareius would rule the east, Alexander the west, but the kingdom would remain a unit. The territory offered to Alexander was approximately that which later became a part of the Roman Empire.

202 The quip, “So should I if I were Parmenion,” occurs in all the sources. The “two suns” metaphor is given otherwise only by Justin 11.12.15.

203 This is a concept in keeping with the feudal organization of the Persian empire. The king was, quite literally, “king of kings”; if he accepted Alexander's overlordship, he might still be king of all the other kings of “Iran and non-Iran.”

204 Plutarch, also (Plut. Alexander 30), places this incident after Dareius's embassy. Curtius 4.10.18-34 and Justin 11.12.6-7 place it before the embassy. This was the summer of 331. She had been taken prisoner in November, 333, but Plut. Alexander 30.1, states that she died in childbirth. This may reflect a tradition that Alexander had not taken as good care of her as was generally believed.

205 According to Arrian. 3.7.1, Mazaeus was also supposed to defend the line of the Euphrates, and this plan is reported in a different form by Curtius 4.9.7 and 12.

206 The Tigris is said to owe its name to the “arrow-swift” character of its current (Curtius 4.9.16).

207 Curtius 4.9.15-21. Arrian. 3.7.5 merely remarks that Alexander crossed with difficulty.

208 The tradition of the date of the battle is confused. Eleven days before it (Plut. Alexander 31.4) there occurred in the Attic month Boedromion an eclipse of the moon which has been identified as that of 20/21 September 331 B.C. (Curtius 4.10.2; Arrian. 3.7.6). If the Attic month followed the moon in practice as it did in theory, this should have been on the 15th of Boedromion, and the battle fought on the 26th or 27th. Arrian, however, states that the battle took place in Pyanepsion (3.15.7), presumably the month of the eclipse also. Justin 11.13.1 simply says that the battle occurred “postero die” after the dismissal of Dareius's embassy.

209 Curtius 4.13.17-24; Plut. Alexander 32.1-2.

210 This term is somewhat unexpectedly used instead of the usual term “Companions” (Arrian. 3.11.8). The full accounts of the Battle of Gaugemela are those of Curtius 4.12-16 and Arrian 3.11-15; cp. also Justin 11.13-14.3; Plut. Alexander 32-33.

211 These were the infantry of the guard, the hypaspistae, called by the name which came into use only in the period of the Successors (Tarn, Alexander the Great, 2, p. 116. Curtius 8.5.4 writes of the introduction of silver and gold trappings in 327.

212 The battalions of the Macedonian phalanx were organized on a territorial basis and known by the names of their component elements.

213 Diodorus's account of Alexander's dispositions agrees generally with those of Curtius 4.13.26-35 and Arrian. 3.11.8-12.5, with the exceptions that Arrian gives only six squadrons of the Companions in addition to that of Cleitus, and names Simmas as battalion commander instead of Philip (who is named also by Curtius 4.13.28; a Philip appears in 327 as a battalion commander with Alexander in operations north of the Kabul River, Arrian. 4.24.10).

214 The Persian dispositions are given by Curtius 4.12.5-13 and Arrian. 3.11.3-7 from captured records.

215 Curtius 4.15.3; Arrian. 3.13.5.

216 Mazaeus appears below (chap. 59.5) in command of the Persian right wing, not the left.

217 Curtius 4.15.14-17. Arrian is not interested in such descriptions.

218 Curtius 4.15.24-25. This was the royal chiliarchy, commanded by the chiliarch or grand vizier. The members had the court rank of Royal Relatives. Like Diodorus, Curtius 4.12 writes only of left and right wings in the Persian army, with the king in the former position (Curtius 4.14.8). Arrian. 3.11.5 places the king correctly in the centre.

219 So called from the fact that the butts of their spears were carved in the likeness of apples. They constituted the royal foot guards. Arrian. 3.11.3-4 gives from an official list captured after the battle Kinsmen, Melophoroi, Indians, Carians, and Mardi. The Cossaei are named by Curtius also (Curtius 4.12.10), certainly in error, since they were not subjects of the king (chap. 111.4).

220 Curtius 4.15.5-11. The “baggage” included persons as well as objects, and it may be that this attack was a calculated attempt to recover the Persian women captured at Issus. Arrian. 3.14.5-6 views it as a purely military manoeuvre. Arrian reports that it was a break through the Macedonian line carried out by Indians and Persian cavalry, while Curtius and Plut. Alexander 32.2, who do not identify the troops, agree with Diodorus that the operation was a sweep around the Macedonian left wing.

221 This same motivation is ascribed to Alexander, Curtius 4.15.19.

222 Curtius 4.15.24-33; Arrian. 3.14.1-3.

223 Curtius 4.15.33.

224 This incident is variously reported. According to Diodorus, Alexander did not receive Parmenion's plea for help, and Parmenion extricated himself without it. According to Curtius 4.15.6-8; 16.1-4 and Plut. Alexander 32.3-4; 33.7, Alexander received the message but did not turn back, and Parmenion extricated himself without help. According to Arrian. 3.15.1, Alexander received the message, returned, and helped Parmenion.

225 Diodorus is confused as to Dareius's movements after the battle, perhaps from a confusion of the Greater and the Lesser Zab. He placed the battle at Arbela (chap. 53.4), which lies between the two rivers. If Dareius made his escape up the valley of the Greater Zab, to the north, he would have moved into the Macedonian rear. Actually, of course, the battle took place at Gaugamela, in the plain north of the Greater Zab, and Dareius fled to the south to Arbela, escaping up the valley of the Lesser Zab (Curtius 4.16.8; Arrian. 3.15.4-5). Diodorus's repeated reference to the dust cloud may be an attempt to cover what he felt to be an inherent improbability. It is true that, accidentally or intentionally, dust played a part in many ancient battles (cp. E. Echols, Classical Journal, 47 (1952), 285-288).

226 This figure is given variously as 40,000 (Curtius 4.16.26) and 300,000 (Arrian. 3.15.6). The writer of P. Oxyrhynchus 1798 gives a total of 53,000.

227 The Macedonian casualties are given variously as 100 (Arrian. 3.15.6), 300 (Curtius 4.16.26), and 1000 foot and 200 horse (P. Oxyrhynchus 1798).

228 Curtius 4.16.32; Arrian. 3.15.2. The meaning of this designation of Hephaestion is obscure. He did not command the footguards, the ὑπασπισταί, for Nicanor, Parmenion's son, was still their commander in 330 (Arrian. 3.21.8) and only died later in that year (Arrian. 3.25.4). The small group of bodyguards proper had no commander, and it is quite uncertain when Hephaestion became a member. He is first so called in 325 (Arrian. 6.28.4) and is conspicuously not so called in 328 (Arrian. 4.12.6; but Arrian's usage is not consistent, cp. Arrian. 4.24.10). He was presumably not a bodyguard in 330 when he and Cleitus divided Philotas's command of the Companion Cavalry. This seems to exclude the translation: “fighting first among the bodyguards.”

229 Curtius 4.16.32. Menidas had commanded a cavalry unit on the extreme right (Arrian. 3.12.3).

230 330/29 B.C.

231 Aristophon was archon at Athens from July 330 to June 329 B.C. The consuls of 332 B.C. were Cn. Domitius Calvinus and A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina (Broughton, 1.141).

232 He had been appointed by Alexander before the start of the Asian campaign (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 499). Antipater was Alexander's viceroy in Macedonia. The campaign ended with an agreement leaving Memnon in his governorship. Some years later he conducted reinforcements to Alexander and took part in his later operations in the East (Curtius 9.3.21). His revolt is not otherwise mentioned.

233 The narrative is continued from chap. 48.1 and concluded, chap. 73.5-6. Cp. Curtius 6.1; Justin 12.1.8-11.

234 Alexander sent him 3000 talents for the campaign (Arrian. 3.16.10).

235 The battle took place near Megalopolis, probably rather before than after Gaugamela (Curtius 6.1.21).

236 See the division of the book into two parts in the Table of Contents.

237 Arrian. 3.16.1. Dareius reached Ecbatana from the north. That city is at the Persian end of the best route from Mesopotamia up to the Iranian plateau, however, and so was on the straggler line taken by many of the survivors of the battle.

238 Curtius 5.1.10; Arrian. 3.15.5.

239 Curtius 5.1.10 reports 4000 talents.

240 Curtius 5.1.11.

241 Curtius 5.1.36-39 gives a lurid description of this entertainment, which he regarded as debauching the army.

242 Curtius 5.1.43.

243 Arrian. 3.16.4. Some of these administrative arrangements may have been made at Susa (Arrian. 3.16.6-11.

244 Curtius 5.1.44; Arrian. 3.16.5. Armenia had not been and was not to be conquered at this time, and Mithrines did not enter upon his governorship (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 524).

245 Curtius 5.1.45. A mina contained one hundred drachmae, and was one-sixtieth of a talent. The pay of Alexander's army is unknown, but that of a cavalryman must have been at least two drachmae a day. IG, 2（2）. 329 shows that an Athenian hypaspist serving in the League troops with Alexander received a drachma a day from the city. Cp. W. Rüstow, H. Köchly, Geschichte der griechischen Kriegskunst (1852), 262 f.; Berve, Alexanderreich, 1.193-196.

246 Curtius 5.1.39-42 gives the same figures, with the exception of specifying 380 cavalry. These troops must have been sent by Antipater before trouble was anticipated in Greece. They had been recruited by Amyntas (chap. 49.1; Curtius 5.1.40). The Trallians were a Thracian people.

247 The same figure is given by Curtius 5.1.42.

248 Curtius 5.2.1. This district lay parallel to Babylonia on the left bank of the Tigris.

249 Curtius 5.2.2-7 describes these measures in more detail, but without satisfying our desire for specific military information. It may be that Alexander was re-organizing his dispositions in view of the impending mountain and steppe warfare, requiring increased fire-power and mobility (Rüstow-Köchly, op. cit. 252).

250 Curtius 5.2.8 and Arrian. 3.16.9 give his name as Abulites, and say that Alexander left him in Susa as governor.

251 This rumour is not mentioned by the other Alexander historians, and its source is unknown.

252 Justin 11.14.9 and Plut. Alexander 36.1: coined money) give the same figure as Diodorus; Curtius 5.2.11 and Arrian. 3.16.7 give 50,000 talents. The daric was the standard Persian gold coin with an image of the king on one side depicted as an archer. The name was popularly derived from that of Dareius I, who first minted them (cp. E. S. G. Robinson, Numismatic Chronicle, 18, 1958, 187-193).

253 The story is told also by Curtius 5.2.13-15, but without the moral tone that is striking here. It is well known that the throne was a symbol of divinity in the Orient, and that a king's clothing, bed, and throne were affected with royal and divine mana. Cp. S. Eitrem, Symbolae Osloenses, 10 (1932), 35; R. Labat, Le Caractère religieux de la royautéassyro-babylonienne (1939); P. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik, 1 (1954), 316-369; G. Germain, Revue des Études Grecques, 69 (1956), 303-313; S. Weinstock, Journal of Roman Studies, 47 (1957), 146-154. This may explain why it was hybris for Alexander to put his feet on the royal table, but not why the throne was so high. A. Alföldi (La Nouvelle Clio, 1950, 537), however, points out that Persian thrones were normally elevated seven steps up, and this one may have lacked its steps. Probably Diodorus's source did not rationalize the anecdote. Curtius 8.4.15-17 reports that Alexander mentioned this sanctity of the throne, saying that he did not believe in it. Cp. also the second throne incident, chap. 116.2-4.

254 Curtius 5.2.17.

255 That is, the Pasitigris (Curtius 5.3.1: “fourth day”; Arrian. 3.17.1).

256 For the character of the country cp. Strabo 15.3.6. No one else so emphasizes its fertility.

257 Curtius 5.3.4-15; Arrian 3.17.

258 Curtius 5.3.17.

259 Arrian's account (Arrian 3.18) explains that Alexander had sent on his main body of troops toward Persis along the royal road, and only undertook this pass with a flying column.

260 Curtius 5.3.17 (25,000 infantry); Arrian. 3.18.2 (40,000 infantry and 700 cavalry).

261 Curtius 5.3.17-23, more reasonably, says thirty furlongs.

262 Strictly speaking, that is, he knew Persian and Lycian (Plut. Alexander 37.1), but Curtius 5.4.4 adds more relevantly that he also knew Greek.

263 This is a somewhat unexpected term which editors have viewed with suspicion, but a path which follows folds in the mountains is often marked by vegetation. Curtius 5.4.24 locates these bushes in a great ravine.

264 Curtius 5.7.12, states that he did actually receive thirty talents.

265 Curtius 5.4.18. Arrian. 3.18.5 states that this force included five squadrons of heavy cavalry and 4500 Macedonian hoplites.

266 For the whole story, Curtius 5.4; Plut. Alexander 37; Arrian. 3.18.1-9.

267 “Custos pecuniae regiae,” Curtius 5.5.2.

268 Curtius 5.5.4.

269 This story is told at somewhat greater length by Curtius 5.5.5-24, as well as by Justin 11.14.11-12. It is not given by Plutarch or Arrian.

270 The same figures are given by Curtius 5.5.24.

271 Curtius 5.6.1 (not in Arrian).

272 Curtius 5.6.1-8. In any captured town, it was customary to kill the men and enslave the women. Here, because of the prevailing level of luxury, the rich stuffs were the object of first attention, and women were abducted because of the clothing which they wore.

273 Diodorus does not say whether Alexander accepted the offer of Tiridates to surrender Persepolis to him (chap. 69.1). The city was treated as if it had been taken by storm. Curtius 5.6.11 reports that Tiridates was rewarded for turning over the royal treasures.

274 Curtius 5.6.9 gives the same figures. The total is expressed as weight of silver and value of gold, the latter being equated to silver according to a proportion which is not stated. The usual ratio of gold to silver in antiquity was 12 or 15 to 1. Strabo 15.3.9.731 reports that the treasure was ultimately assembled at Ecbatana.

275 By the term “natives” here Diodorus means the people of Persepolis and the vicinity. Alexander was more and more to employ other Persians in his service.

276 This description of Persepolis is not given elsewhere. It is to be compared with the remains of the city as excavated by the University of Chicago.

277 Ninety feet. The highest foundations of walls preserved at Persepolis are eighteen metres or about sixty feet. No stone walls remain in the city.

278 The purpose of these is unknown, but they suggest the flagstaffs which stood by the pylons of the Egyptian temples.

279 Fischer asked relevantly, “Distance from where?” This space of four hundred feet is rather less than the west-east width of the terrace from the appadana to the steep mountain side. This last is full of caves suitable for burials, many of them very old.

280 Or, literally, generals.

281 Arrian. 3.18.11 barely mentions the burning of Persepolis, but the story of Thais was a popular one. It is told in substantially this form by Curtius 5.7 and Plut. Alexander 38.

282 That is, in the invasions of Greece by Dareius and Xerxes. Cp. Book 16.89.2.

283 Curtius 5.6.11-19 reports what must have been a substantial campaign. It is ignored by Arrian.

284 The same figure in Curtius 5.8.3.

285 Diodorus does scant justice to the dramatic story of Dareius's flight, overtaking, and death; cp. Curtius 5.8-13; Justin 11.15; Plut. Alexander 42.3-43.3; Arrian. 3.19.22. The standard version in all is that Dareius was still living when discovered, but died before Alexander saw him. Plutarch, on the other hand, has Alexander covering Dareius with his own cloak (Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 1.11.332f).

286 Continued from chaps. 48.1 and 62.6-63.4.

287 Curtius 6.1.19 suggests that this was due to Antipater's fear of Alexander.

288 Curtius 6.1.20. This delegation is to be distinguished from the Spartan envoys to Dareius whom Alexander arrested (Curtius 6.5.7; Arrian. 3.24.4).

289 329/8 B.C.

290 Cephisophon was archon at Athens from July of 329 to June of 328 B.C. The Roman consuls of 331 B.C. were C. Valerius Potitus and M. Claudius Marcellus (Broughton, 1.143).

291 These names appear as Nabarzanes and Barsaentes in Curtius and Arrian.

292 Curtius 6.6.13; Arrian. 3.25.3.

293 Curtius 6.2.15-3.18; Justin 12.3.2-3; Plut. Alexander 47.

294 These were the troops furnished according to their decision by the members of the Hellenic League (Books 16.89.3; 17.4.9). Curtius 6.2.17, also, reports their dismissal at this time; their mission was complete with the destruction of Persepolis and the death of Dareius. Arrian. 3.19.5 places their dismissal earlier, at Ecbatana.

295 Curtius 6.2.17 gives the same figures. These sums are much larger than those distributed at Babylon (chap. 64.6). One may wonder whether Alexander could have been so generous to Greeks without taking care of the Macedonians equally well.

296 Curtius 6.2.10 gives 12,000 talents.

297 Usually called Hecatompylus; Curtius 6.2.15.

298 Cp. on chap. 28.1, note.

299 Curtius 6.4.3-7. The spring is identified as the modern Chesmeh-i-Ali about fifteen miles north-west of Hecatompylus; cp. P. Pédech, Revue des Études Anciennes, 60 (1958), 67-81.

300 Curtius 6.4.4-5 gives the same figures.

301 Curtius 6.4.18.

302 Strabo 11.7.2 (cp. Strabo 2.1.14), who says sixty medimni. A metretes was about four and one-half gallons, a medimnus about one and one-half bushels.

303 This item comes from Onesicritus, and concerns a fig tree called “occhus.” Cp. Curtius 6.4.22; Theophrastus Historia Plantarum 4.4.12; Pliny Naturalis Historia 12.18.33.

304 With some exaggeration, Cleitarchus said of this insect (Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 137, F 14): “It lays waste the hill-country and dashes into the hollow oaks.” Tarn (Alexander the Great, 2.90) may be right in preferring the manuscript reading which would make it “smaller than the bee but with a vast appearance,” although I do not see precisely what this would mean. Cp. Strabo 2.1.14.

305 Individuals are named in Curtius 6.4.8-14; 4.23-5.5; 5.22-23; Arrian. 3.23.7-9.

306 The same figure is given in Curtius 6.5.6-10, and Arrian. 3.23.8-9; 24.5.

307 Curtius 6.5.11-17; Arrian. 3.24.1-3.

308 The famous Bucephalus.

309 Not otherwise mentioned by Diodorus, Demaratus was of some fame. He had served in Sicily with Timoleon, and although no longer young, accompanied Alexander to Asia, fought at the Granicus, and died shortly before Alexander's Indian campaign (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 253). Plut. Alexander 9.6, mentions Demaratus as one of Philip's advisers, but says (6.1) that Bucephalus was given to Alexander by Philoneicus the Thessalian.

310 Curtius 6.5.18-21; Plut. Alexander 44; Arrian. 5.19.4-6 (told as an anecdote at the time of the animal's death).

311 Plut. Alexander 46.1, has been generally taken to mean that the queen of the Amazons visited Alexander north of the Jaxartes, in spite of the considerations that this was an odd place for Alexander to linger, and a very long way from the traditional home of the Amazons. This is certainly wrong. In sect. 44, Alexander was in Hyrcania, and lost and recovered his horse. In sect. 45, Alexander advanced into Parthia, and experimented with Median dress. In sect. 46, the Amazons came. Sect. 47 deals again with his Medizing, and sect. 48 with the conspiracy exposed at Prophthasia in Drangiane. That is to say, Plutarch's narrative follows the actual route of Alexander, and the word “here” with which sect. 46 begins must mean Parthia. The reference to Alexander's flying expedition across the Jaxartes at the end of sect. 45, which has misled scholars, is a parenthesis, illustrating Alexander's indifference to physical discomfort.

312 If we are to accept that Thallestris and her Amazons existed and had heard of Alexander, there is no insuperable difficulty in supposing that they proceeded from Thermodon on the Black Sea through the valleys of the Phasis and Cyrus Rivers and along the coast of the Caspian Sea. They would have passed through the recently subdued country of the Mardi and overtaken Alexander in Hyrcania (or Parthia, as Plutarch). Cp. Strabo 11.5.4.

313 This Amazon visit was a part of the Alexander tradition which Diodorus followed; cp. Curtius 6.5.24-32, and Justin 12.3.5-7, both of whom give also the length of the queen's stay as thirteen days. (Justin explains, “ut est visa uterum implesse.”) Arrian mentions Amazons only in other contexts (Arrian. 4.15.4; 7.13.2-6) and expresses the doubt that any still existed—especially since they were not mentioned by Aristobulus or Ptolemy. Plut. Alexander 46.1 gives a full list of authorities in favour of or opposed to the visit, but doubts the story (46.2) because it is poorly attested, not because Amazons did not exist. Disbelief in Amazons as such is a modern phenomenon.

314 Curtius 6.6.1-11; Justin 12.3.8-12; Plut. Alexander 45.47.

315 He had distinguished himself at Issus (chap. 34.2) and gone over to Alexander after Dareius's death (Curtius 6.2.11; Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 586).

316 The Great Kings wore an upright tiara with a fillet about it; Alexander and the Hellenistic kings wore typically the fillet alone.

317 Curtius 6.6.4; Justin 12.3.8; Plut. Alexander 45.1-2. Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1.8.329f-330a） praises Alexander for conciliating his subjects in this way.

318 Curtius 3.3.24; 6.6.8; Justin 12.3.10. This retinue of concubines was part of the traditional ceremonial of the Persian court. Solomon had a similar establishment (1 Kings 4), including a harem (1 Kings 11.3). There were three hundred and sixty of them, according to Ctesias (Plut. Artaxerxes 27), but three hundred and sixty-five in the Alexander tradition (Curtius, loc. cit.). Modern scholars are not inclined to accept this statement as true, but Alexander's army notoriously did not travel light, and if he had placed his court under a Persian chamberlain, that official would doubtless have attempted to equip it in the proper fashion. Cp. the many anecdotes of Alexander's luxury in Athenaeus 12.537-540 (and of Dareius, Athenaeus 13.557b).

319 Satibarzanes had been one of the murderers of Dareius, but, after defeating him, Alexander had confirmed him in his satrapy, leaving a small force of Macedonians with him to ensure his good behaviour (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 697).

320 The city is usually called Artacoana.

321 Curtius 6.6.22.

322 It is futile to guess what name is missing in the manuscripts.

323 The same term occurs in Curtius 6.6.23-26. Cp. on chap. 28.1, note.

324 Curtius 6.6.13-36; Arrian. 3.25.1-7.

325 Arrian. 3.25.8 calls these people “Zarangaioi.” The usual term is Drangiane.

326 Diodorus has compressed the movements involved in this operation. Alexander had left Hyrcania and passed through Parthia and Aria, where he left Satibarzanes as satrap. He advanced east toward Bactria. At the revolt of Satibarzanes, he returned to Aria; the satrap in his flight must have passed Alexander going in the opposite direction. He can have encountered Satibarzanes's foot troops in the mountains east of Artacoana and not have proceeded to that city. Finally, after thirty days, he turned south into Drangiane, abandoning his original route.

327 For the story of the conspiracy and its consequences cp. Curtius 6.7-7.2.34; Justin 12.5.1-3; Plut. Alexander 48-49.7; Arrian 3.26.

328 The name is given by Curtius as Dymnus, by Plutarch as Limnus.

329 In Curtius and Plutarch, Nicomachus did not approve of the plot and assisted in exposing it. Here also, both Cebalinus and Nicomachus seem not to have been punished.

330 Plutarch also; cp. also Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 2.7.339e-f.

331 The page, whose name is given by Curtius as Metron, happened to be in charge of Alexander's weapons.

332 Others report that Dimnus killed himself (Curtius 6.7.29-30) or was killed resisting capture (Plut. Alexander 49.4).

333 Either by being stoned (Curtius 6.11.10, 38) or by being pierced with javelins (Arrian. 3.26.3).

334 The arrest of Alexander was mentioned above (chap. 32.1). If the throne were vacant, he would have been the logical person to become king, so that his continued existence involved King Alexander in a certain risk. His wife was one of the many daughters of Antipater (Curtius 7.1.7), but his relationship to Antigonus is unknown. The latter was King Alexander's representative in Phrygia, but it is likely that his name is a mistake for Antipater's, since Alexander Lyncestes was his son-in-law (Curtius 7.1.7; Justin 11.7.1).

335 Polydamas and two Arab guides (Curtius 7.2.17-18). They made the thirty-days' trip in eleven days (Strabo 15.2.10).

336 Curtius 7.2.35-38; Justin 12.5.4-8. This name, the “Company of the Undisciplined,” is not otherwise reported. The term could be translated also “Unassigned.”

337 Curtius 7.3.3; Arrian. 3.27.4-5.

338 These are usually called Gedrosians.

339 Arrian. 3.27.5 reports that these tribes were left independent; it may be that this Tiridates was a native of the country (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 755). Menon became satrap of Gedrosia and Arachosia (Arrian. 3.28.1) or of Arachosia alone (Curtius 7.3.5).

340 Curtius 7.3.2; Arrian. 3.28.2-3. They both report that the Macedonian troops were commanded by Erigyius and Caranus, but that Stasanor took over the satrapy in place of the revolted satrap Arsames.

341 328/7 B.C.

342 Euthycritus was archon at Athens from July of 328 to June of 327 B.C. The Roman consuls of 330 B.C. were L. Papirius Crassus and L. Plautius Venno (Broughton, 1.143). The Olympic Games were those of July 328. Diodorus neglected to name the winner of the foot race, who was Cliton of Macedonia, according to Eusebius, Chronikon. By now, Diodorus's chronology is seriously off; it can have been no later than the autumn of 330 B.C., “at the setting of the Pleiades” (Strabo 15.2.10).

343 Curtius 7.3.5-18; Justin 12.5.9; Arrian. 3.28.4-7. This country is the highland of Afghanistan, cold in the winter, but neither in the north nor a plain. According to Aristobulus (Arrian. 3.28.6), nothing grew there except terebinth and asafoetida.

344 Curtius's description of these buildings (Curtius 7.3.8-9) is clearer. He compares the roofs to the keels of ships. The houses were partly underground (Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 2.9.340e).

345 Curtius 7.3.10-11, also, mentions burying the plants to protect them and the absence of animals and birds.

346 Alexander wintered there in 330/29 (Strabo 15.2.10).

347 Curtius 7.3.19-23; Arrian. 3.28.4. The Hindu Kush, which the ancients tended to confuse with the Caucasus (Arrian. 5.3.1-4; Strabo 11.5.5).

348 This is clearly a mistake, perhaps a scribal mistake, for India, and editors since Reiske have tended to correct the text accordingly. The city was known as Alexandria of the Caucasus.

349 Cp. the note on chap. 28.1.

350 Curtius 7.3.22. The story was rejected by Eratosthenes (Strabo 11.5.5; Arrian. 5.3.1-4).

351 These cities are not otherwise mentioned. They may have been outlying forts or fortified villages. It is interesting that they received no Macedonian settlers. Arrian's descriptions (e.g., Arrian. 4.4.1) of similar settlements show the same pattern of population. Curtius 7.3.23 assigns these seven thousand to Alexandria of the Caucasus.

352 Continued from chap. 81.3. Curtius, also, breaks his narrative of the revolt, and describes its conclusion and the duel between the leaders after discussing Bessus's assumption of power (Curtius 7.4.33-40). Arrian, on the other hand, tells the whole story at once (Arrian. 3.28.3).

353 Curtius 7.4.1-19.

354 Curtius names this man Gobares (as corrected from the Cobares of the manuscripts).

355 Curtius 7.5.19-26. This is the account of Aristobulus; Ptolemy's version was that he himself had captured Bessus (Arrian. 3.29.8-30.5). Bessus was executed later in Ecbatana (Curtius 7.10.10; Arrian. 4.7.3; cp. Plut. Alexander 43.3).

356 Presumably the Oxathres named in chap. 77.4.

357 327/6 B.C.

358 The end of Diodorus's year 328/7 and the beginning of 327/6 B.C. have been lost in a long break in the manuscript from which our text derives; it is now the autumn of 327. The Scythian, Bactrian, and Sogdian campaigns are over, with such familiar incidents as the quarrel with Cleitus, the arrest of Callisthenes in connection with the introduction of proscynesis and the Pages' Conspiracy, and the marriage with Roxane (cp. the subject headings in the Table of Contents). Alexander is on his way down the Cabul valley toward India. In the city of Mazagae (Curtius 8.10.22) or Massaga (Arrian. 4.26.1) in the country of the Assacenians (modern Swat) he captured the beautiful queen Cleophis and reinstated her in her kingdom. The more romantic say that he had a son by her (Curtius 8.10.22-36; Justin 12.7.9-11).

359 These mercenaries had been in the service of the Assacenians. Plut. Alexander 59.3-4) agrees with this rather discreditable account of Alexander's treatment of them. Arrian, on the other hand (Arrian. 4.27.3-4), states that Alexander killed them because they were intending to desert. This presents historians with a nice dilemma: was Diodorus's source blackening Alexander's reputation, or was Arrian's whitening it.

360 Curtius 8.11.2.

361 For the term “rock” see above on chap. 28.1, note. For the whole story cp. Curtius 8.11; Justin 12.7.12-13; Plut. Alexander 58.3; Arrian. 4.28.7-30.4. The location has been identified by Sir A. Stein, On Alexander's Track to the Indus (1929), chaps. 16-21.

362 Curtius 8.11.2; Justin 12.7.12. The tradition is rationalized by Arrian. 4.28.1-2.

363 Curtius 8.11.3. Arrian. 4.29.1 says “some of the neighbouring tribesmen.”

364 Curtius 8.11.4 says “eighty talents.”

365 Arrian. 4.29.7-30.1.

366 According to Sir Aurel Stein's discoveries (85.1, note), the ravine which Alexander filled up lay at the top of the ridge, so that both features of Diodorus's account, the secret path and the regular siege operations, were actually present. The third feature of the story, the deception to induce the Indians to withdraw, is less easy to explain.

367 In Curtius 8.12.1 he is said to have blocked Alexander's advance.

368 Arrian. 4.30.7-9 tells of rounding up elephants left at pasture, perhaps the same story.

369 The work was done by Hephaestion (Curtius 8.12.4) or by Hephaestion and Perdiccas (Arrian. 4.30.9).

370 Called Omphis in Curtius 8.12.4.

371 The same story is told by Curtius 8.12.4-18. The adhesion of Taxiles is briefly noted in Arrian. 5.3.5-6, and told in a different manner by Plut. Alexander 59.1-3.

372 326/5 B.C.

373 Chremes was archon at Athens from July 326 to June 325 B.C. The consuls of 328 B.C. are not entirely certain (Broughton 1.145). One was C. Plautius Decianus or P. Plautius Proculus, the other P. Cornelius Scapula or P. Cornelius Scipio Barbatus. No Postumius is otherwise attested at this time. According to the calculations of M. J. Fontana, Kokalos, 2 (1956), 42 f., the battle with Porus took place about July 326 B.C., as Diodorus dates it, while Arrian. 5.19.3 places the battle a little earlier, in the Attic month Munichion of the year of Hegemon (April/May of 326 B.C.). He states, however, that the time was after the summer solstice (Arrian. 5.9.4).

374 For the whole story cp. Curtius 8.13-14; Justin 12.8.1-7; Plut. Alexander 60; Arrian. 5.3.5-19.3. Diodorus (like Justin) omits the exciting story of Alexander's crossing the Hydaspes River.

375 Curtius 8.13.6 gives Porus's strength as 30,000 foot, 300 chariots, and 85 elephants; Plut. Alexander 62.2 as 20,000 foot and 2000 horse. Arrian. 5.15.4 gives 4000 horse, 300 chariots, 200 elephants, and 30,000 foot.

376 He is otherwise known as Abisares (Arrian. 5.22.2; Curtius 8.13.1; 14.1). Diodorus calls him by another name in chap. 90.4 (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 2).

377 The same comparison in Curtius 8.14.13. The other writers do not place infantry between the elephants.

378 Curtius 8.14.27.

379 Curtius 8.14.16.

380 Arrian. 5.17.6.

381 Seven and one-half feet. The same figure is given by Arrian. 5.19.1. Plut. Alexander 60.6, says four cubits and a span; Curtius 8.14.13: “humanae magnitudinis prope modum excesserat.” Tarn, however (Alexander the Great, 2, p. 170), thinks that the source was using a short cubit. We may prefer to find here a perhaps only slight exaggeration of Porus's evidently phenomenal height. Arrian. 5.4.4 says that most Indians are of this height, and Curtius 7.4.6 reports that the Dahae were a head taller than the Macedonians. Alexander built beds five cubits long in the camp on the Hyphasis (chap. 95.2).

382 Curtius 8.14.32-38; Justin 12.8.5; Plut. Alexander 60.7.

383 Arrian also gives casualty figures (Arrian. 5.18.2): nearly 20,000 foot and 3000 horse. He mentions also Porus's two sons.

384 Two hundred and thirty cavalry and eighty infantry (Arrian. 5.18.3).

385 These were Nicaea and Bucephala, the latter named in honour of Alexander's noble horse, the death of which occurred at this time (chap. 95.5). Curtius also splits his account of the founding (Curtius 9.1.6; 3.23), but the others deal with it only in this connection (Justin 12.8.8; Plut. Alexander 61; Arrian. 5.19.4-6).

386 Twenty-four feet, apparently no impossible length for a python. Their mention is credited to Nearchus (Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 133, F 10a) and to Cleitarchus (op. cit. no. 137, F 18). The former reference comes from Arrian Indica 15.10, the latter from Aelian De Natura Animalium 17.2. Many of these and later anecdotes about India appear in Strabo 15.1.20-45, from the same sources.

387 The handles of ancient mirrors are often pierced for cords to carry them by. Such loops could be slipped over one's head.

388 This story is from Cleitarchus (Jacoby, op. cit. 137, F 19) and is repeated at greater length in Aelian De Natura Animalium 17.25.

389 He has previously been called Embisarus (chap. 87.2) For his surrender cp. Curtius 9.1.7-8 (his submission is only implied): Arrian. 5.20.5.

390 Perhaps three-quarters of an acre. The tree is presumably the banyan. Cp. Strabo 15.1.21, who quotes Onesicritus (Jacoby, op. cit. no. 134, F 22) to the effect that they could scarcely be embraced by five men, and could give shade to four hundred horsemen, but adds that Aristobulus (Jacoby, op. cit. no. 139, F 36) says that they could shade fifty horsemen.

391 Mentioned also by Nearchus (Jacoby, op. cit. no. 133, F 10; Arrian Indica 15.10) and Cleitarchus (Jacoby, op. cit. no. 137, F 18; Aelian De Natura Animalium 18.2).

392 According to Nearchus (loc. cit.), this is what the natives did.

393 Curtius 9.1.12.

394 Arrian. 5.20.6; 21.2-6.

395 Arrian. 5.22.3.

396 Strabo 15.1.30 credits this story to Onesicritus (Jacoby, op. cit. no. 134, F 21).

397 Curtius 9.1.23 is as vague as Diodorus. The city was Sangala (Arrian 5.22-24.5.

398 Curtius 9.1.24-26; Strabo 15.1.30 (where the story is credited to Onesicritus: Jacoby, op. cit. no. 134, F 21).

399 Curtius 9.1.28-30. Tarn supposes that he and Porus would have been about the same height, but that the cubit used in measuring them was different (88.4, note).

400 Curtius 9.1.31-33; Strabo 15.1.31. These Indian dogs were famous (Hdt. 1.192; Hdt. 7.187; cp. Real-Encyclopädie, 8 (1913), 2545).

401 Continued from chap. 91.2; Curtius 9.1.35.

402 Curtius 9.1.36.

403 The river (the Beas) has just been called the Hyphasis, and editors have tended to remove the term “Indus” here.

404 The same figure is given by Plut. Alexander 62.1. In Book 2.37.2, in a description based probably on Megasthenes, Diodorus gives the width of the river as thirty furlongs.

405 Plut. Alexander 62.2, gives the reported figures as follows: 80,000 horse, 200,000 foot, 8000 chariots, and 6000 elephants. In Book 2.37.3 also Diodorus gives the number of elephants as 4000.

406 Curtius 9.2.2-7. The narrative of these events in Arrian is entirely different.

407 For the consultation of Ammon cp. chap. 51 above. The Pythian story is mentioned otherwise only by Plut. Alexander 14.4.

408 Curtius 9.2.8-11. This reflection on the sad state of his soldiers is lacking in Arrian.

409 Curtius 9.3.10; Arrian Indica 6.5.

410 It is not clear what this country can have been. The kingdom of Phegeus was friendly. The reading of one manuscript (παραποταμίαν for πολεμίανwould avoid this logical difficulty, but it is hard to think that Alexander allowed his soldiers to plunder Phegeus's cities. Similar instances of plunder for the sake of loot occur below, chaps. 102.6 and 104.5-7. It was certainly only too often what generals did to please their soldiers.

411 This is only one possible translation. The meaning of ἐπιφορὰς ταγματικάς and συλλογισμούς in this connection is quite unknown. Justin 12.4.2-11 alone, of the other Alexander historians, mentions this proposal to provide for the dependants of soldiers. Plut. Alexander 71.5, tells the same story in a later connection, after the mutiny at Opis. Cp. also Arrian. 7.12.1-2.

412 This is all that Diodorus has to say about the famous mutiny (except for the mention in chap. 108.3). Cp. Curtius 9.2.12-3.19; Justin 12.8.10-17; Plut. Alexander 62; Arrian 5.25-28.

413 Curtius 9.3.19; Plut. Alexander 62.4; Arrian. 5.29.1. Fifty cubits would be seventy-five feet.

414 Curtius 9.3.19; Plut. Alexander 62.4.

415 Nicaea and Bucephala lay on what should be called the Hydaspes, but this river (the Jhelum) became the Acesines after its confluence with the Sandabal and the Hyarotis. Below, however (chap. 96.1) Diodorus mentions the confluence of the Acesines and Hydaspes, as if they were different. Or perhaps the Acesines is the Sandabal (Chenab) after all (as Arrian. 6.14.5).

416 Curtius 9.3.21 mentions 7000 foot and 5000 horse, with 25,000 sets of armour inlaid with gold and silver.

417 Arrian. 6.2.4: eighty triaconters and 2080 ships in all (from Ptolemy).

418 Above, chap. 89.6, and note. Arrian. 5.29.5 states that the cities had been partly destroyed by floods.

419 It was now the autumn of 326 B.C. (Strabo 15.1.17: “a few days before the setting of the Pleiades”).

420 Craterus was on the right bank, Hephaestion on the left (Arrian. 6.2.2).

421 Cp. 95.3, note, for the river names.

422 Cp. chap. 85 above. For the story, which is lacking in Arrian, cp. Curtius 9.4.1-3; Justin 12.9.2.

423 Curtius 9.4.5 (who calls them simply “another nation” but mentions their 40,000 troops); Justin 12.9.2 (“Agensones”).

424 Curtius 9.4.6-7, stating that the Indians burned themselves up to avoid subjection.

425 Both Curtius 9.4.8-14 and Arrian. 6.4.4-5.4 speak of the confluence of the Hydaspes and the Acesines, rightly. The Indus joins the system much further to the south.

426 Plut. Alexander 58.4, reported that Alexander could not swim.

427 This is the manuscript reading, possibly a mistake for νέων, “young men,” or νεόντων, “swimmers.” This last is the suggestion of Professor Post.

428 Hom. Il. 21.228-382. Cp. Curtius 9.4.14: “cum amne bellum fuisse crederes”; Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 2.9.340e: θαλάτταν μαχομένην ἔπλευσε. Curtius, like Arrian. 6.5.1-4, says that Alexander was not wrecked.

429 This name appears variously as “Sydracae” (Strabo 15.1.8), “Sudracae” (Curtius 9.4.15), “Sugambri” (Justin 12.9.3), and “Oxydracae” (Arrian. 6.4.3). Their strength is given by Curtius as 90,000 infantry, 10,000 cavalry, and 900 chariots; by Justin as 80,000 infantry and 60,000 cavalry. The ethnic Sydracae recalls the name of the Hindu warrior caste, the Kshatriyas (so L. A. Post).

430 Curtius 9.4.15.

431 Curtius 9.4.27-29.

432 Curtius 9.4.30-5.20; Justin 12.9.5-13; Plut. Alexander 63; Arrian. 6.9.1-11.8.

433 Curtius 9.5.4; Justin 12.9.9.

434 An arrow three feet long (Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 2.9.341c).

435 Curtius 9.5.11-13.

436 There is general agreement that Peucestas deserves the credit for saving Alexander's life at this time. Curtius 9.5.14-18 reports that Timaeus, Leonnatus, and Aristonus were present also. Plut. Alexander 63 names Limnaeus; Arrian 6.10-11, Leonnatus and Abreas. According to Cleitarchus, Ptolemy was present also, but Ptolemy denied this (Curtius 9.5.21; Arrian. 6.11.8). He is named only by Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 1.2.327b. and 2.13.343d-345 (naming also Limnaeus and Leonnatus, but omitting Peucestas).

437 Curtius 9.5.22-30.

438 Curtius 9.7.1-11, who reports that they all eventually made good their escape. Diodorus is thinking of the 20,000 foot and 3000 horse killed by the soldiers of Pithon (Book 18.4.8; 7.1-9).

439 The story of Coragus and Dioxippus is otherwise told only by Curtius 9.7.16-26 (calling the Macedonian “Corratas”). Dioxippus had won the victory in boxing at Olympia, probably in 336 B.C. (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 284).

440 That is to say, the pillow upon his banqueting couch.

441 They are called Sabarcae in the manuscripts of Curtius. For the story cp. Curtius 9.8.4-7. Arrian. 6.15.1-4 gives completely different names and events, and it is impossible to reconcile the two accounts.

442 Curtius 9.8.8 merely says “another nation.” The ethnic Sodrae recalls the name of the lowest Hindu caste, the Sudras.

443 Curtius 9.8.8; Arrian. 6.15.2 (at the junction of the Acesines and the Indus).

444 Arrian. 6.15.5-7. He revolted later, Arrian. 6.17.1-2. Curtius speaks of a people called Musicani (Curtius 9.8.8-10) and mentions this revolt (Curtius 9.8.16). Onesicritus is the source of anecdotes about this kingdom (Strabo 15.1.34; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 134, F 24).

445 Curtius 9.8.11-12; Arrian. 6.16.1-2 (calling him “Oxycanus”).

446 Curtius 9.8.13-16; Plut. Alexander 64.1 (Sabbas; Strabo 15.1.33 has Sabus); Arrian. 6.16.3-4.

447 According to Curtius 9.8.15, this was the figure given by Cleitarchus.

448 The name appears also as Harmata (Stephen of Byzantium).

449 Curtius 9.8.17-19 (“at the extremity of the realm of Sambus”); Arrian. 6.16.5. The same figures are given by Curtius, who identifies the “five hundred” as Agriani.

450 Curtius 9.8.20-28; Justin 12.10.1-3 (in the realms of King Ambus).

451 Arrian's failure to mention this incident, favourable as it is to Ptolemy, raises some question as to whether Ptolemy included it in his history. It is mentioned also by Strabo 15.2.7.

452 According to Plut. Alexander 66.1, the voyage had taken seven months. It was now the summer of 325 B.C. (Strabo 15.1.17).

453 One was in the river, one outside (Arrian. 6.19.3-4). Plut. Alexander 66.1, mentions only one island.

454 To Poseidon and to the gods whom Ammon had designated (Arrian. 6.19.4-5). No gods named (Curtius 9.9.27; Justin 12.10.4; Plut. Alexander 66.1).

455 Justin 12.10.6 mentions “aras.”

456 Arrian. 6.20.1. This was about the rising of the Dog Star, or mid-July 325 (Strabo 15.1.17).

457 Only Arrian. 6.20.2-5 at this point mentions Alexander's voyage down to the Rann of Kutch.

458 Curtius 9.10.4.

459 Plut. Alexander 66.2; Arrian. 6.21.1-3. According to Curtius, Nearchus was ordered to explore the Ocean and then rejoin Alexander, either via the Indus or by way of the Euphrates (Curtius 9.10.3). Curtius states that the fleet was commanded by Nearchus and Onesicritus, Plutarch that Onesicritus was only the chief pilot, and Arrian from Nearchus; cp. Arrian. 8.20.5) that Nearchus had sole command. The fleet waited until the end of the monsoons and sailed in the autumn (on the 20th of Boedromion, according to Arrian Indica 21.1; but Arrian gives the wrong year) or about 20 September 325 B.C.

460 An anticipation of Vergil's parcere subiectis et debellare superbos (Vergil Aen. 6.853); like the Romans, Alexander did not accept neutrality.

461 They are called Arabitae in Curtius 9.10.5 and Arrian. 6.21.4.

462 Curtius 9.10.5-7, who also uses the term “Cedrosii' for the usual Gadrosia (Arrian. 6.22.1). He does, however, use the variant term “Horitae” (Curtius 9.10.6). This expedition is sketched by Strabo 15.2.1-8.

463 Curtius 9.10.7; Arrian. 6.21.5. It was built by Leonnatus (Arrian. 6.22.3).

464 Arrian. 6.22.1-2. Bare mention in Plut. Alexander 66.2.

465 This story is not otherwise told in this connection, but is of a type which is located in northern Iran. Onesicritus (Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 134, F 5; Strabo 11.11.3) told that the Bactrians and Sogdians threw out their sick and elderly to be devoured by dogs, but that Alexander stopped the practice. Plutarch twice refers to this institution. In Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 1.5.328c, he says that Sogdians kill their parents, while the Scythians eat them. In Plut. Can Vice Cause Unhappiness? 3.499d, he reports that the dead were devoured by dogs among the Hyrcanians, and by birds among the Bactrians (also Cicero Disp. Tusc 1.45.108). For other instances cp. Strabo 11.11.3; 8; Strabo 15.1.56; 62.

466 Curtius 9.10.8-10; Arrian. 6.23.1-3.

467 Arrian's account (Arrian. 6.23.3) states that the walls were made of shells, but Diodorus seems to be thinking only of materials secured from whales. All of these anecdotes probably derive from Nearchus (cp. Strabo 15.2.2).

468 Twenty-seven feet. Cp. Arrian Indica 30.8.

469 Whales, of course, do not have scales.

470 Curtius 9.10.8-17; Justin 12.10.7; Arrian. 6.23.4-26.5; Strabo 15.2.5-6.

471 Curtius 9.10.17; Plut. Alexander 66.3. Arrian does not mention this, and all of these districts are so far from Carmania that they can hardly have sent help in time to be of any use. This tradition may be connected with the subsequent execution or removal of the satraps of Gedrosia, Susiane, and Paraetacene as evidence for Alexander's attempt to find scapegoats for his ill-planned march through the desert (E. Badian, Classical Quarterly, 52 (1958), 147-150).

472 Curtius 9.10.19. Leonnatus was later crowned for a victory on this occasion (Arrian. 7.5.5).

473 This was Gedrosia; Curtius 9.10.18; Plut. Alexander 66.3; 67.4; Arrian. 6.27.1.

474 This was in Carmania. Curtius 9.10.22-28 gives a lurid account of this celebration; so also Plut. Alexander 67.1-3. Arrian. 6.28.1-2 states that this story was not told by Ptolemy or Aristobulus, and that he himself did not believe it. It may be connected, however, with the tradition of dramatic and athletic games held at this time in celebration of the safe return of both army and fleet (E. Badian, Classical Quarterly, 52 (1958), 152). But both Philip (Book 16.87.1) and Alexander (chap. 72.5) were fond of the comus in general.

475 For Alexander's disciplinary measures at this time cp. Curtius 9.10.20-21; 10.1.1-9, 30-42; Justin 12.10.8; Plut. Alexander 68.2-3; Arrian 27.1-5; 29-30 (Badian, op. cit. 147-150).

476 Nearchus gave an account of his joining Alexander on two occasions, once, very dramatically, in Carmania (Arrian. 6.28.5-6; Arrian Indica 33-36), and again after sailing up the Pasitigris to Susa (Arrian Indica 42). Curtius 10.1.10 and Plut. Alexander 68.2 seem to refer only to the former meeting. Neither meeting was on the coast. Salmus is not identified. Reference to the dramatic festival makes it likely that Diodorus is here referring to the reunion at Susa (Pliny Naturalis Historia 6.100, with reference to Nearchus and Onesicritus), but inserting it in the wrong place in his narrative. Pliny states that the voyage of Nearchus took six months, so the time would now be the spring of 324 B.C. B. Niese, Geschichte der griechischen und makedonischen Staaten, 1 (1893), 153, note 5, calculated the length of the voyage as about seventy-five days, which would bring the reunion rather to December of 325.

477 Others described the ocean tides at the mouth of the Indus (Curtius 9.9.9-25; Arrian. 6.19.1).

478 Curtius 10.1.11-12. The description is from Nearchus (Arrian Indica 30.4-5).

479 This order to Nearchus would have been better given in Carmania than at Susa. Cp. Arrian. 6.28.6. At all events, in the narrative of Diodorus Alexander is not yet in Susa.

480 Plut. Alexander 69.3-4; Arrian. 7.2.4-3.6. The name is usually given as Calanus (as Strabo 15.1.64; 68). For the vogue of the story in antiquity cp. M. Hadas, Hellenistic Culture (1959), 178 f.

481 Curtius 10.3.11-12; Justin 12.10.9-10; Plut. Alexander 70.2; Arrian. 7.4.4-8. There were one hundred couples (Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 1.7.329e). Justin and Plutarch report that Alexander married Stateira; Arrian names Barsine and Parysatis. This marriage was described in detail by Chares, Alexander's minister of protocol (Athenaeus 12.538b-539a).

482 Arrian. 7.6.1; Plut. Alexander 71.1. Curtius 8.5.1 mentions the organization of this force in Bactria in 327; Plut. Alexander 47.2 places it in Hyrcania in 330.

483 The account of the mutiny at Opis is broken by Diodorus into two sections; cp. chap. 109.1 below. The full accounts are Curtius 10.2.8-4.3 Justin 12.11.5-12.7; Plut. Alexander 71.1-5; Arrian 7.8-11. “Ganges” is a slip (chap. 94).

484 Justin 12.11.6; Arrian. 7.8.3.

485 The Harpalus story was well known (Plut. Alexander 41.4; Plut. Phocion 21-22; Justin 13.5.9), but was told here, in addition to Diodorus, only by Curtius. In the loss of parts of that text only the end of the story remains (Curtius 10.2.1-3), told in a similar way to that here. The account of these events in Plut. Demosthenes 25-26, may plausibly be ascribed to Theopompus, at least in part.

486 Harpalus was not actually a satrap, but director general of the royal treasury.

487 She is mentioned by Athenaeus 13.586c, who refers to accounts of her by Theopompus and Cleitarchus.

488 Athenaeus 13.586c. The considerable evidence on these two is collected by Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, nos. 231 and 676.

489 Curtius 10.2.1-3; Book 18.19.2. The collaboration of Antipater and Olympias is odd, for they were ordinarily hostile to each other.

490 Justin 13.5.9.

491 Curtius 10.2.4-7; Justin 13.5.2-5. Diodorus refers to this later with greater detail as one of the causes of the Lamian War (Book 18.8.2-7). The time was midsummer of 324 B.C.

492 This story appears in differing versions. Curtius 10.2.9-11 tells only of the payment of the debts, without specifying either the number or the identity of the beneficiaries; 10,000 talents were made available, and 130 were left over. Justin 12.11.2-3 says that 20,000 talents were distributed, an act equally welcome to debtors and creditors. Plut. Alexander 70.2 uses the same total as Curtius (9870), but says that these were the debts of the guests at the mass marriage in Susa. Curtius expresses astonishment that the soldiers were so in debt. (From whom, as a matter of fact, would ten thousand soldiers borrow a talent each?) At all events, Arrian. 7.12.1 states specifically that the soldiers were Macedonian and each received a gift of a talent.

493 The mutiny at Opis, continued from chap. 108.3.

494 Curtius 10.2.30; Justin 12.11.8. Arrian. 7.8.3 says that he merely pointed out the ringleaders.

495 325/4 B.C.

496 Anticles was archon at Athens from July 325 to June 324 B.C. L. Cornelius Lentulus and Q. Publilius Philo were consuls in 327 B.C. (Broughton, 1.145). In his narrative, Diodorus has reached, actually, the late summer of 324 B.C. The narrative of Curtius is lost down to the story of Alexander's death.

497 Arrian. 7.6.3 states that these thousand formed a fifth squadron of the Companion Cavalry.

498 Peucestes had been rewarded with the satrapy of Persia after saving Alexander's life (chap. 99.4). Of all Alexander's generals he showed the greatest willingness to conciliate the Persians. Arrian has described these new units earlier (Arrian. 7.11.3-4) but places this event a year later (Arrian. 7.23.1).

499 Plut. Alexander 71.5; Arrian 7.12 (stating that these were the children of the veterans who returned to Macedonia); Justin 12.4.6 (under 330 B.C.).

500 Diodorus's topography is confused. His tradition (shared by Curtius) does not place the mutiny at Opis, as does Arrian; hence Alexander is still at Susa. The “Carian” villages were in Babylonia (Book 19.12.1) and so on the right bank of the Tigris; Sittacene was on the left bank (chap. 65.2). The location of Sambana is unknown. Perhaps Alexander crossed the Tigris twice. By “Tigris” in the text is not meant the Pasitigris (chap. 67.1), which was south-east of Susa; the city was on the Choaspes and Eulaeus Rivers (Strabo 15.3.4).

501 These are probably the Eretrians whom Herodotus mentions (Hdt. 6.119) as having been carried off by Xerxes, although he places them nearer to Susa. The place is mentioned again, Book 19.19.2. In their tenacious Hellenism, they anticipated the settlers of the Hellenistic period (cp. F. Grosso, Rivista di Filologia Classica, 36 (1958), 350-375).

502 The age-old road from Baghdad to Hamadan, the main route from Mesopotamia to Iran.

503 This was Nysa. Arrian. 7.13.1 gives slightly different figures: formerly 150,000 mares, now 50,000.

504 Justin 12.12.11; Plut. Alexander 72; Arrian 7.14.

505 Justin 13.5.1-8. The war did not actually break out until after Alexander's death, and Diodorus gives an account of it later (Book 18.8 ff.) which repeats some of this material.

506 Cp. chap. 106.3.

507 Plut. Alexander 72.3; Arrian. 7.15.1-3. This activity took place in the winter of 324/3 B.C. and was intended to solace Alexander's grief for the death of Hephaestion.

508 The abrupt ending of this paragraph, where we should expect at least the length of Alexander's stay, and the asyndetical beginning of chap. 112 coincide with the intrusion of an unwanted dating formula to indicate a lacuna in the archetype.

509 Justin 12.13.3-5; Plut. Alexander 73.1-2; Arrian. 7.16.5-18.6.

510 Arrian. 7.17.1-4 makes the reverse statement, that the priests wanted to keep the revenues of the temple of Bel to themselves.

511 The name is not otherwise reported.

512 Plut. Alexander 73.1.

513 Arrian does not think that Alexander heeded the warnings of the Chaldaeans, but quotes Aristobulus (Arrian. 7.17.5-6) to the effect that Alexander did wish to avoid the city, but could not pass it because of the swamps.

514 Justin 12.13.5. This was the celebrated philosopher of Abdera, of the school of Democritus. He had been with Alexander throughout the campaign.

515 That is, astrology. It is odd that Diodorus should speak so well of Greek rationalism, when in this case the Chaldaeans knew better.

516 Cp. chap. 64.4.

517 324/3 B.C.

518 Hegesias (as the name appears in the Attic inscriptions) was archon from July 324 to June 323 B.C. The consuls of 326 B.C. were C. Poetelius Libo Visolus and L. Papirius Cursor (Broughton, 1.146). The Olympic Games were held in the summer of 324 B.C. (chap. 109.1). The name of the victor is given as Macinnas by Eusebius. The time was actually the spring of 323 B.C.

519 Justin 12.13.1-2; Arrian. 7.15.4-6 (embassies from the west); Arrian. 7.19.1-2 (embassies from the Greeks). Arrian. 7.15.5-6 expresses doubt about the embassy from Rome, reported among others by Cleitarchus (Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 137, F 31; from Pliny, Naturalis Historia, 3.57).

520 These ingenious and methodical arrangements of Alexander's court are not otherwise reported.

521 That is, Craterus loved Alexander as the king, Hephaestion loved Alexander for himself. On the relations between Craterus and Hephaestion cp. Plut. Alexander 47.5-7.

522 Cp. chap. 37.5-6.

523 Hephaestion's usage here suggests the pluralis majestatis. He can hardly mean anyone but himself.

524 A similar account of Hephaestion's funeral was probably given by Curtius and is now lost from the manuscript of book 10. The references in Justin 12.12.12, Plut. Alexander 72, and Arrian 7.14 are briefer, and locate it before, not after, the Cossaean campaign.

525 These were probably medallions or small images to be worn in wreaths, as one wore images of the gods. It was a common ancient practice, employed later in the case of the Hellenistic kings and the Roman emperors.

526 The brevity of Diodorus's account leaves the meaning a little obscure. It is possible that the ground plan was divided into thirty transverse compartments, each thus about 22 feet wide and 220 yards long. Each of these could be roofed with flat timbers to support the next higher section of the pyre.

527 Justin 12.12.12 gives the same figure; Plut. Alexander 72.2 and Arrian. 7.14.8, 10,000 talents.

528 Lucian Calumniae non temere credendum 17 gives a fuller account of Hephaestion's deification; he received temples and precincts in the cities, his name was used in the most solemn of oaths, and he received sacrifice as a πάρεδρος καὶ ἀλεξίκακος θεός. No archaeological record of any of this remains (C. Habicht, Gottmenschentum und griechische Städte, 1956), and the ancient tradition was various. Justin 12.12.12 reports, like Diodorus, that Alexander ordered that Hephaestion was to be worshipped “ut deum.” Plut. Alexander 72.2 states that Ammon recommended that he should be honoured as a hero, and so did he also according to Arrian. 7.23.6, after first refusing to allow him divine worship (Arrian. 7.14.7). The term πάρεδρος is odd: elsewhere it seems to mean a priest (G. E. Bean, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 72 (1952), 118.

529 Plut. Alexander 73.3-4, says that the prisoner had been miraculously freed by Serapis; Arrian. 7.24.1-3, that he had not been held in bonds.

530 The significance of the royal throne in the Orient has appeared in chap. 66.3-7 (66.3, note). If the man was a native, he may have regarded it as a sanctuary, or at least as a place of refuge from the pursuing guards; in Arrian's account, they did not venture to remove him by force “because of some Persian custom.” (According to the anecdote traced back to Trogus by O. Seel (Pompeius Trogus, Fragmenta, 1956, 109 f.), it was “capital” for anyone to sit on the throne of the king of Persia.) Plut. Alexander 73.4, states that he was a Greek. It is possible that he did not put on the royal garments, but merely held them. Later references to the significance of the throne are Dio 50.10.2; 56.29.1; Script. Hist. Aug. Septimius Severus 1.9.

531 Either because he was too frightened to speak, or because he did not speak Greek. Plutarch makes him claim to have been inspired by Serapis, but this did not save him from execution.

532 Plut. Alexander 74.1. Arrian. 7.24.3 reports only that he was tortured to make him explain his actions.

533 Or, perhaps, “about his death”.

534 Arrian 7.22 tells this story earlier than the one about the throne, and gives various accounts about the incident of the lost diadem and its recovery; it was the other boats which became lost, but Alexander sent a pilot and rescued them.

535 Justin 12.13.7. These events are described from the royal journal more circumstantially by Plut. Alexander 75.3, and Arrian. 7.24.4-25.1. Medius belonged to a noble family of Larisa and had accompanied Alexander as a personal friend, not in a military capacity (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 521). Aelian Varia Historia 3.23 gives a day-by-day account of Alexander's drinking and resting during the last three weeks of his life, crediting this to Eumenes of Cardia, the keeper of the journal, but gives the month wrongly as Dius.

536 Justin 12.13.8-9. Arrian. 7.27.2 gives this story of the sudden stab of pain as a variant version, and Plut. Alexander 75.3-4 specifically denies it. Diodorus here explains the “cup of Heracles” mentioned by Plutarch. There was an annual festival of the death of Heracles on Mt. Oeta, with which Medius, as a Thessalian, was familiar. Its date has been unknown (M. P. Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion, 1, 1941, p. 120), but this anecdote may indicate that it occurred in the Macedonian month of Daesius.

537 Curtius 10.5.4; Justin 12.15.12. Curtius's narrative resumes at this point.

538 So also in Arrian. 7.26.3. In Book 18.1.4, Diodorus says “To the best,” agreeing with the “optimus” of Curtius 10.5.5, and the “dignissimus” of Justin 12.15.8. It is true, of course, that κράτιστος may mean “best” as well as “most powerful.”

539 Curtius 10.5.5; Arrian. 7.26.3.

540 Alexander died on the 28th of Daesius (Plut. Alexander 76.4, so also the Babylonian records, but Aristobulus (Plut. Alexander 75.4) said the 30th; it was a hollow month, without any 29th, and Alexander died about sundown; this was the 10th of June), and it has been argued above that the assassination of Philip and the accession of Alexander must have taken place in the same month (Book 16.94.3, note). This would give Alexander thirteen years of reign, and this figure is actually given by the Oxyrhynchus Chronologer (P. Oxy. 1.12. v. 31-32). Since Daesius was the eighth Macedonian month, the “seven months” of Diodorus and the “eight months” of Arrian. 7.28.1 represent exclusive and inclusive counting from the first new year after Alexander's accession. Cp. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, 3.2.59.

541 Justin 12.13.10; Arrian. 7.27.1.

542 Justin 12.14; Plut. Alexander 77.1-3; Arrian 7.27. The son's name was Iollas, but Justin associated with him his brothers Philip and Casander, the later king. Curtius does not mention this tradition.

543 Book 19.49-51; 53.

544 Curtius 10.5.19-25.